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thej.m.  kelly  liBRARy 

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of 


Stephen  B.  Roman 


From  the  Library  of  Daniel  Binchy 


m 


ZEITSCHRIFT 


FUR 


CELTISCHE  PHILOLOGIE 


HERAUSGEGEBEN 


VON 


KUNO  MEYER 


X.  BAND 


HALLE  A.  S. 

MAX    NIEMEYER 

LONDON  W.  C.  NEW    YORK 

WILLIAMS    &   NOKGATE  G.  E.  STECHERT    &    CO. 

14,  HENRI KTTA  S'IREET  151-155  WEi>T  25th  STREET 

COVENT  GARDEN 

1915 


Inhalt. 


Seite 

C.  Plummer,   The  miracles  of  Senan 1 

J.  Pokorny,  Über  das  Alter  der  Würzburger  Glossen 36 

K.  Meyer,  Mitteilungeu  aus  irischen  Handschriften  (Fortsetzung)      .    .  37 

J.  Fräser,  The  present  and  future  tenses  of  the  verb  in  Scotch  Gaelic  55 
J.  Pokorny,  Irische  Miscellen  (1.  aife,  2.  Wb.  33a2,  3.  du-cuitig,  ad- 

cititccht,  4.  Zur  Flexion  von  anini  'Seele') G7 

P.  "Walsh,  Place  names  in  Vita  Finniani 73 

J.  Fräser,  Etymologica 78 

J.  MacNeill,  On  the  reconstruction  and  date  of  the  Laud  synchronisms  81 

A.  G.  van  Hamel,   On  Lebor  Gabála       97 

J.  Pokorny,  Zur  irischen  Wortkunde  (1.  ro-tethaind,  2.  riched,  3.  esclae, 

4.  do-nessa,   5.  é  'Salm';  6.  montar,  muinter) 198 

R.  Thurneysen,  Zur  Tain  Bo  Cúailnge 205 

L.  Gwynn,  The  recensions  of  the  saga  Togail  Bruidne  Da  Berya    .     .  209 

.D.Hyde,  Trachtad  ar  an  Aibidil 223 

A.  M.  Scarre,   The  meaning  of  birth-days 225 

A.  Kelleher,  Betha  Coluimb  Chille  (continuation) 228 

R.  Flower,  A  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroigli 260 

R.  Thurneysen,  Flann  Manistrechs  Gedicht:  Bedig  dam,  a  de  do  nim, 

CO  hémig  a  n-innisiri. 269 

R.  I.  Best,   Comhrag  Fir  Diadh  é  Chon  Cculainn  (Tain  Bo  Cúailnge)  274 

A.  Meillet,  Irlandais  nóib  —  niab 309 

J.  Pokorny,  Entgegnung 310 

H.Hessen,  Beiträge  zur  altirischen  Grammatik 315 

K.  Meyer,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  {Fortsetzung)  .  .  338 
— ,  Erläuterungen  und  Besserungen  zu  irischen  Texten  (1.  O'Davorens 

Glossar,  2.  O'Mulconrys  Glossar) 849 

— ,  Über  einige  Quellenangaben  der  Togail  Tröi 358 

— ,  Das  Wörterbuch  der  Kgl.  Irischen  Akademie 361 

R.  Thurneysen,   Zum  Lebor  Gabúla 384 

— ,  Nochmals  Flann  3Ianistrechs  Gedicht:  Redig  dam  usw 396 

K.  Meyer,    Miscellen    (1.    Quantitierender   Gleichklang    in    der   dritten 

Strophenzeile   irischer   Gedichte,     2.  Tätowierung   bei   den   Iren, 

3.  Die  Leibeslänge  Christi) 398 


IV 

Seite 

J.  Pokoniy,  Zur  irischen  Etymologie  uud  Wortkunde  [1.  og.  ci,  2.  air. 

*fothae,   'S.  air.  fni,   4.  og'.  net(t)a(s),  niot(t)a(s)] 403 

R.  Thurneysen,  Eine  Variante  der  Brendan -Legende 408 

■ — ,  Allerlei  Irisches  (I.  Bec  mac  De,  II.  Scéla  geine  Cormaic,  III.  Aird 
Echdi,  IV.  Comrac  Fir  Diad,  V.  Eine  Fälschung  auf  den  Namen 
Cinaed  ua  h-Artacáiu,    VI.   Die   Interpolation   von  Fled  Bricrend 

in  LU,   VII.  Ir.a/r(7  'oder') 421 

K.  Meyer,  Nachtrag  zu  ochtfodach  Coluim  Cille      444 

Berichtigungen 444 

Erschienene  Schriften : 

K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung  I 445 

Festskrift  Alf  Torp 448 

F.  W.  O'Connell,  A  Grammar  of  Old  Irish 449 

C.  J.  S.  Marstran  der,  Dictionary  of  the  Irish  Language,  Fasc.  I     .  452 

K.  Meyer,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde  II— VI 453 

Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscripts,  Vol.  IV.  V 454 

K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung  II 454 

Festschrift  Ernst  Windisch 454 

Eegister  zu  Band  VI — X 456 

Register  zu  den  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  von  K.  Meyer 

in  Band  IIl-X 472 


VIRO  CLARISSIMO  DOCTISSIMO 

ERNESTO  WINDISCH 

RERUM   CELTICARÜM  IN  GERMANIA  STUDIOSORÜM  NESTORI 
QUARTUM  DECIMUM  LUSTRUM  CLAUDENTI 
HOC    VOLUMEN    SACRUM    ESSE    VOLEBANT 


KUNO  MEYER 


HERMANN  NIEMEYER 


THE  MIRACLES  OF  SENAK 


Introduction. 

The  Miracles  of  Senan  are  here  edited  from  two  of  the 
O'Clery  MSS.  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Brussels,  ii"^  2324  —  2340 
fol.  241b  — 248  a  (text  A),  and  no^lQO  — 4200  fol.  277  a  — 279  b 
(text  B).  In  A  the  miracles  follow  a  copy  of  the  Life  of  Senan 
similar  to  that  printed  by  Stokes  in  'Lives  of  Saints  from  the 
Book  of  Lismore '  ^).  In  B  they  follow  a  copy  of  the  'Amra 
Senain',  which  was  printed  by  Stokes  in  this  'Zeitschrift' 
III  220 ff.,  from  H.  Ill  17.  Of  the  B  text  a  late  18*^»  century 
copy  exists  in  RIA  23  LH  p.  241  (Hodges  and  Smith  n°  9),  but 
it  is  a  wretched  scrawl,  and  I  have  not  collated  it.  Of  the  two 
texts  A  is,  as  a  rule,  the  fuller  and  clearer,  but  there  are  very 
interesting  points  in  B^).  A  is  the  text  here  printed,  but  all 
variations  of  importance  in  B  are  given  in  the  textual  notes, 
and  these  are  either  incorporated  [within  square  brackets]  in 
the  translation,  or  given  in  the  notes  to  it. 

The  writer  himself  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  these 
Miracles  of  Senan  are  modern  miracles;  that  is,  not  miracles 
wrought  by  the  saint  in  his  lifetime,  but  contemporary,  or  nearly 
so,  with  the  writer,  and  in  many  of  them  there  is  nothing 
miraculous  apart  from  the  assumption  of  the  writer  that  the 
events  narrated  were  brought  about  by  the  special  intervention 
of  the  saint.    Some  of  them  have  to  do  with  the  relations  of 


1)   Cited  as  LS. 

*)  Perhaps  the  most  iuterestiug  is  the  mention  of  Cnklees  at  Scattery, 
§  5B.  Keeves,  Culdees,  part  II  §  10,  says  that  they  came  to  an  end  'about 
the  close  of  the  12tii  century ' ;  yet  here  we  have  clear  evidence  of  their  con- 
tinuance into  the  i4ß^  century. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  j_ 


2  C.  PLUMMER, 

the  chiefs  of  Thomond  of  the  O'Brien  family  ^)  to  Scattery  and  its 
dependent  churches  in  the  early  14*^  century.  Hence  they  furnish 
some  interesting  illustrations  of  contemporary  manners,  and  of 
the  relations  between  Scattery,  the  principal  foundation  of 
St.  Senan,  and  other  churches  and  communities  which  ascribed 
their  origin  to  him.  They  also  enable  us  to  identify  the  names 
of  two  or  three  places,  especially  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kilrush, 
which  are  either  not  mentioned  or  not  identified  by  Father  Hogan 
in  his  Onomasticon.  2) 

In  A  the  tract  concludes  with  a  poem  which  gives  a  list 
of  the  saints  with  whom  St.  Senan  had  made  alliance  in  his 
lifetime,  and  who  are  bound,  on  the  performance  of  certain  rites, 
to  come  to  avenge  any  wrong  done  to  his  churches.  I  have  thought 
it  worth  while  to  print  this  poem,  as  it  possibly  gives  an  idea 
of  the  monasteries  with  which  Scattery  had  relations  of  con- 
fraternity in  the  14^'^  century.  The  former  part  of  the  poem  in 
which  the  saints  are   enumerated  ^)   is   fairly  clear,   but  some 


^)  The  members  of  this  family  whom  I  have  identified  from  the  Annals 
are  the  following:  Brian  Roe,  Lord  of  Thomond,  f  1277,  §§  3,  12;  Brian  son 
of  Domnall,  do.  7  1350,  §  12;  Conchobar  na  Siudaiue,  s.  Donnchad  Cairbrech, 
do.  t  1268,  §3;  Diarmait  s.  Donnchad,  'the  cleric',  7  1311,  §  3;  Donnchad 
Cairbrech,  Lord  of  Dal  Cais,  7  1242,  §  3;  Donnchad  s.  Brian  Roe,  Lord  of 
Thomond,  f  1284,  §  3;  *  Donnchad  s.  Domnall,  King  of  Munster,  j- 1317,  §  12; 
Donnchad  s.  Toirdelbach,  Lord  of  Thomond,  f  1311,  §  3;  *Mathgamain  s. 
Domnall,  tanist  of  Munster,  7  1320,  §  13;  Muircertach  s.  Toirdelbach,  do. 
t  1348,  §  3;  Tadg  'Caeluisce',  son  of  Conchobar,  rigdamna  of  Munster,  7  1259, 
§§  3,  4  (A);  *  Toirdelbach,  s.  Tadg,  Lord  of  Thomond,  -j-  1306,  §§3  —  5,  the 
hero  of  'Cathreim  Toirdelbaigh'.  Those  marked  with  an  asterisk  are  actors 
in  the  narrative,  the  others  occur  only  in  genealogical  contexts.  Murchad 
'the  son  of  the  bishop',  the  actor  in  §  6,  I  have  not  identified,  unless  he  is 
the  Murchad  son  of  Mathgamaiu,  the  murderer  of  Donnchad  O'Brien,  king  of 
Munster,  in  1311.    Richard  de  Clare  the  hero  of  §§  7,  8  died  in  1318. 

*)  Carnain,  §  13,  Carnaun,  parish  of  Kilrush;  Cell  Cuiridain  §  12  (A), 
Kilcredaun,  parish  and  barony  of  Moyarta,  v.  Antiquarian  Handbook  Series, 
VI 106;  Cell  na  gCaillech,  'the  Nuns' Church',  Kilnagalliach,  parish  Kilfearagh, 
barony  Moyarta,  §§  9  — 12 ,  v.  ib.  p.  108.  Places  which  I  have  not  identified 
are :  Cell  mic  Ronáin,  §  19,  Forbor,  §  4  (B),  and  Ros  an  Aircéil,  §  12,  probably 
the  same  as  Ros  na  nArc,  ib. 

')  Of  the  saints  contained  in  the  list,  I  have  identified  more  or  less 
certainly  the  following,  who  will  be  found  in  the  Irish  Calendars  and  Martyro- 
logies  at  the  dates  given  after  their  names :  Ailbe  of  Emly,  September  12,  §  22 ; 
Bairre  of  Cork,  September  25,  §  18;  Beoog,  perhaps  Mart.  Don.  October  25, 
§  18;   Berach  of  Termonbarry,  February  15,  ib.;   Berchan  of  Clonsast,  De- 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN. 


stanzas  in  the  latter  part  are  very  obscure,  and  I  am  very  far 
from  being  satisfied  with  my  translation  of  them.  The  text  in  A 
is  divided  into  chapters;  I  have  subdivided  these  into  sections 
numbered  continuouslv  for  convenience  of  reference. 


cember  4,  §  20;  Blathmacc  of  lona,  July  24,  §  22;  Brendan,  probably  of 
Clonfert,  May  16.  §  19;  Caimiu  of  Inisbcaltra ,  March  24,  §22;  Cainuech  of 
Aghaboe,  October  11,  §  23;  Candan,  perhaps  November  1st  or  November  4,  §  21; 
Carthach ,  perhaps  of  Drnim  Fertain ,  March  5,  §  23  (Carthach  alias  Mochnda 
of  Lismore  has  been  previously  mentioned):  Cellach  s.  Conmac,  v.  Mart.  Don. 
April  1st,  §21;  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnois,  September  9,  §18;  Coemgen  of  Glenda- 
lough,  June  3,  §  18 ;  Colum  mac  Crimthain  of  Terryglass,  December  13,  §  22 ; 
Coman,  probably  of  Eoscoramon,  December  26,  §  19;  Comgall,  of  Bangor, 
May  10,  §23;  Fechiu  of  Fore,  January  20,  §20;  Fergus,  a  bishop,  probably 
March  30,  §  19;  Findan,  either  Finniau  of  Clonard.  December  12,  or  Finnian 
of  Movilla,  September  10,  §  23;  Finnchvi,  of  Brigówn,  November  25,  ib.; 
Flannan  of  Killaloe,  December  18.  §  21 ;  Flann  s.  Airchellach,  of  Denynavlan, 
December  21,  §  23;  Fursa  of  Peronne,  January  16,  §  21;  Gall  craibdech  (an) 
'The  devout  foreigner',  of  Inchagoill  in  Lough  Corrib,  which  takes  its  name 
from  him,  §  21;  Grellan  of  Creeve,  November  10,  §  21;  larlaithe  of  Tuam, 
December  26,  §  19 ;  Lachtiu  of  Freshford,  March  19,  §  23 ;  Luchtigern,  probably 
of  Isel  Ciarain,  brother  of  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnois,  VSH  I  209  note;  Macduach 
(Colman)  of  Kilmacduagh,  February  3,  §  22;  Mac  Leinin  (Colman)  of  Cloyne, 
November  24,  §  23;  Maelcorgais,  cf.  Mart.  Don.,  March  12,  LL368f.,  §  19; 
Manchán,  of  Lemanaghan,  January  24,  §  20;  Mochúa  of  Balla,  March  30, 
§§  21,  23 ;  Mochuda  of  Lismore,  May  14,  §  18 ;  Mochuille  of  Innsnat,  June  12, 
§  22;  Molaga,  of  Tulach  min  Molaga,  January  20,  §  23;  Mughna,  perhaps 
Mosenog  Mughna,  of  Ballaghmoon,  December  11,  §  20;  Muinend,  perhaps 
Moinend  of  Cloncurry,  September  16,  §  19;  Nessan,  of  Cork,  December  1st,  §  19; 
Ruadhán  of  Lorrha,  April  15,  §  23;  Senan  of  Scattery,  March  1st  and  March  8 
passim;  Subach  of  Corann,  August  1st  and  November  21  (latinised  Hilarius, 
Mart.  Don.  p.  472),  §  18;  Ua  Suanaigh,  there  were  thi-ee  brothers  of  this  name, 
the  one  intended  is  probably  Fidmuine  of  Eaheu,  May  16,  §  21;  the  Eralt 
of  §  20,  probably  represents  an  English  Harold,  or  a  Scandinavian  Haraldr, 
but  I  cannot  trace  him.  In  A  this  poem  is  followed  by  nine  other  poems 
relating  to  Senan  of  which  the  incipits  are  as  follows: 

1.  Aontaidh  doronsat,  nar  ghann, 
Senan,  Laichtin,  is  Comgall  (fol.  248  a); 

2.  Cána  doradsatt  na  naoimh 

Do  Senan,  do  cniocht  na  ngniomh  (fol.  248  b); 

3.  Inné  so  do  dubh  dioghlach  sa 

Dar  marbhais  Dal  cCais  (fol.  249  a) ; 

4.  Do  bhadhus  is  Brenainn  go  rath 

Secht  mbliadna  ag  Comhgall  ghégach  (fol.  249b); 

5.  Is  me  Senan  fuasnadach  (fol.  251  b) ; 

6.  Nessan  dixit:  Abair  friom  a  Seuain  seing  (fol.  254  a); 

7.  Bennach  dúinn  a  naoimh  Brenainn  (fol.  255  a) ; 

1* 


4  C.  PLUMMER, 

Míorlbuile  Senáin. 

1.  1.  Beccán  do  sccélaib  Senáin  an  ard-naoimli  uasail  oiregh- 
dha  anwso,  doróine  na  fiorta  follws-mhóra  7  na  míorbuile  toghaidhe 
si,  7  antí  ag-a  rabliatar  naomhóga^  lom-nochta  gan  croicinw  acc 
iomloctadh  chuicce  7  uaidh  tar  an  bfmVrge^);  7  antí  do  sháidh 
a  bhachaill  eter  na  buaibh  7  na  gamlmaibli^),  co  wach  facaidh 
bó  na  gamliaiu  a  cheile  dibli'*),  7  antí(/oZ.  ^4^a)nasa  ttraighedh 
an  mhuirlán,  7  'ga  líonadli  sí  'na  diaigh»),  7  é  ag  breith  damh 
a  atliar  lais^).  Ociis  an  damh  do  itliettar  na  coin  allta  ind 
SiCchaid  sin,  ro  bás  acc  tabacVt  a  aithbliir  fairsiumh.  larsin  im- 
morro  no  ticcedh  dawli  ollaidh  asan  sliabh  gitsan  seisiigh  no 
gMsan  ugliaim  tre  rath  an  mheic  so,  7  do  theighedh  'san  ughaim 
uadha  fein,  7  do  threabadh  mar  gach  ndamh  oile'). 

2.  Ba  maith  rath  ^)  an  mheic  so  .i.  Senán,  óir  do  biod  deich- 
neabhar  7  secht  fichit  senoir  salmach  do  lucht  ^)  cuinge  crsibaidh 
7  d'flor-muinwtir  De  gach  noidhche  'ma  mhéis,  mar  dherbw5 
an  rand  so: 

Secht  fichit  senoir  salmach 
'Na  thegiach  go  med  remenn^^), 
Gen  ar,  gan  biiain,  gan  tioradh, 
Gan  gniomlwadh  acht  madh  leighenw. 


1 — '")  see  opposite,  p.  5. 

(Continuation  of  the  note  on  p.  3 :) 

8.  Fionmaith  inghe[n]  Báedain  bil 

Mathair  Senáin  caoim-craibhtig  (fol.  255  b); 

9.  A  macaiu,  tainic  mo  trath  (fol.  256  a). 

No  8  exists  also  in  Eawlinson  B.  486  (fol.  44  a).  Of  the  rest  I  know  no 
other  copies. 

At  the  end  of  these  poems  O'Clery  adds  the  following  colophon:  Ar 
slicht  Conaire  óig  meic  Couaire,  meic  Muiris  í  Maolconaire  do  sgriobus  mior- 
buile  Senaiu,  7  gach  a  ffuil  iua  ndiaigh  anúas  in  ceidfeacht  i  ILuimniuch, 
arna  sgriobadh  do  sein  as  seiu-leabhar  dorcha  meamruim,  7  do  sgriobhus  annso 
andara  fecht  i  ccouueint  na  mbrathar  ag  Drobhaois,  1.  December,  1629;  i.  e. 
From  the  copy  of  Conaire  O'Mulconry  the  younger  &c.,  which  he  had  made 
from  an  old  obscure  vellum  book,  I  wrote  these  miracles  of  Senan  and  all 
that  follows  them  to  this  point  the  first  time  at  Limerick;  and  I  re-wrote 
them  here  in  the  convent  of  the  friars  on  the  Drowse  (i.  e.  Donegal),  De- 
cember 1st,  1629. 


THE  MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  '  5 


Translation. 


1.  Here  are  a  few  of  the  stories  relating  to  Senan,  the 
noble  eminent  high  saint,  who  wrought  these  great  and  evident 
wonders,  and  excellent  miracles,  the  man  who  had  hare  boats 
without  hides,  plying  backwards  and  forwards  across  the  sea; 
who  planted  his  bachall  between  the  cows  and  the  yearlings,  so 
that  neither  cow  nor  yearling  saw  each  other;  before  whom  the 
full  tide  ebbed,  and  came  to  the  full  again,  as  he  was  taking 
his  father's  cattle  with  him.  And  the  ox  which  the  wolves  ate 
that  night ;  the  blame  of  it  was  laid  to  him.  Afterwards  a  stag 
would  come  from  the  mountain  to  the  plough  i)  and  to  the  plough- 
tackle,  through  the  grace  of  this  son,  and  would  get  into  the 
tackle  of  itself,  and  would  plough  like  any  ox,  [and  would  depart 
at  the  time  of  unyoking  2).j 

2.  Good  was  the  grace  of  this  son,  Senan;  for  there  were 
ten,  and  seven  scores  of  psalm-singing  elders,  folk  [of  regular  life, 
and]  of  the  yoke  of  ascetism,  and  of  the  true  family  of  God, 
around  his  table  every  night,  as  this  verse  shows: 

'Seven  score  psalm -singing  elders 
In  his  household  with  great  [or  royal  B]  courses, 
Without  ploughing,  without  reaping,  without  drying. 
Without  any  activity  except  study  3).' 

1)  To  the  yoke-pin,  and  would  put  its  head  under  the  yoke  of  itself  B. 

*)   Passages  in  square  brackets  are  from  B. 

3)  This  verse,  applied  to  St.  Mochta  of  Louth,  occurs,  with  same  varieties 
of  readings,  LL  361  bottom  margin;  Félire  notes  August  19;  Mart.  Don. 
August  19.    The  last  is  nearer  B  than  A. 


Notes  from  p.  4 : 

»)  naeithe  B.  ^)   lS  2391.  ")   laeghaibh  B. 

*)   LS  1958.  -■>)   LS  1944.  «)   LS  1940. 

')   asin  tsleibh  gonuicce  an  cuing- elach  go  ccuiredh  a  chenn  fou  cuing 
uadha,  7  ro  imthigedh  in  am  sccuir  B. 

**)   gniomartha  B.  ")   do  lucht  cinnte  bethadh  7  cuinge  B. 

^°)   'na  theglach,  rioghda  remenn  B. 


6  C.  PLUMMER, 

Ociis  ba  he  sin  tra  lion  no  biodh  ina  proinntigh  fein  im 
trátli  coda  gach  noidlice,  a  neccmais  a  lochia  fritholma  7  áosa 
óccbaidli  a  noilen  htidáéhi ;  7  a  thighe  oireghdha  aoidhedh  i  cCill 
Eois  ag  sásadh  bocht  7  nocht,  trén  7  trnagh,  ind  oidhche  7  a 
1161).  Ocus  do  beirthi  bairghen  cowa  hanland  i  Uaimh  gach  aon 
duiwe,  7  a  chomairce  go  cend  mbliadlma,  dia  riccedh  a  les;  7 
tiodhlacai^Ä  2)  iomlán  iarsin.  Ocus  gion  go  ndechaid  acht  noi 
niommVe  iar  cladh  a  thermainn  amach.  7  a  iompodh  'sa  tegh 
ceina  aris,  do  ghébhadh  an  frithólamh  ceína. 

2  b.  Do  bi  3)  immorro  an  tegh  sin  re  linn  tSenáin  ag  freccra 
an  móir-fhedhma  sin;  7  ro  faccaibh  Senan  a  bhennac/ii  ag  gach 
comharba  da  tiuccfaci/i  dia  eis  do  chionw  a  einigh  do  coimhétt. 
Ocus  asi  aithne  deighenach  do  aithin  ag  dul  docum  nimhe  do, 
a  shamhadh  7  a  einech  do  coimhett  mar  dherhhus  an  rand  so: 

Mo  bhoicht  is  mh'aidhidh  go  hán 
Tarm  eis,  a  maccan,  et  reliqua. 

3.  Cid  tr&  acht  ni  téttadh'^)  tenga  a  tuiremh  acht  muna 
beith  Dia  'ga  turkilemh,  {fol.  242l>)  a  nderna  Senan  do  mhior- 
builibh,  7  do  mhóir-flortaibh  tre  rath  an  Coimde.  Acht  cena, 
an  meid  as  toghtha  7  as  uaisle  dibli  atád  scriobhta  hi  sein- 
leabhraibh  fó  chádas  7  fo  onoir  móir.  Ni  dona  fertaibh  na  dona 
miorbhuilibh  doronadh  remhainw  re  lind  tSenáin  as  ail  lind 
labairí  anois,  acht  na  neithe  nuaidhe  nemh-doirche,  7  na  fiorta 
fiadlmacha,  7  na  miorbuile  mor-aidhble  doni  se  anois,  7  dorinwe 
re  lind  Toirrdhealb/ia?V//i  m?c  Taidg,  mic  C'owcobha/r  ■'>),  m?c  Donn- 
chaidh  Cairbrigh,  do  bi  'na  Úa  Briain  náoi  mbliadhna  iichet,  7 
re  lind  Bonáchaidh  míc  Toivrdelbaigh  mic  Taidg,  7  re  lind  Diar- 
mata  mic  Domichaidh,  mic  Briaiw  ruaidh,  7  re  limi  Mhuircertaigh 
mic  Toirrdelbaigh  mic  Taidg.  Oir  ni  raibhe  mac  i  nucht,  na 
inghen  ar  altrom,  na  ócc,  na  áosmar  •■'),  nar  bo  fiadaiw  ar  na  fior- 


I)  gan  diultadh  re  dreich  nduiue  don  Adhamchloinn  add.  B. 

^)  7  &  idhlacadh  B. 

ä)  This  section  is  not  in  B. 

*)  Cidh  tenga  iarainn  no  beith  hi  ccinn  dano  7  aingel  De  aga  aisneis, 

do  badh  urmaisin  maith  do,  da  fétadh  áirerah  a  nderna  7  c.  B. 

0)  na  Siudaine  add.  B. 

^)  na  óigfher  gan  aosmaire  B  (inepte). 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  7 

That  was  tlie  number  in  his  reflectory  at  the  time  of  re- 
fection every  night,  besides  the  attendants  and  servants  in  the 
island  itself;  while  his  noble  guest  houses  at  Kilrush  were  satis- 
fying the  needs  of  poor  and  naked,  hale  and  sick,  by  night  and 
day,  [without  rejecting  the  face  of  any  of  the  seed  of  Adam]. 
And  a  loaf  with  its  kitchen  was  given  into  the  hand  of  every 
man,  and  protection,  if  required,  for  a  whole  year,  'and  full  escort 
afterwards.  And  though  he  (the  refugee)  went  but  the  length 
of  nine  furrows  beyond  the  mound  of  the  termon,  and  then  turned 
back  to  the  same  house,  he  would  receive  the  same  tendance. 

2  b.  Now  during  Senan's  time  that  house  answered  for  all 
this  great  expense,  and  Senan  left  this  blessing  on  each  succeed- 
ing coarb,  on  condition  of  his  maintaining  his  hospitality.  And 
this  is  the  last  charge  that  he  gave,  when  he  went  to  heaven, 
that  his  congregation  and  his  hospitality  should  be  maintained, 
as  this  verse  shows: 

'Maintain  my  poor  and  my  guests 
After  me  gloriously,  o  youth,  &c.' 

3.  Moreover  no  tongue  ^),  unless  inspired  by  God,  could 
relate  what  Senan  did  in  the  way  of  miracles  and  mighty  works 
through  the  grace  of  the  Lord.  However,  the  most  select  and 
noblest  of  them  are  written  in  ancient  books  with  reverence 
and  great  honour.  It  is  not  of  the  mighty  deeds  and  miracles 
wrought  before  our  days  in  the  time  of  Senan  that  we  wish  to 
speak  now,  but  of  things  clear  and  recent,  the  evident  wonders, 
and  the  stupendous  miracles,  while  he  works  now,  and  which  he 
wrought  in  the  time  of  Tordelbach  son  of  Tadg,  son  of  Con- 
chobar  [of  the  Siudan],  son  of  Donnchad  Cairbrech,  who  was  the 
O'Brien  for  twenty-nine  years,  and  in  the  time  of  Donnchad,  son 
of  Tordelbach,  son  of  Tadg,  and  in  the  time  of  Diarmait  son  of 
Donnchad,  son  of  Brian  the  Red,  and  in  the  time  of  Muirchertach 
son  of  Tordelbach,  son  of  Tadg.   For  there  was  no  boy  in  arms, 


^)   Though  a  man  had  in  his  head  a  tongue  of  iron ,  and  au  angel  of 
God  relating  it,  he  would  be  very  lucky  if  he  could  relate,  &c.  B. 


8  C.  PLUMMER, 

taibh  so,  7  arna  miort)uilibh  dorinde  Senan  re  reimhes  na  riog- 
raidhe  sin;  óir  ge  ata  drem  deigh-riogh  anwsin  re  a  náirem,  is 
gairitt  airmhim  si  iad  i). 


4.  Scela  an  Toirrdelbaig  sin  mic  Taidg.  Do  ghabli-sein 
rieche  an  gharbh-chóigidh  .i.  Tuadmumaw,  7  do  bái  gacli  maitlies 
re  a  linn,  oir  do  ba  torthacli  talamli  7c.  Ocus  ro  bái  re  Imihaid 
d'aimsir  mar  sin  2).  larsin  immorro  do  tóccbadh  nós  7  áMcched 
i  naimsir  Thoirrdealba/^/i  3) :  gibe  duine  do  muirfedh  duine  ele 
'san  tir,  muna  beith  a  lain-éraic^)  aicce  fein,  a  biiain  da  aicme; 
7  muna  beith  aga  aicme,  a  bhúain  da  thiiaith;  7  muna  beith  'ga 
tiiaith,  a  bhúain  dona  secht  tuathaibh  hud  goire  doibh'»).  Do 
hairccedh  7  do  lomad  morán  leisan  nos^)  sin,  7  ge  do  éirgettar 
uird  riaghaltana  heccaílsi^),  nír  cuiredh  an  reclit  siw  ar  cul  léo. 


5.  (fol  243  a)  Tarla  do  dhuine  do  muinwtir  Senaiu  duine 
do  Tiiar\)adh\  7  do  bái'')  an  éraic  aga  Xúsivvaidh  ar  thermanw 
Senain;  7  aduba/rt  an  comharba,  7  an  prióir,  7  an  sacrista  Inwsi 
Cathaigh,  7  in  coimhthionol  go  hiomlán,  nach  tiubhraitis  fein 
uatha  hi,  7  gurb  eccóir  a  hiarra?VZ/i  ar  aonduine  acht  ar  anti  do 
dhenadh  an  gniomh,  7  nir  gd^hadh  sin  uatha;  oir  tainic  Toirr- 
delbacli  mac  Taidg  fein  da  nionnsaicched,  go  rainicc  go  tegh 


1)  as  gerr  a  reimhes  re  a  rim  B. 

2)  do  gabh  somh  righe  Tuadhmuniau  go  toicteach  turcoirthe  0  Luacliar 
go  Bladhma  7  0  Leim  Conculaind  go  Forbor,  7  0  Medhraide  go  Bealach  Abhrat  B. 

3)  do  cumadh  reacht  leisan  righ  sin  B. 
*)   a  Ian-chin  B. 

^)  a  buain  don  tuaith  budh  nesa  do,  7  mar  ein  go  cend  an  secht- 
madh  tuath  B. 

^)  reacht  B. 

")   do  éirgettar  braithre  7  lucht  uird  B. 

^)  For  7  do  bái  .  .  .  uatha,  B  reads:  7  do  lenadh  on  recht  sin  go 
hiomarcach,  conar  fetsat  fulang  na  hiomarcaighe ;  7  dob  eiccin  an  ein  do 
srethadh  ar  shaccartoibh  7  ar  cheilibh  De  an  baile,  7  aran  ccomhorba,  7  ariu 
bprioir,  7  aran  sacrista  Innsi  Cathaigh,  7  ro  chuirsiot  a  nochána  7  a  nosnadha 
ina  diaidh. 


THE   MIRACLES    OF   SENAN.  S) 

nor  girl  in  fosterage,  nor  youth,  nor  old  man,  who  was  not 
witness  to  the  mighty  works  and  miracles  which  Senan  did  in 
the  days  of  these  chiefs.  For  though  this  is  a  goodly  company 
of  chiefs  to  enumerate,  yet  I  reckon  them  (i.  e.  their  reigns)  as 
but  a  short  period. 

4.  As  to  this  Tordelbach  son  of  Tadg  — .  He  succeeded 
to  the  kingship  of  '  the  Rough  Province ',  to  wit,  Thomond ') ;  and 
there  was  all  good  in  his  time;  for  the  earth  was  fruitful,  &c. 
And  so  things  continued  for  a  while.  But  afterwards  an  ordin- 
ance and  law  was  set  up  in  the  time  of  Tordelbach,  that  if  any 
man  should  slay  another  in  the  land,  and  the  full  eric  was  not 
got  fi'om  him  (the  slayer),  that  it  should  be  exacted  from  his 
family,  and  if  it  were  not  obtained  from  them,  it  was  to  be  ex- 
acted from  his  tribe,  and  if  it  was  not  got  from  them,  it  was 
to  be  exacted  from  the  seven  tribes  most  nearly  connected  with 
them  2).  Many  were  harassed  and  stripped  of  their  property 
under  this  ordinance ;  and  though  the  regular  orders  of  the  church 
rose  against  it,  they  could  not  procure  its  withdrawal. 

5.  It  chanced  that  a  man  of  the  (monastic)  family  of  Senan 
slew  a  man:  and^)  the  eric  was  demanded  from  the  termon 
lands  of  Senan;  and  the  coarb,  and  the  prior,  and  the  sacrist, 
and  the  convent  of  Scattery  in  general,  said  that  they  would  not 
pay  it;  and  that  it  was  unjust  to  demand  it  from  any  man  except 
the  doer  of  the  deed.  But  this  plea  was  not  accepted,  for  Tordel- 
bach son  of  Tadg  himself  came  against  them,  and  reached  the 


1)  He  succeeded  to  the  kiugship  of  Thomond  prosperously  and  hickily 
from  Slieve  Lougher  to  Slieve  Bloom,  from  Loop  Head  to  Forhor  (?),  and  from 
the  Maree  Peninsula  to  Belach  Abrät  (in  Slieve  Reagh)  B. 

2)  From  the  tribe  nearest  to  him,  and  so  on  to  the  seventh  tribe 
inclusive  ß. 

^)  And  (the  murder)  was  prosecuted  so  oppressively  under  this  law, 
that  the  oppression  became  intolerable.  And  the  compensation  had  to  be 
assessed  on  the  priests  and  Culdees  of  the  place,  and  on  the  coarb,  prior,  and 
sacrist  of  Scattery;  and  the}'  groaned  and  sighed  in  consequence  B. 


10  C.  PLUMMER, 

Senain  maille  le  sochraite  mor  sluaigh,  7  do  ümirigh  anw^)  an 
oidhclie  sill,  7  dochúaidli  ar  na  Marach  go  CiU  mic  an  diibám, 
7  do  bí  anw  ind  oidhche  sin;  7  tainic  Senan  i  naisling  chum  an 
priora  ind  oidliche  sin,  7  do  bhendaigh  do 2),  Oais  do  tiartaigh 
an  prioir  de  crét  dob  ail  leis^).  Ocus  Siáubairt  simb:  'Racbat', 
ar  se,  'do  dioghail  cena  mo  cleireach,  7  mo  thermainn  ar  Tkoirr- 
dealbac7i  iia  mBriáiw'.  'Cidb  nach  aréir  do  dhioghlais  sin  fair?' 
ar  an  prioir.  "Nirb  ail  damh  im  thigh  fein',  ar  Senan,  'ar  nach 
abradh  nech  gurab  im  biadh  do  dhenainw  é.'  Ocus  docuaidh 
Senan  go  Cill  mic  an  diibhain  ^),  7  Uicc  buille  do  los  a  throsdain 
i  mnllach  l«//-ge  Toirrdhealbhaigh.  'Cidh  'ma  bfiiile  damh?  a 
deirigh',  ar  T oirr dhealbhach.  'Ar  sou  eccóra  do  denamh  ar  mo 
therman«',  «rse--).  larsin^)  téid  Toirrdhealbac/i  dia  thigh,  7  nir 
thoccaibh  a  cend  go  üuair  bás. 


II.  6.  Fesicht  oile  immorro  da  ttainic  Murchadh  mac  an 
Espíííc  hi  Briai«  co  hinis  Catha/r/,  7  do  bháttar  báid  inwte,  7  do 
shsLutaigh ')  siumh  bad  ar  éiccin  do  bhreith  eiste,  tionoilit  amach  ^) 
an  baile  7  an  coitcend  go  léir,  7  tuccatar  fein  7  ^lurchadh  tres 
aggarbh  ainmin'J)  da  ceile'").  Cidh  ira  acht  do  imtigh  Murc/iad 
ar  eiccin,  7  do  loit  se  cleirec/i  don  coitchendi')-  Tainic  Senan 
cuicce  ind  oidhche  sin,  7  do  gabh  grain  7  eccla  7  omhan  mor 
eissiumh  roimhe,  {fol  2i3  b)  7  do  eigh  co  hard  1^) ;  7  do  gabh  ace 
taüVccsin  a  chruidh  7  a  fheraind  dilis  do  Dhia  7  do  Shenan. 
Ocus  ro  chiiala  a  bhen  7  a  mhuinnter  an  comhradh  sin;   7  do 


1)  7  ro  biathadh  B. 

2)  7  atchi  an  prioir  aislinge  .i.  Seuau  dfaiccsin  ag  fagbáil  na  liinnsi 
go  ffeircc  7  go  loinde  B. 

')   de:  'Ga  conair  teighi?"   B. 

•»)   7  do  ci  Toindelbach  cuice  he  add.  B. 

'")   'iman  ein  tuaithe'  ar  Senan  B. 

^)   'arsin  imtbighis  Senan  go  hopann  aiuserccach  7   B. 

')   ro  samhail   B.  ")   sámadh  B  (rede). 

9)   tres  tulborb  troda  B.  ")    d'armaibh  7  clochaibb  arfiZ.  B. 

")  acht  beiridh  M.  ar  e.  an  bad,  7  ro  ben  a  lamh  do  cleiriuch  do  muintir 
Senain,  7  ro  loit  socraidhe  dibh  B. 

12)  7  teid  ar  comairge  Senain  uó  go  ttiosadh  da  thigh  fein.  Gidhedh 
gabhais  sláedau  tiugaide  tromgalar  in  oidhce  sin,  7  as  súaill  nar  marbh ;  7  im- 
chnirther  go  a  dfinánis  fein.  Mar  tainicc,  do  connairc  Senan  cona  trosdán 
chuicce  add.  B. 


THE    MIRACLES    OF    SENAX.  11 

house  of  Senan  with  a  great  conipaiij',  and  remained  [and  received 
refection]  there  that  night.  And  the  next  day  he  went  on  to 
Kilmacduane,  and  was  there  that  night.  And  the  same  night  i) 
Senan  appeared  to  the  prior  in  a  vision,  and  greeted  him.  And 
the  prior  asked  him  what  his  pleasure  was.  And  he  answered: 
'I  am  going',  said  he,  'to  avenge  my  clerks  and  my  termon  on 
Tordelbach  O'Brien'.  'Why  didst  thou  not  take  vengance  on  him 
for  that  last  night?'  said  the  prior.  'I  did  not  like  to  do  so  in 
my  own  house',-  said  Senan,  'for  fear  it  should  be  said  that  I 
had  done  so  (merely)  for  a  matter  of  food.'  And  Senan  went 
on  to  Kilmacduane,  [and  Tordelbach  saw  him  coming],  and  he 
struck  Tordelbach  on  the  upper  part  of  the  thigh-  with  the  butt 
end  of  his  staff.  'What  is  thy  grudge  against  me?  clerk',  said 
Tordelbach.  'For-)  the  injustice  done  to  my  termon',  said  he. 
After  this  [Senan  departed  suddenly  in  wrath,  and]  Tordelbach 
went  to  his  house,  and  never  lifted  his  head  till  he  died. 

6.  Now  on  another  occasion  Murchad  mac-an-espoic  (son 
of  the  bishop)  O'Brien  came  to  Scattery,  and  there  were  boats 
there.  And  Murchad  wished  to  carry  off  a  boat  by  force.  So 
the  company  of  the  place  and  the  community  mustered  in  full 
force,  and  they  and  Murchad  had  a  sharp  and  rough  encounter 
[with  weapons  and  stones].  However  3),  Murchad  got  off  by  dint 
of  force  after  wounding  a  clerk  of  the  community.  Senan  came 
to  him  that  night,  and  fear  and  dread  and  horror  seized  him  at 
the  sight,  and*)  he  screamed  aloud,  and  began  offering  his  own 
land  and  stock  to  God  and  to  Senan.    And  his  wife  and  house- 


1)  The  prior  saw  a  vision:  Senan  leaving  the  island  in  rage  and  fury. 
And  he  asked  him:  'AVhither  goest  thou?'  B. 

2)  'For  the  tribal  compensation',  said  Senan   B. 

ä)  However,  M.  carried  off  the  boat  by  force,  and  cut  off  the  arm  of  a 
clerk  of  Senan's  family,  and  wounded  many  of  them. 

*)  And  he  went  under  the  protection  of  Senan,  till  he  should  reach  his 
own  house.  However,  a  severe  and  fatal  lung -disease  seized  him  that  night, 
and  he  nearly  died.  And  he  was  carried  to  his  own  stronghold;  and  when  he 
came  there,  he  saw  Senan  coming  to  him  with  his  staff. 


12  C.  PLUMMER, 

ü.dLriaig]ieiar  de  cred  an  comradh  sin  do  bi  aga  dhenamh  aicce. 
'Ataim',  ar  sé,  'acc  tairccsin  chendaigh  móii'  do  Senán;  7  ní  gha- 
blianw  uaim  hé.  Ocus  tucc  buille  do  los  a  throstain  hi  mnWach 
mo  chiche  clí,  gur  gabh  an  talanih  tríom.  Ocus  'déntar  mo 
thiomna  anosa,  iiair  as  deimliin  go  ffuiger  bás  trém  toiscc  go 
hlnis  Catlia?^  an  ta«  so)'.' 

III.  7.  Fecht  ele  da  tliainicc  Risderd  de  Clara  lion  a  thionoil^) 
go  crich  Corca  Basciwd.  7  do  hairccedh  an  tir  léo,  eter  túaith  7 
chill,  7  do  sháraigh  sé  temp«??  2)  Senáin^).  larsin  teid  an  gall^) 
da  daingen,  7  cid  áím-drus  fein.  Ocus  fa  áwhach  droch-mhen- 
mnach  an  samhadh  7  a  coitchen^i  da  sárucchacZ  i  neimedh  Senáin^), 
7  darónsat  sin  gerán")  fri  Dia  7  fri  Senán.  Ociis^)  do  iarratar 
ar  Dhia  cend  na  comhairle  do  chiorrbadh;  7  an  lucht  sinte  laimhe 
do  léir-sccrios. 


8.  Tainic  Senan  in  oidche  sin  d'ionwsaicched  an  tsacrista. 
Ocus  do  thiartai'gh  an  sacrista  de  ca  raibhe  ag  dol.  Aduba/rt 
Senan  go  rachacZ  do  dhioghail  a  sháraighthe  arin  cClárach,  7  do 
gabh  an  ranw  do: 

Do  aeonaigh  damh  Ri  nimhe, 
Ri  an  tsloigh,  cend  gach  comhairle, 
Lucht  craite  mo  cuirp  fam  cill-') 
A  ccuirp  do  cradh  gan  choigill, 

Cidh^o)  tra  acJit  nir  bo  cudrama  an  coimhgleic,  úair  tarla  buille 
do  trosttán  Senáin  don  Chlárach,  gur  thimchill  a  shaoghal ;  7  do 


1)  7  an  tan  tairnic  do  sin,  fuair  has  add.  B. 

2)  ar  creich  add.  B.  ^)    7  ro  saraigedh  termonn  B. 

*)  7  bnailte  an  coitcinn,  7  Inis  Cathaigh  ima  comaixge;  uair  do  shaoil 
nar  mhilledh  comairge  d'Inis  Cathaigh  crodh  na  ifiledh  do  hreith  eiste  add.  B. 

'-')   naibhrech  urramhta  add.  B. 

^)   tridsim,  .i.  a  ccomairge  do  clodh  7  a  samhadh  do  sanighadh  B. 

■>)  toirsi  B. 

*)  7  aduhhrattar  nar  tualaing  é  a  comairge  do  dhiogail,  uair  as  amhlaidh 
do  dlighfidbe  a  ndioghail  sin  na  comairge  .i.  cenn  cecha  comhairle  7c.  B. 

^)   mo  bhocht  go  grinn  B. 

1°)  Before  this  B  inserts:  Jarsin  téid  Senan  gnsan  maighin  a  mbáoi  in 
Clarach,  7  tuccsat  coimescar  da  cele. 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  13 

hold  overheard  this  talk,  and  asked  what  this  conversation  might 
be.  And  he  said:  'I  am  offering  great  terms  to  Senan,  and  he 
does  not  accept  them,  and  he  has  struck  me  with  the  butt  end 
of  his  staff  above  the  left  breast,  and  it  has  gone  through  me 
into  the  ground.  And  let  my  will  be  made  now,  for  assuredly 
I  shall  die  as  the  result  of  my  expedition  to  Scattery  at  this 
time.'    [And  when  he  had  finished  speaking,  he  died.] 

7.  Another  time  Richard  de  Clare  came  in  full  force  [on  a 
foray]  into  Corcovaskin,  and  the  land  was  harried  by  them,  both 
clergy  and  laity,  and^)  he  outraged  the  church  of, Senan.  After 
this  the  [proud  and  arrogant]  Englishman  went  to  his  own  fort 
and  stronghold.  And  the  company  and  community  were  sad  and 
downcast  that  2)  they  should  have  been  outraged  within  the 
sanctuary  of  Senan,  and  they  made  their  complaint  to  God  and 
Senan.  And^)  they  besought  God  that  the  author  of  this  design 
might  be  cut  off,  and  the  folk  Avho  had  executed  it  utterly 
destroyed. 

8,  Senan  came  that  night  to  the  sacrist,  and  the  sacrist 
asked  him  where  he  was  going.  Senan  said  that  he  was  going 
to  avenge  his  outraging  on  de  Clare,  and  he  recited  this  stave: 

'  The  King  of  heaven,  the  King  of  the  host,  has  granted 
to  me  the  author  of  every  design,  (and)  the  folk  who 
plague  my  body  in  respect  of  my  church^),  that  their 
bodies  should  be  plagued  without  mercy.' 

[Thereupon  Senan  went  to  the  place  where  de  Clare  was,  and 
they  had  a  tussle  together.]    But  the  contest  was  no  equal  one, 


^)  And  the  termoii  of  Seiiau  was  outraged,  and  the  booleys  of  the  com- 
munity and  the  asylum  rights  of  Scattery;  though  (lit.  for)  people  thought  that 
those  rights  Avould  never  be  violated  by  taking  therefrom  the  property  of  the 
poets  B. 

2)  That  their  asylum  should  be  invaded,  and  their  congregation  out- 
raged B. 

ä)  And  they  said:  'Could  he  not  avenge  (the  violation  of)  his 
asylum?'  for  the  vengeance  due  therefor  was  this,  that  the  author  of  any 
design,  &c.  B. 

*)   Plague  my  poor  deliberately  (?)  B. 


14  C.  PLUMMER, 

inwis  fein  ar  na  raharacli  día  mlminntir,  go  ffacaidh  se  cléireach  i) 
'san  aird  aniar  chuicce  go  ffeirg  móir,  7  gur  mliescc  2)  a  chiall  7 
a  chuimline.  7  gur  bhiiaidliir  é  uile.  A  ccionn  an  tres  lái^) 
iarsin  do  chúaidli  an  Clarach  for  sluaighedli,  7  do  gabliadh  a 
chosae  {fol.24áa)  7  a  lamha  fair,  go  ffrith  1  naisccidh  é,  7  co 
ffua?r  bás  tre  mhiorbhail  Senain,  gér  bo  fer  comhlaind  cei 
conuicce  sin  lie. 


IV.  9.  Araile  Mair  do  bái  tempaZZ  do  tliemplaibli  Senáin  .i. 
Cill  na  GdÄWighi  ba  dona  reicclésaibli  ba  hannsa  le  Senán  da  raibhe 
aicce  he,  acht  Inis  Cathaíí/  amháin,  arashon  sin  do  bhái  do  m\\ét 
inweacha2íí  7  aincreidimh  in  phopa?7,  gur  leiccset  gan  ord,  gan 
aifrionw,  gan  altóir  anw  he;  acht  snip  tuighedh  'ma  chend,  7 
búaladh  7  losccadh,  7  gach  ni  da  anúaisle  da  dhenai?2h  anw  mar 
gach  tegh  oile*).  Gabhais  fercc  immorro  an  terlamh  trid  sin,  7 
is^edh  do  roine.  La  da  raibhe  ben  ace  dógh^)  arbha  don  taoibh 
thoir  don  tempaZZ  fedh  urchazr,  7  an  gháoth  aniar  go  direch,  do 
ling  \mmorro  gealbhonji  do  mwWach  an  tempa?7Z6)  mar  a  raibhe 
an  bhen,  7  do  gabh  seimhin')  ar  lasadh  ina  bhél,  7  do  ling 
chum  an  tempaill  aris;  7  ro  leicc  an  seimhin  ar  lasadh  'sa  tuighe, 
go  ro  loiscceci/i  an  tempaZ?,  eter  tuighe  7  chrand,  7  cloich^). 
larsin  9)  immorro  do  chuirettar  ^uUmig  in  bhaile  rempu  in  tempaW 
do  dhénamh  asa  niia ;  7  do  thionwsccnatar  teini  aoil  do  dhénamh 
ara  bharach. 

10.  Tainicc  im>Morro  Senán  an  oidhce  siw  fei«  cum  fir  don 
bhaile  darb  ainm  Giolla  Senáin  0  hEttromáiw,  7  atbert  fris: 
'Eirigh  a  marach  go  huillin»'*»)  tighe  inghine  iii  Brúachain,  7 
tochail  11)  tri  troighthe  ó  uillinw  an  tighe  amach  >2)  7  doghébhaír 


1)  ferccach  fuasnadach  add.  B. 

2)  7  go  ttucc  coimhesccar  do :  '  7  do  bedga[s]  sa  remhe ',  ar  se  B. 
*)  a  ccinn  se  laithe  B. 

*)  losg[adh]  gran,  7  muiunterdhaclit  anu  B.  ^)   losccadh  B. 

®)  The  scribe  at  first  wrote  tighe.  ')   simha  B. 

*)  7  ro  hái  seal  amlaidh  sin  add.  B. 

^)  7  adubratar  duthchusaigh  an  bhaile,  gur  choir  teine  aoil  do  dhenamh, 
7  an  tempall  do  chorugadh  B. 

1")  airtheraigh  add.  B.  ")    7  togbáil  (no  tomais  interlined)  B. 

1*)  on  udhnocht  amach  B. 


THE  MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  15 

for  a  blow  from  Senan's  staff  lighted  on  de  Clare,  which  cut 
short  his  life;  and  he  himself  related  to  his  household  on  the 
morrow  that  he  had  seen  a  [furious  angrj^]  clerk  in  the  air 
coming-  to  him  out  of  the  West  in  great  wrath,  [and  he  had  a 
tussle  with  him],  and')  he  confused  his  mind  and  his  memorj-, 
and  made  him  all  distraught.  At  the  end  of  the  third  day  follow- 
ing 2)  de  Clare  went  on  a  hosting,  and  could  not  move  hand  or 
foot,  so  that  he  was  at  the  mercy  of  his  enemies ;  and  so  he  died 
through  the  miraculous  power  of  Senan,  though  previously  he 
was  a  fighter  equal  to  a  hundred. 

9.  There  was  once  a  temple  of  Senan's,  to  wit,  Killna- 
galliach,  which  of  all  Senan's  churches  was  his  favourite,  save 
Scattery  alone.  Yet  such  was  the  wickedness  and  infidelity  of 
the  people  that  they  left  it  without  rite,  or  mass,  or  altar;  with 
wisps  of  thatch  over  it,  and  threshing  and  parching  [of  grain], 
and  all  the  most  menial  offices  being  done  there,  as  in  any 
common  house.  The  patron  saint  was  highly  incensed  at  this; 
and  this  is  what  he  did.  One  day  a  woman  was  parching  corn 
a  stone's  throw  from  the  East  end  of  the  church,  and  the  wind 
due  West,  when  a  sparrow  hopped  down  from  the  top  of  the 
church  to  where  she  was,  and  seized  a  burning  straw  in  its  beak, 
and  hopped  on  to  the  church  again,  and  dropped  the  burning 
straw  on  to  the  thatch,  and  the  church  was  burnt,  thatch  and 
stick  and  stone ;  [and  it  remained  for  a  time  in  that  state].  After 
this  the  inhabitants  of  the  places)  proposed  to  rebuild  the  church, 
and  the  next  day  they  began  to  make  a  lime  kiln. 

10.  However,  that  very  night  Senan  came  to  a  man  of  the 
place  named  Gilla-Seuain  O'Hettroman,  and  said  to  him :  '  Go  to- 
morrow to  the  [East]  corner  of  the  house  of  Ni  Bruacháin,  and 
dig  three  feet  out  from  the  corner,  and  thou  shalt  find  plenty  of 


')    'And  I  started  at  the  sight  of  him',  said  he  B. 
2)   Of  six  days  B. 

^)   Said  that  it  would  he  a  good  thing-  to  make  a  lime -kiln,  and  restore 
the  church  B. 


16  C.  PLUMMER, 

do  sháith  áoili)  aim'.  Eirg-liis  Giolla  Senain  ar  maidin,  7  ruc- 
ciistair  rámhaud  7  slíiasat  lais,  7  do  thochail  ag  uillinw  an  tiglie 
7  tnair  an  taol  an?^  amail  adubaíVt  Senán  fris;  7  nír  bó  lughaitte 
an  táol  a  mbeirthi  as.  Ocus  do  ruccatar  a  sáitli  léo  de,  go 
ndernsaí  an  tem^all  go  diongmala,  gurab  cill  cádhítsacli  cóir 
osin  alle  hi. 

Sgela  na  teinedh  áoil  ó  sin  amacli:  gacli  uile  cinel  galair 
do  bliiodh  for  dhuine  no  for  ainmidhe  gan  acht  an  taol  sin 
(fol  2M  h)  do  chumailt  de,  do  bhiodli  slán  gau  f uirech ;  nú  doch  '■) 
da  bfaghtaoi  an?^,  7  a  téghadh,  7  a  cur  i  ndigh  doibh,  do  icadh 
each  7  c. 

11.  Robái3)  mennan  becc  bacach  gabhair  ag  mnáoi  'san 
mbaile  si«,  'ar  mbrisedh  a  dhá  chos  7  a  dhroma.  Dochuaidh  leis 
gifsan  teine  aóil,  7  adubha^Vt:  'D«r  mo  bhreithir',  ar  si,  'ni 
thiocfair  assin,  go  ttaiséna  Senán  a  mhiorbuile  fort.'  Do  fhac- 
caibh  an  oidhce  sin  «rin  aol  é,  7  docúaidh  da  fhechain  ara 
bhoracb,  7  is  amhla?t?/i  fiia^r  é,  7  nth  mór  hdlmie  aicce,  7  e  fein 
slan  ina  shesamh,  7  do  slánaigedh  a  bhainwe  gach  galar,  7  gach 
X  teidm  da  rabiodh  ar  dhaoinibh  7  airnéisibh;  7  do  beirti  do  riogh- 
aibh  7  d'escopaibh  a  bhainne  siii  osin  amach.  Ocus  fós  gach 
áon  troisccfes  ar  lathaiV  na  teinedh  aoil  siw  fri  Dia  7  fria  Senaw, 
7  do  dhéna  a  fhaoisittin  iarsin,  7  glacfus  Corp  Crist,  do  gebha 
an  athchuinghe  bás  ail  lais,  muna  raibhe  i  nacchaiVZ  aiccnidh. 

TL  12.  Feac/íí  anw  do  gabh  J^omiohad  mac  Domhnaill  mic 
Briain  ruaidh  cendws'')  ar  crich  Chorea  Baisciwd,  gur  chuir  a 
shlóigh  7  a  buanwadha  istech  foran  tir^),  7  ro  bái  d'iomat  a 
cheitherns)  7  a  dhamh  coimhittec/i^a,  co  roichedh  bnanda  «rna 
tri  búaibh  ')  da  raibhe  'san  tir,  7  nir  dhiol  doibh  siw.  Dochuaidh 
Donwchad  úa  Briain  fein  do  shárucchacZ  cheall  t-Senái«,  7  do 
thabairi  a  ccruidh  uatha  d'áis  no  d'éiccen.  Ocus  docuaidh  go 
Cill  na  Cailbi///i,   7   go  Cill  Chuiridáin,  7   go  Ros  an  Aircéil,  7 


^)   foge'oha  tene  aoil  B. 

^)  gach  cliabh-galar  no  treabhlaid  do  bhiod  for  each  no  duiue,  acht  co 
mberbhtha  clocha  na  teinedh  doibh,  ba  slan  B. 

3)    This  section  is  very  much  shorter  in  B. 

*)   nert  B.  ^)   go  ro  sreth  a  shiagh  forra  B. 

^)   eachtrauu  B. 

')  7  aran  da  ba,  7  aran  en  bhoin  B;  luhich  abbreviates  the  remainder 
of  the  section  to  the  detriment  of  the  clearness  of  the  narrative. 


THE    MIRACLES    OF    SENAN.  17 

lime')  there.'  Gilla-Senain  arose  the  next  morning-,  and  took 
spade  and  shovel,  and  dug  at  the  corner  of  the  house,  and  found 
the  lime  there,  as  Senan  had  said;  and  the  lime  was  not  di- 
minished by  what  was  taken  out.  And  thej*  carried  away  as 
much  as  they  wanted,  and  built  the  church  worthilj^,  so  that 
thenceforth  it  was  held  in  due  honour. 

As  to  the  subsequent  history  of  the  lime -kiln:  —  every 
kind  of  disease  in  man  or  beast,  if  only  (the  patient)  were  rubbed 
with  the  lime,  would  be  healed  at  once,  or 2)  if  a  stone  taken 
thence  were  heated  and  put  in  their  drink,  it  would  cure 
ever3'one,  &c. 

11.  A  woman  in  the  place  had  a  little  lame  kid,  which 
had  broken  two  of  its  legs  and  its  back.  She  took  it  to  the 
lime -kiln,  and  said:  'Upon  my  word',  said  she,  'thou  shalt  not 
come  out.  till  Senan  displays  his  miracles  on  thee'.  She  left  it 
in  the  kiln  that  night,  and  the  next  day  she  went  to  look  at  it, 
and  found  it  standing  quite  healed  Avith  a  great  udder  of  milk, 
and  the  milk  healed  every  illness  and  every  plague  in  man  and 
cattle,  and  was  carried  thenceforth  to  kings  and  bishops.  More- 
over everyone  who  fasts  to  God  and  to  Senan  on  the  site  of  this 
lime-kiln,  and  makes  his  confession  afterwards,  and  receives  the 
Body  of  Cluist,  shall  obtain  any  boon  he  pleases,  if  it  be  not 
contrary  to  nature. 

12.  Once  upon  a  time  Donnchad  son  of  Domnall  son  of 
Brian  Eoe  (the  red)  assumed  the  chief  ship  of  Corcovaskin,  and 
he  quartered  his  bands  and  bonaghts  in  on  the  land,  and  so 
many  were  his  kernes  '-^)  and  attendants  that  the  bonaghts  would 
find  out  (lit.  reach)  three  cows  [or  two  cows,  or  even  a  single 
cow]  that  existed  in  the  land.  And  as  if  that  was  not  enough 
for  them,  Donnchad  O'Brien  himself  went  to  outrage  the  churches 
of  Senan,  and  to  carry  off  their  cattle  from  them  whether  they 


1)  Find  a  lime-kilu  J5. 

2)  (And)  every  lung -disease  or  (other)  trouble  iu  horse  or  man,  if  only 
stones  of  the  kiln  were  seethed  for  them,  would  be  cured  B. 

ä)   Foreigners  B. 


Zeitschrift  i".  oelt.  riiilologit  X. 


18  C.  PLUMMER, 

do  haircceáh  lais  íatt.  0  'tcualai)  comharba  Senain  sm,  do 
thionóil  an  dara  comharba  chuicce  maille  lena  raiblie  do  cliléir- 
cibli  anwsa  tír,  7  andsaii  mbaile  sin  tSenáin.  Ocus  tuccattar  a 
ccluicc,  7  a  cceolána  7  a  mbaclila,  7  a  nuile  mionna  léo,  7  do- 
chóttar  bail  i  rraibhe  Donwchad,  7  adubhrattar,  muna  ttviccadh 
sé  doibh  gacli  a  nice  uatlia,  go  ccuirfittis  Dia  7  Senan  'na  diaigh 
air.  Ocus  adubawt  siurali,  (fol  245 d)  nach  úwhradh.  larsin  tuc- 
cattar san  gáir  mbv,  eter  útirech,  7  céolán,  7  clocc,  7  bachaill, 
gur  chomhmbuaidhrettar  a  chiall,  7  gur  mesccattar  a  inchinw 
ina  chiond.  AdubaíVí  siumh  friu:  'Gabhaidh  búandadha',  ar  sé. 
'Do  dhénam  sin',  ar  na  cleirchi,  "7  cuirmit  Senan  'na  dhiaigh 
ortsa.'  Do  cuiredh  deichneabh«>-  ar  coitcheanw  Senáin,  7  a  mhéid 
do  toccratar  féin  ariw  ccomharba,  7  búanda  ar  Mac  Sioda  an 
chluicc,  7  búanwa  ar  úúúvigli  Ruis  na  nArc,  7  buanda  ar  chleirf^Ä 
Cille  na  cCaillec/?,  7  buanda  ar  oXúúvigli  Chille  Cuiridáin.  Oirisit 
marsin  0  fhéil  Senáin  go  céid-féil  Muire.  Ocus  do  chuir^)  Dond- 
chad  flos  arna  bíiandadhaibh  anwsin  clium  aidhmillte  do  denamh 
i  naird  oile.  Ocus  do  Miarhadh  Donwchad  anwsin,  7  an  deich- 
nebhar  dá  bhraitnbh^)  do  bi  maille  ris  ag  sárucchad  Senáin,  7 
na  búandadha  nile.  Ocus  os  é  Brian  naV  sharaigh  Senán^),  do 
imthigh  slán. 


YII.  13.  Uair  ele  aaohuaid  Mathgamhain  mac  Domhnaillj  mio, 
MvLÍrcertaigh,  do  breith  áirnéisi '')  do  bái  arna  Carnánaibh  leis  ar 
eiccin,  7  íatt  ar  comairce  comharba  Senáin;  7  do  gabh  tre^) 
buailidh  an  choitcinn.  Ocus  do  heiccedh  air,  7  tainic  in  comh- 
arba')  7  in  coitcend  chuca,  7  do  feradh  treis  aggarbh»)  ettorra 
ar  lár  bíiailedh  in  choitchinw.  Ocus  do  chaith  Mathgamhain  fein 
da  soighitt  risan  ccomarba  7  do  bhuaii  air  iatt,  7  nir  tholl  cidh 
a  aédach.     Ocus  anuair  do  connairc  Mathgamain  an  comharba 


*)  For  o'tcuala  .  . .  Senain  B  reads  7  ro  lensat  an  da  choitchinn  é. 

')  For  7  do  chuir  .  .  .  alle  B  reads  toccthar  iad  chum  tochair  na  main- 
istreach. 

8)  cethrar  da  síol  B. 

*)  nach  raibhe  a  ngoire  do  Senan  B. 

=)  eallaigh  B. 

«)  asé  eolus  do  gliaibh  an  teallach  súas  go  b.  B. 

')  ar  toradh  a  retha  a  ndiaigh  na  comairge  add.  B. 

*)  tulborb  B,  which  abbreviates  the  rest  of  the  section. 


THE    MIRACLES    OF   SENAN.  19 

would  or  no.  And  he  came  to  Kilnag-alliacli,  and  to  Kilcredaun, 
and  to  Eos  an  Aircéil,  and  plundered  them.  When  i)  the  coarb 
of  Senan  heard  this,  he  sent  for  the  other  coarb,  and  all  the 
clerks  who  were  in  the  land  and  in  that  place  of  Senan.  And 
they  brought  their  bells  and  hand -bells  and  bachalls,  and  all 
their  other  treasures,  and  they  proceeded  to  the  place  where 
Donnchad  was;  and  they  said  that  unless  he  gave  back  all  that 
he  had  taken  from  them,  they  would  set  God  and  Senan  after 
him.  And  he  said  that  he  would  not  make  restitution.  Then 
they  raised  a  great  noise,  clerks,  and  bells,  and  hand-bells,  and 
bachalls,  so  that  they  perturbed  his  mind,  and  confused  his  brain 
in  his  head.  He  said  to  them :  '  Eeceive  (my)  bonaghts ',  said  he. 
'  We  will  do  so ',  said  the  clerks,  '  and  Ave  will  set  Senan  at  thee 
afterwards'.  Ten  men  Avere  quartered  on  the  community  of 
Senan,  and  as  many  as  they  claimed  on  the  coarb,  and  bonaghts 
on  Mac  Sida  (steward)  of  the  bell,  and  on  the  clerks  of  Ros  na 
nArc,  and  on  those  of  Kilnagalliach  and  Kilcredaun.  They  re- 
mained thus  from  the  festival  of  Senan  to  the  first  festival  of 
Mary.  And  then  2)  Donnchad  sent  for  the  bonaghts  to  ravage 
in  another  quarter.  And  there  Donnchad  was  killed,  and  ten  3) 
of  his  kinsmen  who  took  part  with  him  in  the  ravaging  of  Senan, 
and  all  the  bonaghts.  And  as  for  Brian,  who"*)  did  not  outrage 
Senan,  he  came  off  safe  and  sound. 

13.  On  another  occasion  Mathgamhan  son  of  Domnall,  son 
of  Muirchertach,  went  to  carry  off  forcibly  some  cattle  that  were 
at  Carnaun  under  the  protection  of  Senan's  coarb.  And  [the 
herd]  proceeded  through  the  booley  of  the  community.  And  a 
hue  and  cry  was  raised;  and  the  coarb  came  [at  the  top  of  his 
speed  in  pursuit  of  the  protected  cattle  (lit.  protection)]  and  the 
community  also,  and  a  sharp  struggle  took  place  between  them 
in   the    midst    of   the    community's    booley.     And   Mathgamain 


1)   And  the  two  communities  pursued  him  B. 

-)   They  were  brought  to  the  causewaj'  of  the  monastery  B. 

3)   Four  of  his  seed  B. 

*)   Was  not  near  Soian  B. 


2* 


20  C.  PLUMMER. 

ag  imtliecht,  dochóid  fein  fón  ccrodh,  7  do  marhli  mart  dibh. 
Ocus  beiritt  na  cléirigh  an  cliuid  ele  leo  dibh,  7  ro  Mrigh 
Mathgamam  'san  mbaile  ind  oidhche  sin.  Ocus  do  gabh  galar 
trom  é,  gur  bú  marhh^),  7  gur  mliair  cethraimhe  don  mart  sin 
do  marbh  fein.  7  a  croicenM2)  dia  eis.  go  ffuil^)  sin  ar  cuimline 
0  sin  anúas. 


Till.  14.  Fecht  ele  tangattar  gadaighthi  ar  buaile  in  coit- 
chinw,  74)  gabliait  {fol.  245h)  áonmhart  amháin  do  bái  ace  senoir 
nasal  do  bliái  ina  sliaccart  'san  mbaile,  7  beirit  go  liionad  imchian 
leo  hi,  7  marbliait,  7  do  cuirettar  a  croicend^),  7  an  laogli  boi  ina 
bolcc,  hi  ffolach  hi  bpoll  móna^).  Do  tóccradh  an  mart  iarsin'), 
7  nir  adaimh  aon  duiwe  an  mart.  Ocus  do  iarr  an  senoir  sin  .i.  an 
saccart  ua  hUiginii  ar  Dia  7  ar  Senán  ffoillsiuccad/i  d'faghail  do 
ara  bhoin.  A  cciond  miosa  iarsin,  tangattar  na  g&áaighe  remh- 
ráite  dochum  an  phuill  mhúna  inar  fáccbatar  croicend  7  laogh 
na  bo,  7  do  toccbhattar  asan  bpoll  iatt;  7  ace  sccaoilet?/»  an 
eroicinw  dóibh,  do  eirigh  an  laogh,  7  do  léicc  a  tri  géimionwa 
ass.  Ocus  fa  raór  an  tiowgnadh  7  an  tnathbás  leisna  gadaighibh 
in  ni  sin,  7  do  sléchtsat  do  Dhia  7  do  Senáu,  7  tangattar  gussin 
ssigart,  7  tuceattar  a  bhreith  fein«)  do,  7  do  gheallatar  gan  en 
ni  húdh  olce  le  Senan  do  dhénamh  go  brath. 


IX.    15.  Feclif  ele  do  bhattar  cleirigh  an  bhaile  fein^)  i  ccai- 
bidilio),  7  dorónsat  do  chomhairle  sépel  do  aeiiamh  do  Muire;  7  do 


^)   an  tres  trath  arua  mháirech  add.  B.  '^')   seiche  B. 

3)   go  ffuil  ina  ball  coimesa  0  shoiu,  7  co  mbia  go  brath  B. 

*)  CO  ttarla  scaói  do  crodh  an  choitchinn  doibh  ace  éirghe  7  gabhaitl 
mart  B,  which  omits  the  passage  about  the  priest  here,  inserting  it  loiver 
down  adding:  7  an  sagart  MacUiginn. 

■')   seiche  B. 

8)   hi  bpoll  phortaigh,  7  ethait  an  mart  B. 

')   cuirther  fa  choinnlibh  an  mart  i  necclasaibh  an  cboitcinn  B. 

**)    a  riar  B. 

^)   batar  coitcinn  Senain  ina  suidhe  B. 

"}   a  haithle  a  nespartan  add.  B. 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  21 

himself  discharged  two  arrows  at  the  coarb,  and  they  hit  him, 
but  did  not  pierce  even  his  clothing.  And  when  Mathgamain 
saw  the  coarb  escaping,  he  himself  attacked  the  cattle  and  killed 
a  heifer.  But  the  clerks  got  off  with  the  rest  of  the  cattle. 
Mathgamain  remained  in  the  place  that  night ;  and  was  attacked 
by  a  severe  illness,  so  that  he  died  [at  the  third  hour  on  the 
morrow].  And  a  quarter  of  the  heifer  which  he  killed,  and  its 
skin  remained,  and  remains  there  from  that  time  forth  as  a 
memorial  ^). 

14.  Another  time  thieves  came  to  the  booley  of  the  com- 
munity, [and  a  herd  of  cattle  on  the  move  belonging  to  the 
community  met  them],  and  they  took  a  single  heifer  belonging 
to  a  noble  elder  of  the  place  [and  the  priest's  name  was  Mac 
Uiginn  (Quiggin)];  and  they  carried  it  off  to  a  remote  spot,  and 
killed  it,  and  hid  the  hide,  and  the  calf  that  was  in  its  womb, 
in  a  hole  in  a  bog,  [and  ate  the  heiferj.  The'O  (loss  of  the) 
heifer  was  cried  after  this,  but  no  one  confessed  to  the  theft. 
And  the  senior,  that  is  the  priest  O'Huiginn.  besought  God  and 
Senan  to  make  knoAvn  to  him  about  his  cow.  At  the  end  of  a 
month  the  aforesaid  thieves  came  to  the  hole  in  the  bog  where 
they  had  left  the  hide  and  calf  of  the  cow,  and  took  them  out 
of  the  hole.  And  when  they  unwrapped  the  hide,  the  calf  stood 
up,  and  bellowed  three  times.  And  great  was  the  astonishment 
and  horror  of  the  thieves  at  this,  and  they  prostrated  themselves 
before  God  and  Senan,  and  came  to  the  priest,  and  offered  him 
his  own  terms.  And  they  promised  not  to  do  anything  displeasing 
to  Senan  till  doom. 

15.  Another  time  the  clerks  of  the  place  held  a  chapter 
[after  vespers] ;  and  they  resolved  to  build  a  chapel  to  the  Virgin, 


y  ')   As  a  witness  for  ever  B. 

"^)   The  heifer  was  put  under  candles  in  the  churches  of  the  community 
(i.  e.  the  thieves  were  excommunicated)  B. 


22  C.  PLUMMER, 

bí ')  ina  ceist  orra  gan  cloclia  aca  "dmm  aoil  do  áemimh,  7  gan 
cloclia  snoigliti  aca  'clmm  na  hoibre  féin  do  denamli,  7  docliódrtr 
do  choáladh  in  oidhce  sin.  Ocus-)  ro  eivigh  deirech  dibh  ar 
maidin  arabhaíach,  7  íaair  an  meid  doch  Mdh  maith  lais.  Ociis 
nir  bó  ferr  dodia  ar  bitli  ina  iatt. 

X.  16.  Taispenadh  adhuathmliar  tadhbás  don  tsenóir  Úa 
Ca/rill  .i.  saccart  Innse  Catha/(/  aroile  oiddie  ina  iarmeirge.  Ocus 
is  amhlaidh  tainicc  cuicce  .i.  dealbh  coirtighe,  dordubh.  'Cros 
Crist  ettrowi  7  tú',  ar  an  saccart,  '7  cía  tú  féin?'  'Macbethadh 
mac  Neil!  (fol.  MÚa)  mic  Murdiac/a  meisi',  ar  sé.  'Cidh  rod 
áúbhustair  fon  ionmís  sin  tú?'  ar  in  senoir.  'Niwsa,  Roimét^) 
mo  peine  7  mo  plieacaf?/i,  óir  is  amhla?V///  bim,  7  pliic  mor  do 
demhnaibh  umam  isind  áer,  7  sústa  imdJia  iamaidhe  aca  aga 
ngabháil  im  cend  dibh.  Ocns  gidli  áoiligh  damli  sin.  as  doilglie 
damh  m'atha?V  do  beitli  ina  comnaidhe  ar  múr  naoimh,  7  maíVcc 
bhios  and.  Ocufi  is  ma?Vcc  damlisa  secli  cácli  m'atliair  do  blieith  a 
ccomfoccíí.s  don  diill:  úair  gib  é  do  dliéna  ingreim  ar  mliúr  naoiíHh 
ar  bith,  7  co  liáiridlie  ar  Inis  C-dÜiaig,  beid  na  deich  cet  7  an  ficlie 
cet  naomh  doróine  cairdes  7  aonta  fii  Senán  aga  aithber  air  fein, 
7  am  shliocht  ina  dhiaigh.  Ocus  au  tan  dognither  eccóir  no  in- 
ghieim  aran  inis  naoimh  so,  teccait  na  naoimh  sin  as  gach  aird 
dia  dhioghail  a>-an  lucht  ros  dingne;   7  ro  chan  an  láidh  an«^): 

*)  7  ba  troiu  leo  ceudacli  ua  ccloch  iiáoil ,  uair  do  beiidis  da  sgilliug 
ar  gach  en  lucht  B. 

*)  larua  mharach  iminorro  do  tiomaicctidlie  comhard  tempaill  do  clochaibh 
aelbuigh  timcell  na  hinnse,  co  nach  rangatar  a  les  clocha  do  cendach  B. 

^)  From  this  ])oiyit  to  the  end  of  the  section  B  reads  thus:  Ro-iomat 
mo  phecadh  7  ro-throma  mo  peine,  uair  as  amiaidh  bim,  7  pine  do  demhuaibh 
agam  rébadh,  7  cidh  mor  pian  t'uil  oram,  as  doilge  damb  aithber  iomaithber  oram 
ara  bith  a  ccomharsauacht  lunsi  Cathaigh,  uair  maircc  bhios  a  ccomharsanacbt 
naoimh,  7  maircc  doriuue  7  dingenas  iughreim  ar  luis  Cathaigh  7  ar  lucht 
aittreba  an  náim  sin  i  talamh,  uair  an  deich  cced  7  an  fhichet  céd  naomh 
dorinne  codach  re  Seuan,  beid  sin  uile  acca  dioghail  fair  fein,  7  ara  mhac,  7 
for  a  iarsma  co  deiredh  betha  .i.  for  auti  doghéua  ingreim  arin  ccatraigh 
naoimh  sin ;  7  gach  uair  da  ndiugentar  eccoir  ar  luis  Cathaigh,  7  ar  Cill  Rois, 
7  ar  termoun  Seuain  co  coitciouu,  teccaid  samhaidh  Senain  co  leic  an  chodaigh, 
7  tabrad  tri  gaire  eter  clocc  7  duine,  7  tioccfaid  na  naoiuih  sin  do  dhioghail 
na  neccórach  dognílider  re  Senan. 

*)  B  onúts  the  j^oeni,  and  gives  the  following  colophon:  As  leabhar 
comharba  Shenain  o  luis  Cathaigh  do  sgriobad  an  Ambra  sm  Senain,  7  ua 
sgeoil   becca  nuaidhe  amhail   atád  sunna,   a  ccouveint   brathar  Chuiuuche  i 

(Continued  on  p.  24.) 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAX.  23 

and ')  it  was  a  difficult}'  to  them  that  the}'  had  no  stones  from 
which  to  make  lime,  nor  any  dressed  stones  for  the  work  itself; 
and  they  retired  to  rest  that  night.  And  2)  a  clerk  of  them  arose 
on  the  following  morning,  and  found  as  much  stone  as  he  could 
desire.    And  no  stones  in  the  world  were  better  than  they. 

16.  A  dreadful  vision  appeared  to  the  elder,  O'Cairill.  a 
priest  of  Scattery.  one  night  at  mattins;  and  thus  it  came  to 
him  as  a  tanned  jet-black  form.  'Christ's  cross  (be)  between  me 
and  thee",  said  the  priest,  "and  who  art  thou?"  'Macbeth,  son  of 
Xiall.  son  of  Murchad',  said  he.  'AVhat  has  blackened  thee  like 
that'?'  said  the  elder.  'That  is  soon  told'  (said  he)  -the  enormity 
of  my  torment  and  m}'  sins;  for  thus  I  am,  with  a  great  horde 
of  demons  hovering  ^)  about  me.  with  many  iron  flails  which  they 
ply  upon  my  head.  And  though  this  be  grievous  to  me,  more 
grievous  *)  is  it  to  me  that  my  father  is  settled  on  the  boundary 
(lit.  Avail)  of  a  saint,  and  woe  to  him  who  is  there.  And  woe 
to  me  beyond  anything  that  my  father  should  be  near  the  church, 
for  whoever  shall  trespass  on  the  boundary  (lit.  wall)  of  any 
saint,  and  especially  Scattery.  the  three  thousand  saints  who 
made  alliance  and  union  with  Senan  will  avenge  it  on  the  doer, 
and  on  his  seed  after  him.  And  when  Avrong  or  trespass  is  done 
to  this  sacred  island  [to  Scattery  and  KiLrush,  and  to  the  termon 
of  Senan  generally,  the  congregations  of  Senan  come  to  the  Stone 
of  the  Treaty,  and  send  forth  three  cries  of  man  and  bell,  and] 
these  saints  come  from  every  quarter  to  avenge  it  on  the  per- 
petrators.   And  he  recited  this  lay''). 


1)  And  the  purchase  of  lime -stone  was  a  heavy  burden  to  them,  for 
the}'  had  to  pay  two  shillings  for  eveiy  load  B. 

^)  But  on  the  morrow  were  seen  limestones  to  the  height  of  a  church 
all  round  the  island,  so  tlÉt  they  had  no  need  to  purchase  any   B. 

*)   Rending  me  B. 

*)  Is  the  twice-told  vengeance  on  me  for  being  in  the  vicinity  of 
Scatter}',  for  woe  to  him  who  is  in  the  vicinity  of  a  saint,  and  woe  to  him 
who  has,  committed  or  shall  commit  trespass  on  Scattery  and  the  dwellers  on 
the  saint's  land  B. 

'")  B  ends  here  with  the  following  colophon:  From  the  book  of  the 
coarb  of  Senan  of  Scattery  this  Amra  Senain  and  the  little  modern  tales  were 
copied,  as  here  given,  in  the  friars"  convent  of  Quin  in  Thomoud  in  the 
summer  of  the  year  1634,  Father  Donnchad  mac  Gilla  Senain  (^Magilsinan) 
being  Warden.  The  friar  Michael  O'Clery  wrote  it  the  first  time,  and  also 
now,  June  li,  1635. 


24  C.  PLUMMER, 

17.  An  an  catliair  caomli  so  anocht, 
Inis  Csithaig,  caomh  a  tlacht; 
Mochen  corpán  téid  fo  híiir, 
lomdha  aingel  ciuil  'na  port. 

Maircc  thocráidhes  an  saor  seng, 
Senan  sochla  na  smith  mbinn; 
y      As  Í  falaidh  bia  do  anw. 

Nemh  is  talamh  uaidh  da  chiond. 

Luclit  dioghla  taladh  an  naoimh 
Is  solamh  teccait  fon  ngáir; 
Deich  cet  ar  fichit  Q,et  naonih 
Teccait  go  saor  tar  in  sal. 

18.  Maith  an  toirecht  ticc  a  túaid 
Do  naomhaibh  Doire  fon  ngáir, 
Oirecht  Mocliuda  do  céin, 

Is  Bairri  budein  ina  ndáil. 

Ticc  Ó  Ohlnain  Eraird  a  ccéin 
Buidhen  tseimli  d'áos  in  gniidh, 
Oirecht  fial  Ciaráin  ó  Clúai«, 
Siar  go  mór-dhail  Muighe  Mail. 

Ticc  Caoimhghin  6  Ghlion«  da  Loch. 
Ticc  Berach  go  fir  in  flaith, 
Do  ice  SubttcA,  saor  an  smith, 
Ticc  Béoog  on  tuinw  nioir  maith. 

19.  Muinend,  is  mac  Solaim  siar, 
Is  solamh  teccait  fon  ngáir, 
In  tespoc  Fergíís  fionw  fial 
Go  mer-gws  dian  ina  ndáil. 

{fol.  246  h)  Do  ic  Maolchorgais  ale 
Go  hiarlaith  for  cona?r  ngle. 
Is  Foil  an  do  ice  anoir, 
Comán  CO  cei  naomh  sodhain. 

{Continuation  from  2).  22.)  tTuadhmumain  a  Samhradh  ua  bliadhna  sa,  1634, 
darbo  Gairdian  an  tathair  Dondchad  mac  GioUa  Seuain.  An  brathair  Michel 
0  Clevigh  ro  sgiiobli  an  ceidfecht,  7  sonna  14  lunii,  1035. 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  25 

17.  Glorious  the  beauteous  city  to  night,  Scattery,  fair  its 
array.  Blessed  the  corpse  that  goes  under  its  soil;  many  a 
quiring  angel  is  in  its  harbour. 


Woe  to  him  who  provokes  the  emaciated  noble  one,  far- 
famed  Senan  of  the  melodious  sages.  This  is  the  punishment 
which  will  be  to  him  therefor,  deprivation  of  heaven  and  earth. 


The  avengers  of  the  saint's  wrath,  promptly  they  come  at 
the  call;  three  thousand  saints  come  nobly  across  the  brine. 


18.  Goodly  the  company  of  the  saints  of  Derry  which 
comes  from  the  north  at  the  cry ;  the  company  of  Mochuda  from 
afar,  and  Barry  himself  to  meet  them. 


There  comes  from  Clonard  afar  a  lean  troop  of  clerics  and 
the  noble  company  of  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnois,  westwards  to  the 
meeting  of  Magh  Mail. 

There  comes  Coemgen  from  Glendalough.  there  comes  Berach 
the  prince  in  sooth ;  Subach  comes,  noble  the  sage,  comes  goodly 
Beoog  from  the  great  wave. 


19.  Moinend  and  Mac  Solaim  in  the  West,  promptly  they 
come  at  the  cry,  fair  noble  Fergus  the  bishop,  with  eager 
fervid  strength  to  meet  them. 


Thither  comes  Maelcorgais  to  larlaithe  on  the  bright  path, 
from  the  East  comes  Follán,  and  Comán  with  a  hundred  monks. 


26  C.  PLUMMER. 

Dosíicc  Brénainn  hmáhnech  bán, 
Ticc  cet  0  Cill  mic  Ronáin; 
Ticc  Nessaii  mor  tar  in  sal, 
Re  les  teccait  na  Cronáin. 

20.  Tiocfaidh  Caireall,  cáid  an  cing, 
Tar  sál  ó  Arainn  gan  fheall; 
Ticc  Feichin  F?ibair  in  fionw 
Tar  lind  do  cliabhair  na  cceall. 

Ticc  Lughna  [an]  Aonaígh  an  aigh, 
Is  ticc  slogli  Miiglma  da  ndéoin, 
Teccaitt  na  Colmáin  go  caidli, 
Uch,  a  Dhé,  as  anbháil  an  fhoir. 

Ticc  Eralt  fa  slien  ale 
Co  slogli  do  naomliaibh  Luigne; 
Ticc  Manclián  do  dlieoin  Dé  dil, 
Ticc  Berchán  cowa  buidnibh. 

21.  Ticc  Tigernan  Oiridli  án, 
Ticc  Mocúa  Balla  fa  déoigli; 
Ticc  an  Gall  craibhdecli  co  cáidh, 
Le  laimli  ni  háilghen  an  flióir. 

Greallan  Craoibhe  cruaidh  na  cath, 
Lendán  fuair  gacli  rath  'na  ritli; 
Tiocfaidh  Fursa,  flal  an  flaitli, 
Cidh  cian,  as  daitli  thiocfus  sin. 

Ticc  Ceallach  mac  Conmsic  caidh, 
Ticc  an  feoclia<V  íial  Flandán, 
Ticc  úa  Siianaiyh  sun?i  fon  ngair 
Go  sluagliaibli  caomha  Candáin. 

22.  Colara  mac  Criomlitliain  go  ratli, 
Ba  rond  nir  thiormaigh  a  ghuth; 
Caimin  Inwsi  Cealtra  a  cath 
Asa  indsi  ticc  fan  nguth. 

Ticc  Ailbhe  sech  giein  ale 
Da  réir,  ocus  mac  Luighne, 
Ocus  ticc  Mac  Duach  alle 
Co  luath,  ocus  Mochuille. 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  27 

Fair  Brendan  of  the  hosts  comes,  come  a  hundred  from  Cell 
mic  Ronain;  great  Nessan  comes  across  the  brine  —  profitably 
come  the  Cronans. 


20.  Cairell  will  come,  venerable  the  champion,  across  the 
brine  from  Aran  without  fail;  Feichin  the  fair  of  Fore  comes 
across  the  water  to  help  the  churches. 

Lughna  the  warlike  of  Nenag-h  comes,  and  the  host  of 
Mug'hna  comes  willingly,  reverently  come  the  Colmans;  Ah  God, 
wondrous  is  the  help. 

Eralt  comes  thither  with  (good)  augury,  and  a  host  of  the 
saints  of  Luigne,  Manchán  comes  by  dear  God's  will,  and  Berchán 
with  his  companies. 

21.  Glorious  Tigernan  of  Errew  comes,  Mochiia  of  Balla 
comes  at  last,  reverently  comes  the  devout  foreigner;  not  gentle 
is  the  help  at  hand. 

Grellan  of  Creeve,  hardy  in  battles,  a  favourite  who  attained 
every  grace  in  his  course;  Fursa  will  come,  generous  the  prince, 
though  far  off,  quickly  will  he  come. 

Cellach  comes,  the  venerable  son  of  Conmac,  and  the  fierce 
generous  Flannan,  Úa  Suanaigh  conies  here  at  the  call  with  the 
fair  hosts  of  Cannan. 

22.  Colum  son  of  Crimthan  with  grace,  his  voice  was  a 
stream  which  never  dried,  Caimin  of  Inishcaltra  in  battle  came 
from  his  island  at  the  sound. 

Ailbe,  who  surpassed  the  sun,  comes  hither  at  his  will, 
and  Mac  Luighne  and  Macduach  swiftly,  and  Mochuille. 


28  C.  PLUMMER, 

Ticc  Luchtigern  go  dian  d'ítr  ffios, 
Dobeir  Scenmán  sciath  'sa  treas; 
As  ratlimhar  a  nglór  a  bhus, 
Blathmac  leisan  slogh  d'ar  les. 

23.  Mac  Leinin  au  gai  géir  gloin, 
Molaga  fá  dheoigli  mar  ailt, 
Fionwchu  Bri  gobhanw  an  guirt 
Ni  anfa  co  ticc  fon  aire. 

Comhgall,  Cainweach,  Lactin  lais, 
Mochua  Balla,  caidh  a  tres, 
Ruadhán  Lotlira  luatli  don  lios 
Ticc  leisan  sluagli  d'ar  les. 

(fol  2á7a)  Ticc  Flanw  m«c  Airchealla/í^  ain, 
Ticc  an  feoclia/r  íial  Findán, 
Do  ice  Carrtacli  as  taom  trir, 
Ticc  Mainech ')  mór  mat  Lairin. 

24.  Ticc  oireaclit  Árand  aniar 
Tar  sal-mong  mara  nach  min; 
Teceait  naoimh  in  cadaigli  cáidh 
G«sin  abbaidh  nán  co  fir. 

Go  Senán  eáidh  ina  chill, 
Go  sosadh  na  sáor-long  seng, 
Gér  bó  hoclit  a  ré  rea  lind, 
Aec  Mac  ochta  Dé  ni  fand. 

Mor  socraite  in  naoimh,  ni  brécc, 
0  Cham  i  Neid  go  Sliabh  Fúaid, 
Tieicli  cet  sin  ar  fhicit  céd. 
Is  Í  med  teccait  fon  riiaig. 

25.  Maircc  duisges  an  slogh  sa  amach 
Tre  shárucehací  na  cathrach, 
Bidh  gairitt,  bidh  suaill  a  rath, 
Bidh  fada  biian  bus  Siithieach. 


*)    This  name  is  imderlined  as  if  for  deletion. 


THE   MIRACLES    OF   SENAX.  29 

LucMigern  comes  quickly  at  our  summons,  Scenmán  bears 
his  shield  into  the  contest;  gracious  their  speech  in  this  world. 
Blathmac  with  the  host  comes  to  our  profit. 


23.  Mac  Leinin  of  the  keen  bright  spear,  Molaga  at  last, 
like  a  hero,  Finnchu  of  Brigown  of  the  garden;  he  will  not 
stay  till  he  comes  to  the  contest  (lit.  trouble).  * 


Comgall,  Cainnech,  Lachtin  with  him.  Mochua  of  Balla, 
venerable  his  conflict.  Euadhan  of  Lorrha  comes  with  the  host 
swiftlv  to  the  fort  to  aid  us. 


Flann.  son  of  glorious  Airchellach  comes,  and  the  fierce 
generous  Findan;  Carthach  comes  who  is  a  match  (?)  for  three, 
and  great  Mainech  son  of  Lairin. 


24.  From  the  West  comes  the  company  of  Aran  across  the 
brine  of  the  rough  crested  sea;  the  saints  of  the  A'enerable  coven- 
ant come  to  the  abbot  who  is  g-iorious  indeed. 


To  Senan  the  venerable  in  his  church,  to  the  station  of  the 
slender  noble  ships,  though  his  time  was  poor  in  his  life,  he  has 
power  with  God's  bosom  Son. 


Great  the  company  of  the  saint  in  sooth  fi'om  Carn  iii  Xéit 
to  the  Fews,  three  thousand  is  the  sum  of  those  who  come  to 
the  onset. 


25.  Woe  to  him  who  rouses  up  this  host  by  outraging  the 
city  (monaster)'),  short  and  scant  will  be  his  grace;  long  and 
lasting  will  be  his  ruth. 


30  C.  PLUMMER, 

Maircc  do  blieir  an  sluagh  sa  alle 
0  chriochaib  cíana  Cime, 
Ni  bá  sámhucchaíí  bias  de 
Tre  shárucchaíí  na  cille. 

Atú  ag  rádh  briathar  nach  bras 
Cille  caidhe  is  caoimhe  atclos; 
Oirecht  aingeal  and  gan  ces 
0 

26.  Mac  me  meic  heümd  nach  buan 
Eter  sretaibh  sluagh  nach  saor, 
Kopsam  tendál  ar  bith  buan, 
Mimbhadh  Senan  na  sluagh  saor. 

Maircc  beires  ferond  an  náoimh, 
Ni  mochenonu  beith  'na  ndáil; 
Maircc  da  gach  duine  fofuair 
Beith  go  cruaidh  'na  cuile  caidh. 

Uch,  dam  ratt  mo  naomh  go  nocht, 
As  oram  do  thuit  a  claon  olc, 
Isedh  do  bheir  me  uaidh  go  hole, 
Beith  go  cfuaidh  isin  naomh -port. 

27.  Maircc  bios  a  ccomhfoccws  ceall, 
Maircc  nach  ai  thigh  go  haifren?2, 
Ferr  beith  a  ccloch-dinibh  ceall 

Na  ag  droch-daoinibh  na  ngaithlend. 

Occlach  bios  a  nulca  naoimh 
Ro  fhedar  nocha  bia  a  mháoin; 
Téid  as  a  eland  is  a  chrod. 
Is  bidh  fein  tall  ar  droch-shorthan, 

Dámadh  Ian  dorn  siol  gach  raon, 
Nocha  raghaind  [si]  re  taobh; 
Nocha  berainwsi  a  tir  uaidh, 
Gemadh  lionmar  mo  mor-sluaigh. 


»)   A  line  missing;  space  left  blank  in  the  MS. 


THE  MIRACLES   OF   SEN  AN.  31 

Woe  to  him  who  brings  this  host  hither  from  the  distant 
bounds  of  Cime;  'tis  no  peace -making  that  will  result  from  it, 
from  outrag-ing:  the  church. 


I  say  a  word  which  is  not  boastful  of  tlie  venerable  church, 
the  most  beauteous  ever  heard  of ;  a  company  of  angels  is  there 
unweariedly  . . .  J) 

26.  A  son  of  a  son  of  life  not  lasting  among  the  ranks  of 
hosts  not  free,  a  firebrand  for  evermore  were  I.  but  for  Senan 
of  the  noble  hosts. 


Woe  to  him  who  steals  the  land  of  the  saint,  ill  is  it  to 
have  to  meet  them  (i.  e.  the  saints);  woe  to  each  man  who 
contrived  to  be  oppressively  in  his  (Senan's)  venerable  store. 

Alas !  my  saint  has  stripped  me  bare,  on  me  has  fallen  his 
headlong  wrath;  this  it  is  which  evilly  separates  me  from  him, 
my  being  oppressively  in  his  sacred  harbour. 


27.  Woe  to  him  who  is  near  churches,  woe  to  him  who 
frequents  not  mass;  better  to  be  in  the  shelter  of  stone  churches, 
than  with  evil  men  of  the  spear. 


A  man  who  is  under  the  wrath  of  the  saint,  I  well  know 
will  not  profit  by  it;  his  children  and  cattle  perish,  and  himself 
will  be  in  evil  case  in  the  other  world. 


Though  every  road  were  thronged  with  my  seed,  I  would 
not  rely  on  them;  I  would  not  take  his  land  from  him.  however 
numerous  my  mighty  hosts. 


*)   A  line  raissing. 


32  C.  PLUMMER, 

{fol  247  h)  Ge  adértai  mo  ghort  glau. 
's  gurab  é  m'athaí/-  no  tlireabad, 
Da  mbeith  a  bfocci<s  don  cill, 
XÍ  ragh  air  acht  go  hinMÍll. 

28.  Fúd  do  breith  d'feronw  na  uaomli 
Xodia  déoin  don  Spín/í  Naomh; 
Maircc  bheires  do  fein  gid  gar, 

y      Ar  a  fhod  bais  a  dhioghal. 

Maircc  doni  tegli  ar  mnr  naoimh, 
Maircc  don  fhine  téid  re  a  thaoibli. 
]\Iaircc  uma  meic  ociis  flora, 
Do  gheibli  ^;-a  a  troim-iodha. 

Baoghal  don  rigb  ticc  re  cill, 
Do  faoth  d'faobhar  no  do  rinw, 
Gan  crodh,  gan  coimdlie  teit  as. 
Do  blieir  an  Coimdlie  d'ludas. 

29.  Gach  a  ndernií5  im  chorp  criadh 
Do  gach  olc,  da  gach  anriar, 

As  mo  do  cwir  meisi  hi  ftan 
A  thir  do  breith  ó  Senán. 

Aithnim  im  dhiaigh  da  gach  laoch 
Giow  go  ffaghbha  tir  acht  fraoch, 
Na  héirgedh  ar  tir  na  cceall, 
Na  dech  le  a  gniomh  i  nifrenw. 

Da  ndechaind  isin  saogal  seng. 
Do  berainw  tres  re  leigend, 
Ni  beind  oil  re  hóil  'sa  ceall 
Ar  ioniat  óir  na  hEirenw. 

Is  Í  mo  cluimh  is  mo  lend, 
A  huir  mar  tá  fam  leit-cen«; 
As  fir  gurab  cuidh  an  ceall 
As  dion  anma  gid  leith-glend  i). 

»)  ?  Leithglend. 


THE   MIRACLES   OF   SENAN.  33 

Though  it  (the  land)  were  called  my  field  in  clear  possession, 
and  though  it  were  mj'  father  that  occupied  it,  I  will  not  enter 
on  it  save  under  securitj'",  if  it  be  near  the  church. 


28,  To  take  a  sod  of  the  land  of  the  saints  is  displeasing- 
to  the  Holy  Spirit;  woe  to  him  who  appropriates  even  a  little 
of  it,  on  his  own  'sod  of  death'  it  will  be  avenged. 


AVoe  to  him  who  makes  a  house  on  the  wall  (boundar}')  of 
a  saint;  woe  to  the  sept  which  supports  him  (in  doing  so);  woe 
to  his  sons  and  his  men,  he  shall  receive  heavy  pains  for  it. 


There  is  danger  for  a  king  who  attacks  a  church,  he  shall 
fall  by  blade  or  point,  without  property,  without  security  he  goes 
forth;  the  Lord  places  him  with  Judas. 


29.  Of  all  the  ill  I  did  in  my  body  of  clay,  of  all  the 
rebellion,  that  which  has  ruined  me  most,  is  taking  land  from 
Senan. 


I  bid  ever}"  layman  after  me,  though  he  obtain  no  land 
but  (mere)  heath,  not  to  attack  church  lands,  lest  he  go  with 
his  deed  to  hell. 


If  I  were  to  return  to  the  meagre  world.  I  would  fight  on 
behalf  of  study;  I  would  not  be  cheek  by  jowl  with  his  church 
for  all  the  gold  of  Erin. 


This  is  my  covering  (lit.  plumage)  and  my  mantle,  his  soil 
thus  under  the  side  of  my  head;  it  is  true  that  the  cliurch  is  a 
portion,  even  Leighlin  (?)  is  a  protection  of  the  soul. 


Zeitaclirift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X. 


34  C.  PLUMMER, 

30.  Maith  leis  gachi)  anmaiw  truaigh, 
Fáidh  gotha  cluicc  gan  an  2)  buai«, 
Gidh  siublac?/i  uirre  ima  liuaigh 
Ind  oidhce  geimridh  glaw-fúair. 

Maith  le  gach  corp  taidlech  tend 
A  uaigli  uime.  gidli  aithgerr. 
Altaighim  do  Dia  na  rend 
Gan  beith  go  ciaw  0  aifrend. 

Maircc  do  chomliaight/iec/i  an  naoimli. 
An  oilithrigli  biiidhn?^7i  bain, 
NÍ  bá  rabhartaigli  'na  tir, 
Munba  tabhartaigh  a  chain. 

Ni  feiT  dligeas  cios  is  cáin 
Da  mhanach  diles  bucZdein, 
Xa  don  allmaracli  glic  glua?V 
Ticc  le  buaibh  d'adhbbronda(?/t  féir. 

31.  Leac  an  codaigh  le  gacli  ngliaidh 
Agan  cuire  caidh  nacb  cláow; 
Tnrloch  a  ccatraigli  caidh 

Ag  urgnamh  don  &hhaidh  náomh. 

(fol.  248 a)  Goit  na  cathrach  maitli  rea  cur. 
Rathmar  a  rath  0  ro  gein, 
Ar^  na  naingeal  tall  'na  fhail, 
Daingen  nar  lamhadh  le  neimh. 

Biadh^^a  oiremh[an]  bfionw  bfial, 
Accar  glmirt  na  naingeal  nan; 
Loim  na  heillte  a  ceuid  caomh, 
Ar  brú  reilge  na  naomh  nan. 

An. 


^)   '?  Is  maitb  le  gach;  cf.  next  verse. 
')   ?  a. 


THE    MIRACLES    OF   SEN  AN.  35 

30.  It  is  good  for  every  unhappy  soul  that  the  sound  of 
the  bell's  voice  be  not  evoked  (lit.  strnck),  thoiigh  it  be  carried 
(lit.  though  it  go)  over  it  round  its  grave  on  a  winter's  night 
clear  and  cold. 

Good  for  every  strong  bright  body  its  grave  about  it,  though 
it  be  but  short;  I  give  thanks  to  the  God  of  the  stars  for  not 
being  far  from  mass. 


Woe  to  the  man  who  is  neighbour  (?)  of  the  saint,  of  the 
fair  pilgrim  of  the  hosts ;  he  will  not  be  powerful  (?)  in  his  land, 
unless  he  be  generous  of  his  tribute. 

(lirtH-y  /■:  -^- 

Not  better  is  (the  man  who  owes  ,  rent  or  tribute  to  his 
(Senan's)  own  monk,  than /the  cunning  bright  foreigner  who 
comes  with  kine  to  consume'  pasture. 


31.  The  stone  of  the  covenant  in  every  contest  is  Avitli  the 
venerable  and  righteous  band ;  a  pool  in  the  venerable  mouastei-y 
does  service  to  the  holy  abbot. 


The  field  of  the  monastery  is  good  in  its  site,  abundant  its 
increase  since  the  beginning;  the  Angels'  Height  is  there  near  it, 
a  fortress  which  was  never  assailed  by  violence. 


The  support  of  his  fair  generous  ploughmen  is  the  acre  of  the 
field  of  the  glorious  angels;  the  doe's  milk  is  their  fair  portion, 
on  the  edge  of  the  cemetery  of  the  glorious  saints. 

Glorious. 
Oxford.  C.  Plumm eu. 


ÜBER  DAS  ALTER  DER  WÜRZBURGER 
GLOSSEN. 


Man  pflegt  jetzt  die  Hauptmasse  der  Würzburger  Glossen 
allgemein  in  die  Mitte  des  8.  Jahrhunderts  n.  Chr.  zu  verlegen, 
da  dieselben  entschieden  älter  sind,  als  der  Kalender  des  Oengus, 
andererseits  aber  bedeutend  jünger,  als  die  713  v.  Chr.  von 
Dorbbéne  geschriebene  Vita  Columbae  des  Adamnán. 

Ihr  Alter  läfst  sich  aber  noch  genauer  fixieren  und  zwar 
mit  Hilfe  der  bekannten  Erzählung  von  der  Vertreibung  der 
Déisi,  die  aus  historischen  Gründen  um  das  Jahr  750  n.  Chr. 
aufgezeichnet  worden  sein  mufs;  die  Version  aus  Rawl.  B.  502 
ist  von  Kuno  Mej^er  im  Cymmrodor  XIII 104  ff.,  die  Version  aus 
Laud  610  in  Ériu  III  144ff.  herausgegeben. 

Hier  finden  sich  nun  eine  Reilie  von  Formen,  die  deutlich 
älter  sind,  als  die  Sprache  der  AVürzburger  Glossen.  So  finden 
sich  in  der  Laud -Version  Formen  wie  to-llotar  (Z.  32),  to-lUicset 
(Z.  56),  to-cliomairc  (Z.  92),  to-heir  (Z.  105),  ton- fair  (Z.  168),  to- 
chumlat  (Z.  185),  tos-herat  (Z.  186),  to-tet  (Z.  188),  während  im  Wb. 
vortoniges  to-  regulär  als  do-  erscheint. 

Beachtenswert  ist  ferner  das  au  in  Maugdornce  (Z.  117), 
wogegen  Wb.  stets  die  Form  mug  hat.  Sehr  alt  ist  auch  der 
Genetiv  Niod  in  Rawl.  (§  9),  doch  dürfte  es  sich  hier,  ebenso  wie 
beim  Namen  Condla  hOs  (Laud,  Z.  235)  um  einen  traditionellen 
Archaismus  handeln. 

Jedenfalls  wird  man  aber  die  Niederschrift  von  Wb.  um 
wenigstens  10—20  Jahre  lierabrücken  müssen,  also  frühestens  um 
760 — 770  n.  Chr.  ansetzen  dürfen. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokorny. 


MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 


Ochtfoclach  Coluim  Chille. 

Bald  nachdem  ich  dies  Gedicht  in  Bd.  VIII,   SS.  198 — 317 
aus  Laud  615  ahgedrucld  hatte,  fand  ich  eine  siveite  Handschrift   5 
in  dem  Buch  von  Lecan,  fol.  170hl.     Als  Titel  steht  dort  freilich 
In  ochtfoclach  hi  Emin  annso,  rvird  also  einem  (mir  unbekannten) 
ua  hEmin  zugeschrieben. 

Die  erste  Strophe  lautet: 

Dia  moir  {sie)  dorn  imditen.  10 

Dia  mor  dorn  imdeadail, 
Dia  mor  dorn  foirceadal, 
Dia  mor  im  faih 

Dia  mor  dom  chaisearcad, 
Dia  mor  dom  imradad,  15 

Dia  mor  dom  imgnadad, 
Dia  mor  romain. 

Im  folgenden  teile  ich  nun  die  Varianten  von  Strophe  zu 
Strophe  mit: 

2  Int  athair        cumachtach,  comsich        m'anmchara        rig  20 
in  rigthig-  rignime      3  dilgadach  dercach      ndealbaim      ri      tai- 
cheanach         tidlaiceach         ceil   chrithearghna         1   in  firdia 
in   firdiiine        bias   aeon   breitheamnus         breath   briatharglan 

5  harchaiuglib    ilcheol  oirisem  uacht  chunscnugud 
(sie)  in  choimdead        eistecht  riu        each  enen  (sie)  fri  ebnes  25 

6  cathairi   coinnlecha  chirt   choir         siroirfe         ban   sliab 

7  atchaiiigel         hanmehairdib  imad        ba  rigr        cunlacht  in 


-jö  KUNO    MEYER. 

cliosdada  in  clieocadail  (sie)  doisdid  co  each  (sic)  8  glas- 
cliedal  re  cloisteand  cluas  in  taitnema  an  oircedail  dou 
trinoit  9  indisin  in  atliar  oirniwdte  ni  chuimgend  ro- 
chaimi  in  rachoimdead        ri  in  domnaig-        adrici        10  Is  bua- 

5  dach  in  brathairsi  is  buideach  diadi  deicliaid  uacht  chom- 
rath  n-anfoirfe,  is  can  ecnach  11  can  imorbus  ann  tochostal 
tuaraithli,  con  tluag-  fail  12  Can  tigi  d'athchuindgid  arcait 
na  hoir,  can  chrud  muc  mochergi.  can  iwmbuar  mbogemneach, 
can  mna,   can  milana  cun  munter   (sic)  moir        13  mor  teist  a 

10  tigerna  itat  na  n-amsine  biidig  bithbudig  bad  bolltnigthi 
bithlana  14  Tria  bithu  mbithlanti  blatholus  rofiarfaid  litheg  in 
rig  oenlaith  (sic)  ica  n-orfided  tria  bithu  na  sir  15  fin  prim- 
aibni  mar  tat  ar  each  eon  etrochta  16  Aibni  na  har- 
dena,   ailli  na  hilcheola,   imda   na  hilblasa,   lébda  ináerdeir 

15  blaith  meth  minabaig  moigib  raorsoillsi  rigtheg  reill 
17  Eoiseam  roatrebam  in  duileamon  iar  tabairt  doman  ehe 
ditten  rondiitneba  descin  a  deaclita  a  dualas  a  doenachta  donarus 
de.  D.  18  Dia  nathar  (sic)  atchimsea.  ar  uath  ar  egomnart. 
ar  olcuib   aideitchib   i  n-agaid   gaid.   cumthach  roncumtigba.   in 

20  coimdiu  cumachtacli.  in  cara  coindirclecli  19  Comnart  in  chom- 
airgi.  cunchim  dum  cheartnadud.  Crist  ar  each  comrorgin.  o 
mo  ehurp  chain,  tic        tlieasarcain.        thes        ristabraim  taeb. 

20  Ticfa  dorn  tlieasarcain.  itú  ica      torbrid      anbonni      m'imeaela 

21  in  chomairgi        chondailbi        tolloirbe  tolltar  ua  thri.        in 
25  om.         uas  sligi    uasermagrib    naemainglig    conic    each    ni. 

22  acarnsenabaid  (sic)  rienabaig        ronesemnacair        in  ehuing 
fethel  CO  fsebruge       seathar  soeglaigi        23  ind  irecna       rigetla 
CO  ndirigi  a  dreach.  caemni  (sic)  ronaemastair.  sierni  ronsaerastair. 
naemni    ronsemastair.   naemastair  nech.        2'1   ar  in  ntjm   naom- 

30  anglech.  na  hoig  na  hathrigig.  eo  ndligud  de.  berthar  bith 
cha^m  che  25  comrachi  ar  coiletliib  elumgeala  ehrand  is 
ed  fognas  and.  26  Adbli  fria  n-innisin.  adamra  ind  iruasal. 
immad  na  n-anaichnid.  nach  aichnid  duind.  a  druim  fria 
diumsachaib.   a  dreacli  fria   dedblenaib.   a  deas   fria  desciblaib. 

35  duileani  na  «dull  (sic)  27  A  seela  d'indisin  is  disceoil  discru- 
dain.  is  torsi  dithrubach.  fri  dune  dall.  artri  can  artrigud.  iener 
can  oenoman.  endia  7  enolad.  innister  ann.  28  Isu  coim- 
diu cumachta.  cumthigthi  atchid.  gebid  mor  d'athlechaib  (sic). 
oppuid  mor  d'ecnaigib.  athriguig  ardrigu.  artrigud  rig.       29  Rig 

40  tren   in  tatnema.        taitneam   na   trocairi.   turacht  each  triuin. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS    IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  39 

siitroll  ar  soillsichtlii.  sidbarr  ar  sidaidcln.  samri  ar  samaigchi, 
slanti  iar  snil.  30  Is  esem  slanicid.  sil  Adaim  athramail.  athair 
na  hicslanti  tanic  diar  cu  condalb  cartinmil.   cimarad 

comaided.  cotarsna  31  clioimgine  corancobrarni.  corocho- 
grani.  statt   rotochtsamar:   rocliansomar   statt   rogeallsamar:    5 

rodailsemar  tria  chness  32  in  langlacad.  latruind  tiug 
tromfsebracli  intortdescin  arii^d    roirgabad  rohathi- 

sead         33    Cocar   rochocradsom         chomideclit         sin  chetain 
cetchrutta       cetaib       rabuadirtlia.  bethud  rabaetliigtha.       bel- 
gacha        34  Briathar  in  morclioimdead        deiscibal  {sie)        isin  10 
dardain  caplati.  atmait-ni        ita  dorn  apstaib  {sie),  apsdal  na 
midbranwsa.  fri   croicli   fri   cesachtain        35  cliian        in  goibes 
faistine   derb   leis  rolamsad?ir.    in   lucht    ba   lia.    Iiidas   rotair-  . 
cestair.  do  ludib  rotliregestair.  rothreic      rothreic  som      36  Dia 
enni  ditini  {sie).  d'Isu  ba  dochraiti.  is  de  ita  in  segsatharnacli.       15 
masecli.       iniarmergi       ind  adlaein.  asnarracht  neach.       37  Iar 
uairifrind       iar  n-ergi  a  liadlocad       ardapsdal       dodealbad 
38   Randuscfa         in    bruth    baranta.    bid    bloiscuem    brecthen- 
tech        in  forcliongro         os  chach.         39  Bid        cumug-som. 
bid         cumang-ni.     Crist    corcra    atchiflnm-ni.    rancigfi         at-  20 
cluinfea  in  tocliidi.  uid  tuacliell  taiceris.  bid        bid        40  fir 
purgadoir        malartfuid.  bid  mairc  dia  choimidchib.  bid  garb  in 
cith.  bid  garb  a  ilglasad.        n-anbasad.  bid  marb  in  uadblas- 
rach.         uasin  bith.        41  ger  gataide.  gillanraid  gelentecb.  gu 
gloir  each        ascebthar  serfiter,  cascebtbar  clsefiter.  trascebthar  25 
traethfider.  uan         42  Uid  trom  leo  in  t-aclimosan         a  tiiaris- 
cbail.  dofitcr  digfiter.  uan  tenid  (t)eiud.       deamnacda       dichuib- 
sech        43  droclirig  uaibreclia  dimsacha.  na  dam  aid  comairli.  na 
tescfa   in  trenlasair.  nastollfa  in   trenoigread.  nistamain   meas- 
raidthi.  isin        44  do  each  cristaidi         comailleann  compatnus.  30 
corium  cerd  cirmairi.  cendaigi  cruaid.  filig  ciatfedamla.  na  fegad 
firindi.  foichleat  in  rothenid    45  romiadcha.  roscleathna        robeg 
bic   derlugit         eia    beth   dia   lanailli.   mina   beat   landercaich 
i  laithi  in  criathartha.  bad  cruim        46  Crossana  cruitiri.  cethirn 
each  cuanberla.  each  cheana  adchid.  digfiteV  dilfit/r.  a  druim  in  35 
duileaman.  do  reir  a  duthrachta.  each  ina  ole  dib        47  Dail- 
fiteV  dortfit/)-        scol  ca  scribabthar  bid  a  seel,  taisich  ac  tren- 
eithiuch        trocairi.  taicthig  can       48  minalaind.  tesleamna  sa- 
daile.  olc  leam  inan  iarmairt       drutha  diglecca.  dicles       doniat 
each  n-uroprud        49  Olc  dona  sacartaib.  diseireacht  nacenta       40 


40  KüNO   MEYER, 

fes  orcliindech  ecraiduech.  eagnaid  can  earnaiclii.  espoc  ag 
adaltros.  imadall  ngraid  50  Gnath  risna  brecairib.  ni  soiii  in 
bregoirecht.  biaid  uair  a  aclimosan.  bid  ec  re  neach.  sosceli  su- 
aichinti.  siriud  i  samradaib  selcuireaclit  santugud  51  Adaim 
5  anacrid  tochastol  tabrad  dia  rer.  morri  na  mordala 
timairgfeas  tall  ar  in  52  Ticfad  sin  toirithin  tnsnigtliid 
tusnicliter    thall  robeathaiged.    biaid    ac    in    breitlieamnus 

53  dindsaidig        dosraga         ticfa  im  gar  uar  taismenaid  toi- 
cebuid       thaeb        tn/Taclit       54  Taiceraid  firindi.  beraid  breath 

10  breclitnaigthi  acambia  in  cliroch  roceartaiged  iarna  at- 
chifi  55  mo  na  each  ongfaid  na  ethgecu.  badfid  brufid 
in  brecthene  50  ar  des  ndesbeblaig  {sie),  beti  na  iter  idiu 
is  tall  trenadbal  uaraíigbaid  enadlaid  and  57  Oes  trich- 
taig   doibsidhe.   do   lucht   d'fir    na   mnai  comeasa   cosmaile. 

15  can  aenmet  enordlaig.  d'esbaid  na  d'  imarcaid  58  Atrse  in 
frsech  bid  fothrann  foniorda.  bid  feidm  na  faelastair  bid 
fuach.  fri   brnth  fri  brig         frisin   mbrath   mbemeannach. 

lemeannach         50  Locha         bid  Inath  co  loiscfidear  lasfaid  na 
luathaibne.  lanantach  leir.   dresfid   in  dubthalam.  fri   dreich  na 

20  damthenead.    bid    bee    nach    taimnielifia    dou    talmain    trein 
60   Fothar   na   tromthenead.   ie   tur   na   tromchinead.   tarneaeh 
na  tendelaideb         daig         asa  thoig         borbasnaeh         61  ina 
deargfasach        ar  bith  einem  ehe        62   greehfaidit        re  guth 
in  duileamau       adbera  som       dingbad  ass       trenamail       cotm 

25  eiul  eathamail        n-itmaraig  n-uair        63  don  lueht  risn-eport 
ni  basiad  uas.  tegaid       co  mhed.  i  mbeathaieh       64  adbera       ria 
firenchaib.   imthiget         madehin  da  tecema.  don   lucht  nasere- 
deba        ebera        65  morchomdiu.  niongenar  gairfe-sun.  ehuiei 
nosdiultfa-som      nosbrecfa-som.  im  brat  is  am  biad      66  Mongenar 

30  gairfe-som.  mongenar  glanfa-sim.  mongenar  eharfa-som.  carthain 

roclas      techtfa-som      nem  ea  noehtaib  sium     boeht     67  Roisem 

oentaid  na  n-archaingel.  na  sreath  na  sarchaingen.  acht  dia 

bodein        ni  roich  ag  nanurrad        sragalla        68  nonciimtaig- 

fea       noncertaigfea       nonbeartaigfea  ar  nim  's  ar       in  rigtaig 

35  raglanwa  i  n-eglais  69  co  rothuilleam-ni  gnathirsi.  bid 
fal  fon  faithimsea.  baig  brathirsi.  bith  dun  argen  70  ron- 
foeela  ronfrecera  ronteeema.  do  thig  de  des  ronfuari- 
stair  rofegastair.  is  leir  ronleidistair  les  71  liaig  lugort 
ar  leastar  lan  d'or.   in  delb  ar  deargastair.   d'ordan  is  d'aireo- 

40  chas.   dsenacht   na   deaehta.   deacht  na  dsennaehta.   in  dia  mor 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  41 

mor        12  Moiigenar        caidclii  nocliomaillead        iimaloit  inisli 
eclas  de  d'athaide.   dilgud  do  chach        73   trocairi.   caendu- 
thracht        cobais   rell   reitliineacli.         derc   risna   deiblenaib 
tidnocol.  da  tecma  a  dual        74  dubalchaib        drochraitib.  disli 
each  acobair.  etacli  don  bocht         gnatlifaidfeas.  grema  i  iigna-    5 
thiigud.  g-eanmnaideaclit  blathchoemda        75  bas  tathachtach 
tuirmim-sea         ca  fuigebthar.  bid  fearrdi         inig-abail        ind 
almsa       fir      76  ernedach      each  rochret      ar  deismirecht      ser 
{sie)  dgeine        ar  daig  Meachta.  is  dearb  do  sere        77  nos- 
coimetann         ceneol         bad         ind   oigi   do    thaiselbad.   assu  10 
indawmaithrigi        loin  accu  d'athathris.  ni  hathathris        78 — 80 
om.  Lee.        81  im  Michel        nochon  i       berair       comit  a  cathu- 
g'ud        ra  cathmilig        fri  deman  iidiir        82  Teacaid       lecaid 
mo  daerad-sa.  bet  acorn        d'ainglib  bat  astairig-. 


Patricius  an  seinen  ausgefallenen  Zaliu.  15 

Aus  Laud  610,  fol.  74  a  1.  —  Vgl.  Trip.  Life,  S.  140  und  LLSoSd. 

A  fir  há!        íoqus  mennataiii)  i  mbá: 

üa  tamma-)  inair^)  mbíu        nochot-aca  cossin[d]íu. 

Cein  robämar  immalle        in  föilaiigar^)  hüact  na  te, 

bennacht  for  Rig  na  n-uile!        roscar-^),  a  det  findbuide.  20 

Cip  e  g'ellas  [dit]")  nacli  tan        imm  anmaim-se  cot")  adrad, 
gellfat-sa  de  flad  ile        iss^)  Fiadat  flndnime. 

And'J)  aidche  co  ränaci")  rini,       atberim  flad  Eig  na  rinn^i)» 
ni  dechoid  feöil  torut  sis,        nl  thänic  [góu]  12)  anís  dart  c[h]enn. 

In  Fíada  fiun  fll  for  nim,        conecna'^)  lim  Crlst  cöemdil,  25 

donicci'i)  fo  bathis  bäin  bil,        nomleic'^)  fo  athis  öenfir. 

A  fir. 

*)  maccnutan  Stokes,  yerperam. 

2)  Lies  Ó  ataäm  oder  vielleicht  ó  atáim-ne.    LL  liat  otú. 

')  Lies  inar.  *)  Besser  mit  R  nirodämar  im  Reim  »u'í  bäinar. 

=)  Besser  mit  R  ronscar  ,,er  hat  uns  getrennt".        ^)  sic  R. 

')  icom  R.  8)  Lies  i  tig?  »)  Lies  óud,  LL. 

1°)  condranac  LL.  ")  Lies  rend  mit  LL.       ^^)  sie  LL. 

")  Lies  conacna  mit  R.      '*)  domicc  LL  domrolat  R. 
^^)  nimreilce  R. 


42  KUNO   MEYER, 

Aus  Laud  610. 

fol.  75  b\ 

A  fir  togbas  na  taise,        cuirim  ort  a  fladnaise, 

nach  adbifr  cäile  áon  curp        da  fadbafZ  äil[l]e  ar  msacht 

5  Ib.,  fol.  121a,  tnary.  inf. 

Acht   CO   saothraib    ar   hseircc   De,  acht   co    n-aine   's    co 

[n-oighe, 
fri  fig-hlib  rohsin  a  acht,        rorir  cech  dän  ar  dhiadacht. 

lb.,  fol.  32a  marg.  inf. 

Ciima   lium    cidh   toll   mo   lend,         cuma   Hum   cid   seang   mo 

[brri, 
10  is  roc[h]uma  lium  go  derb        gidh  robeg  mo  sealb  do  bhü. 

Ib.,  fol-  30  b  marg.  inf. 

Dia  ndernta  óeine  cech  lái        is  beith  i  ndóire  do  Dia, 

is  ferr  comól  risin  trúag,        is  romó[r]  an  liiagh  rotfia.     7  rl. 

15  Tadc  mac  Céin. 

lb.  fol.  74  a  1.  —  Vgl.  Death -tales  of  the  Ulster  Heroes,  S.  18. 

Coica   traiged    tölaib   tlacht  flad    sliiagaibh    sainser   srlan- 

[balc, 
fot  in  gargleir  {sic)  co  ngart,        Taidg  meic  Céin  otát  Clannacht. 

Die  Söhne  Eres. 

20  Cethri  meic  i  nAiliuch        do  liEirc,  ba  saer  sraen, 
Feradach  is  Tigernach,        Murchertach  is  Máen. 

Cethri  meic  la  Fergus        dond  Eire  cubaid  cedna, 
Fedilmid  is  Loarn,        Brenainn  agíí^  Sétna. 

Die  Söhne  des  Fergus  mac  Conaiil. 

25  Fedilmid,  Fiachra  febhda,  Brenainn,  Sétna  saerdelbdha, 
Ninnid,  Fidi'äi  fri  nlth  nas,  Cäirthenn  is  Loarn  länmas, 
oc[h]t    meic    tuaith    Bregrossa    baind  Fergusa    caind    meic 

[Conaiil. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS    IRISCHEN    ilANDSCHRIFTEN.  43 

Die  Söhne  Conall  Gulbains. 

Fergus,  Öengiis,  Ecliaig,  Xathi.        Böguiiie,  dodluigtis  fiiilt, 
hit  eat  sain  fri  sitb[f]Iaitli  sodaing        se  mt'?c  Cona'ill  Gwlhain 

[guirt. 

Deich  meic  Eogain  gil  glain        ociis  meic  Conaill  Gulpain 

0  Ma[i]g  Ene  co  Dim  mBó        fersat  cath  each  belato.  5 

Mochutta  .cc. 

Aus  der  Brüsseler  Handschrift  2324  —  2340,  fol.  263b. 

1  lud  ecclas  nsemh  nemda,        is  sa^r  hi,  is  crodh  cundla: 
tsibraidh   taobh   i-e   sniithneit,         is  cruithnecht,   is   craobh 

[cumra. 

2  Da  iigabaid  ind-ecclais,        curbá  haltrom  iiieidheu,  10 
gurab  tren  bhar  mbrlathar        occ  blathad  a  háidhedh.i) 

3  Is  sTad  so  na  háidhigh-)        is  dir  isin  ecclais: 
lucht  lubra  7  léiginn,        boc[h]täin  deibleiu  diadha: 
mogenar  dogenad         cobair  ac  a  fegadh.         oc  denamh  a 

[riara. 

4  Da  ngabhaitt  i  n-ecclas.        fograim  däibh  a  pudar^):  15 
abraidh  náchas  gebaid        no  denaid  a  lubair. 

5  Da  lubhair  a  tempuil:        ceilebradh  is  crabhadh;       a  haltoir 

[maith  maLisech, 
CO   raibh   si   arua  sen  ad,         gurab   csemh  re  fegadh         iar 

[ndenum  a  caiseal. 

6  Da  ngabaid  a  n-ecchis.        foccruim,  nT  rädh  rúine, 

daigh  is  lim  as  cumhan.        gurab  eirghe  curadh,        bidh  ulad  20 

[cech  ciiile. 

7  A  haith[lie  11a  n-ulad        fóccraim,  is  vMh.  bunaidh, 
da  ndernaidh  bar  saethar,        da  möraidh  bar  lubhair, 
saothraighet  bar  ccosa,        imdaighter  bar  lossa, 
töccbaid  súas  bar  mbosa,        bid  crosa  ós  gach  ulaigli.^) 

8  A  hait[h]le  cros  cinnte        da  cinuid  bar  saethar,        ni  abraim  25 

[ribh  anad, 
bar  ndul  amach^)  re  blladain,       gurbat  faicet  fiadaigh        oc 

[larra/rf/i  bhur  manach. 


1)  Lies  óiged.  ^)  Lies  húigid.  ^)  Vielleicht:   cen  pluidiiir. 

*)  Lies  ulaidli.  '•')  Lies   macli. 


44  KUNO   METER, 

9  Gach  manacli  dolDera        a  edhbairt  don  ecclais, 
do  dheuamli  a  si?ethaii\        do  mhöradh  a  c[h]ille, 
rob  leis  fein  a  dini        oc  treabhadh  a  tire, 
cii  rachtea  ar  crine        a  righe  ar  muigh  nimlie. 
5  10  Gach  manacli  näc[li]  tiubhrae        a  edbairt  don  ecclais, 

do  denam  a  sáetlia[i]r,        do  móradh  a  liibhar, 
>.       a  gort  ni  rab  genas,        rob  olc  gach  ni  treabhas, 
giirab  demon  bheires,        gurab^)  de  lenas  pudhar. 
11  Ná  rap  pudar  daibh-si,        troiscidh  ar  na  manc[h]aibh, 
10        diiiltfaid  for  ind  ecclais.        iss  edh  dlegur  düibh-si, 
mad  becc  libh  a  mberaitt.        eirghidh  7  treabhaidh, 
dénaid  gurta  gemhair,        lenaid  as  in  ecclass. 

Ind  ecclas  usemh  nemdha  7  rl. 


König  Fedlimid  und  der  junge  Priester. 

15  Alis  23  A' 10,  S.18. 

Das  folgende  GedicM  wird  einem  Fedlimid,  Bischof  und 
König  von  Munster  zugeschrieben,  tvorunter  ohne  Zweifel  der 
beJiannte  Sohn  Crimthanns  gemeint  ist,  der  von  820  —  8á7  König 
in  Cashel  icar.  Er  wird  zwar  sonst  meines  Wissens  nicht  epscop, 
20  wohl  aber  in  der  kurzen  Notiz  von  seinem  Tode  in  den  Annalen 
von  Ulster  ancorita  genannt,  ausserdem  optimus  Scotorum  scriba^). 
Ein  anderes  ihn  beigelegtes  Gedicht  habe  ich  in  der  Zeitschrift  III, 
S.  oá  abgedrucld. 

Feidlimidh  espoc  7  rl  Munian  rocan  ann  so  dia  araille  {sie) 
25  sacart  böi  ar  brfi  na  Samaire.    Abond  isidhe  fil  hi  medön  muighi 
Miiman. 

1  A  fir  uird  na  haräide,        mairg  is  meraige  a  dana, 
a  sagairt')  na  Samäire,        romoch  dogabnis  gräda. 

2  Nuchar  furäil  fisegna        d'aithne  in  uird  iarsin  mbaisdcrf, 
30       grädha  do  c[h]ur  for  giUaib^)        imaire  eich  g-á.n  aister. 


1)  Lies  gurb. 

-)  So   ist  wohl  zu   lesen,    nicht,    icie  Hennessy    druckt   und   übersetzt: 
optimus  Scotorum,  scriba  et  ancorita. 
^)  sagairt  MS. 
*)  Lies  vielleicht:  grád  do  cliur  for  gilla(u)raid. 


MiTTEILÜNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HA-NDSCHRIFFEN.  45 

3  Fot  glün  nocliomdeisigfinn,        cid  ed  woseclmainw  muin  sin, 
don  espnc  is  esiudill        a  lüas  rodleig  fon  cuing-sin. . 

4  lud  eclas  do  mothugudli        in  monar  duine  daoibrl, 
iia  gräda  do  c[li]othugud        is  feidm  üasaZ  mör  aonf/r. 

A  íir. 


Uga  Corl)maic  meic  Cuileudäin. 

Alis  23N10,  S.17. 

Von  diesem  Gedichte  waren  mir  eijiselne  Strophen  aus  Zitaten 
in  den  metrischen  und  grammatischen  TraJctaten  i)  lange  bel'annt, 
ehe  ich  auf  eine  Handschrift  des  Ganzen  stiefs.  Diese  findet  sich  10 
in  dem  ersten  auf  Pergament  geschriehenen  Teil  von  23  N 10,  ivo 
sie  dem  heliailnten  Casheler  Kirchenfürsten  zugeschriehen  wird, 
während  LL  37  c  nur  Cormac  nennt  und  die  Uraicept  die  elfte 
Strophe  zuerst  Colum  Cille,  dann  einem  Cormac  hard  zulegt. 

1  In  roghso,  a  El  2)  na  rün,        Tar  comso  clüm  ocus  ceol  15 
mo  brogad  for  mara  mür,        mii  c[li]ül  do  t[h]ocliar  frim  eol? 

2  In  mbeo  i  mboclita  isin  c{li]atli        tre  rath  in  Rlg^),  ri  ein 

[meth, 
ein  miad  mör,  ein  carpat  údh,        ein  or,  ein  argat,  ein  ech? 

3  Cin  öl  medracli  mescthar  druing,        ein  tna[i]tli  truim,  ein 

[teglacli   trom  ^), 
ein  broscTath  •'>),  cin  alle  n-arm,        cin  cüach,  cin  euirm  is  cin  20 

[cornd? 

4  Cin  etiud  min  mas  ar  süil,        cin  clüim  nat  caro  cec/i  naomli, 
acht  barrän  beithe  fo  böaidh        fo  c[h]iülche  c[h]rGaidh  frim 

[da  taob? 

5  In  timger  celebrad  cöir        d'innsi  möir  mac  MilefZ  müaidh? 
innamtairber  fo  Christ  cuing         ria  techt  tar  tuind  Maro 

[Raaidh? 


»)  In  der  Abhandlung  über  trefocul  LL  37  findet  sich  die  8.-9.  Strophe 
(3?  c  55  ff.)  und  in  Uraicept  na  u-éces  fBBj  die  11.  Strophe  zioeimal  zitiert. 
Die  29.  ist  vollständig  in  dem  Glossar  in  H.  3. 18,  SS.  66  und  633,  und  ihr 
erster  Vers  in  Coiinacs  Glossar  ^369  unter  den  sogen.  ..Additional  Articles" 
angeführt. 

2)   rig  3)   ri  4)    jjes  torm. 

*;   brusc  uia  nö  brosciath. 


46  KUNO    MEYER, 

6  In  rädiubh-sa,  rad  ndTu[i]t  ndian,        mo  c[li]oibsen  clan,  conial 

[crüaid  i) '? 
in  ferfat,  a  Rl^)  na  nell,        frasa  mo  der  dar  mo  grüaidhV 

7  In  tiurs)  nio  laim  do  g-ach  credit         for  bru  tuinde  toirbe 

[bare  ? 

in  fuiceb  oc  maro  mür        slicht  mo  da  glun  isin  träclit? 

5    8  An  toig-eb^)  mo  c[h]urcliEn  dar        ös  aigen^)  uchtlet[h]an  an? 

in  rag,  a  Rl  -)  richid  reil  ^),        as  mo  t[h]oil  fein  foran ")  sal '? 

9  Im  ba  sessoch,  im  ba  seng,        im  ba  tressacli  folingg  tond^), 

a  Christ,  an  cuingena  lium-')        ö  thl  co^o)  techt  tar^O  lind 

[Ion  d  12)? 

10  Cla  leth  cobra  i^)  Tar  coairdi^)  cros       cossalua  mo  c[li]oblacli  is) 

[eres  ? 
10       in  16)  ba  soir  no  i')  siar,  ni  süaill,        in  i^)  ba  u[o]thnaidli  i^) 

[no  budesi'')? 

11  Fa  mba  tre  fochaid  co  ngrain         romficfa  a  ndail    bratlio 

[bilain  ? 
fa  mba  lasmbess  det  oc  toir        dilgud  mor  ar  monar  soaill? 

12  Saorsa  lacöp  na  cet  cloth,        ba  moch  robo  rlgmac  raith, 
trocaire  indlight/icc/i  (?)  an  breth         resiu  dogne[th]  nl  do 

[maith. 
15  13  Maith  siecht  in  puiplecain  blaith        fo  c/te/aip  credit,  comal 

[crüaid, 
do  no  tempwZ  (?),  nirbo  tlaith,      ar  beluiph  cäich  áohirt  büaidh. 

14  Büi  Matha  mör,  monar  ndür,        fo  mür  annaigh  oirgce  slfiaig, 
luid  lat,   leigis  leábaid  lain        mainc[h]ine  rig  Roman  rüaid. 

15  Nl  rocéss  an  laoch  don  leirg        i  tigh  pinne,  bes  lar  faidg, 
20       ar  do  saordeis  a  baois  buirb        adaig  daoib  im  aonmeis  aird. 

16  A  mböi  in  ballglandu,  ba  cäin,        Moire  Magdalida,  miond  öir, 
aonta  demna,  dreman  cleir,        foi  for  grein  in  c[h]rotha  cöir. 


^)  nö  uuag  (i.  e.  n-Gag).        ^)    rig  ^)  Lies  tiurr. 

*)  hl  tocéb  L.  ■')   for  inn  ocian  L.        ^)  in  rigthigb  rel  N. 

')  arin  L. 

")  fressach  torgib  droing  L.    tresach  türme  glonn  B. 

^)  iu  congebha  liun  B.    in  cuügene  frimm  L.         ")  oc  L. 

")  for  L.    ar  B.  ^^)    long  B. 

13)  ced  letb  co  brátb  L.    cia  letb  gu  bratb  B.         ")  cuairt  LB. 

15)  coslafea  mo  bacblach  L.    cosluidfea  mo  coblacb  B. 

1«)  im  L.  1')   sair  ba  B.  i»)  fothuaid  L. 

")  im  ba  fodess  L. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  47 

17  Dob/rt  dl  la  dilgud  plan        beitli  ar  do   dreicli.   dllgud  mär, 
meruidh  a  coissceíu  clan        cen  merus  soisceZa  slän. 

18  Saitliemail  breth  romb?'>-t  tall        ar  bannscäil  n-ann  o  roell, 
ö  tarmairt  ann  aibel  i)  drong-        doch  gacli  aonür  ina  ceann. 

19  Coicert«[i]5  in  dine  ndian,        a  Ei  sTde,  sorcha  däl,  5 
arnä   clochad   ria   gacli   cüain        do  c[li]uail   pecuid  fer  ba 

[slän. 

20  Saor  docüaid  iter  da  recht.        nl  fQair  let  lecht  ar   a  locht, 
in  adoltroch  rodomert,        in  malortac/j  im  a  c[h]orp. 

21  Cain  dorolgis  do  each  naill,        do  gach  pect[h]ach,  brat  cech 

[cind, 
nirb  ard  n-aithisech  a  greim,        inge  näd  n-aithersed  inn.      10 

22  An  fer  maith  is  möam  rotc[h]ar,        Petar  aupstal,   aurtaig 

[tor, 
nächatfedir,  a  De  bl,        atc[li]uitig  fa  thrl,  ba  col. 

23  Cia  rotsenustar2)  ar  tläs        do  miiinterus,  mö  gach  drüis, 
dorolgis  do,  demin  see?.        Tar  sceit[h]  a  der  tar  a  gnüis. 

24  Gabuis  dlabul  cacht  ein  elith         for  laoch  roalt  frie  cecA  15 

[toich, 
ö  tarcuib  for  doma[i]n  dreich        for  leitJi  co  farguib  a  croieh. 

25  Ö  creidis  innint  a  recc        medön  laithi,  nirbo  lag, 

hi  parthus  lar  n-oidche  üair,        is  e  gill«  docüaid  lat^). 

26  In  lin  roleicis  fot  barr-*)        it  lir  gainim  maro  min, 

in  0)  lin  ronescmart  as  each  n-ing        at  lir  na  rind  hl  a  nimh.  20 

27  A  näsadli  na  n-aingel  n-än        don  riched  rän  rechta  reil 
domfieib-sa6)  cobuir  cöir        fo  bltliin  is  töir  a  n-eimh. 

28  Ar    do    c[h]esad,    ar    do   c[h]roich,  ö   eotris    do    muintír 

[mait[h], 
nimfärgbadh-sa  amuic[h]  dodt  eis        a  n-iiibaid  noteis  it  üaith. 

29  Peeiid  büanoll   brath  gach  mbl.         nlrbo')   üaith  im   c[h]rT  25 

[com  c[h]rö, 
am*»)  daonnacht,  a  me?c  De  bl,        cid  tu  ba^)  ri  nl  boi")  rö. 

In.  r. 

')  Lies  in  döibel. 

')  Voti  Strachan,  Érm  III,  S.  114  v.  51  rotsreiigustar  verlesen. 

^)  Hier   steht   zxoischen   den   Zeilen :    bodie    mecum    eris    in   paradiso 
[Lucas  23,  43]. 

*)  Oder  bair.  *)    Auszulassen.  "^)  Lies  doraiced-sa. 

')  nirob  E.    nirbo  Cortn.  §  369.  »)  im  H. 

»)  bud  n\    bu  H^-.  10)   bu  H'^. 


48  KUNO   MEYER, 

Memento  mori. 

Aus  Laud  615,  S.  138. 

1  Eirigli  cumm  na  liiarmerg-he,        is  múr  oraind  a  hadlibar: 
ni  fidiV  til  sul  ti  an  prlmli        nacli  dingna  in  Rl  do  marbad. 
5    2  Freccair  aifrinn  in  domlmaig!        is  mör  ocainn  a  eagia: 
nl  'fedrais-[sji  sul  ti  an  lüan        nach  ba  hi  in  liadh  i)  do  leaba. 

3  An  leaba  si  ataoi-si        mjus  do  ben  geal  grädhach, 
nocha  döcha  h'erghi-si        no  do  beth  marb  amärach. 

4  Mir  dot  c[h]uid  don  ocarach,        's  e  ísa  dít  ro-athain: 

10       nl  fedrais  a  fuil  ar  do  meis        xwch  necli  tar  h'eis  rocaithfedh. 

5  Lucht  na  luinge  luchtmaire,        siad  a  comradh  re  ceile: 
meinicc  ticc  tonn  cuca-san        ö  nach  fetfuidis  erghe. 

6  Me  Collum  mac  Feidlimidh,        creidim  do  Righ  na  greine: 
mairg  nach  giiidenn  Ri[g]  nime        ic  luighe  agus  ice  erghe. 

15  E. 

Coluim  Cille  .cc. 

lb.  S.  78. 

1  Benaidli  bhar  cluig  ar  Conall        doni  andlighedh  orainn, 
gurab    oinbit^)  's  närab  rlgh^),  go  ndecha  a  brigh  ar 

[deimbrigh'*). 
20    2  Domnall  dorinne  oirnn  maith        fa  dheoigh  goma  fer  raith, 
sochaidhi  ag  dáil  a  dighe,        airemh  'sa  reim  vig\\vaidh%. 
3  Conall  thsaraighes  na  cleirigh,        guidhim-si  Righ  na  greine, 
nä  rabli  síl  aige  ná  ar,        is  när  fagha  se  deighbew. 

Benaid. 

25  Colum  Cille  .cc. 

Ibidem. 

1  Gabh  mo  thegasc,  a  Aodh  na  n-ech,        a  mh^c  ädhmha[i]r 

[Ainmerech, 
bidh  do  miiindter  agad,  a  fir,        no  bl-si  agan  muinntir. 

2  Nä  bldh^)  ;i  n-aghaidh*^)  Righ  nime,        a  Aodh  is  cend  ar 

[gach  fine, 
30       nä  tairg  gaetli  do  denamh  d'fir        do  baoth-  dia  da  muintir. 


>)    Lies  úagb.  ^)   =  óiumit.  «)  Lies  rí. 

*)  Lies  neniiií.  ^)  Lies  bí.  •*)  adh-  MS. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS    IRISCHEN  UANDSCHKIFTEN.  49 

3  Da  fagha  tu  necli  san  c(li)än      's  gan  a  cen  ar  naomh  nö  ar  dhäw, 
na  glacadh  colg  re  do  linn        's  na  bidh  at  forb  nö  at  f 

4  Gebe  benus  deigsith  ^)  modli         is  benus  da  gacli  cill  crodh, 
madli  all  let  agh  ort,  a  fir,       cuir  a  ngeimil  gac7i  greimli  gabli. 

G.  5 

Colaim  Cille  .cc. 

lb.  S.  79. 

1  Tiucfa  aimser  dnbacli  cumthach  brönach  derach, 
ar  deredh  an  tsaoghail  beid  rlgha  fa  méla. 

2  Nl  bla  cor  na  coingeall  a  n-éndroing  do  hsil  Ädliaini,        lo 
acht  lán  cruais  is  gainde,        siad  uile  cen  cllrab^íí7. 

3  Bla  na  fir  ag  cesacht,  nT  bla  mes  ar  crannaibh, 
nl  bla  recht  nö  riaghal,  nä  rath  fein  a  talamh. 

4  Bla  cleirigh  ag  altrom,  hud  athtrom  a  sge/a, 

bla  cealla  fa  merú        ag  na  sesraibh  trena,  15 

5  Tiucfa  fuacht  is  gorta,        fctath  is  olc  is  deine, 
seal  caidh  ni  ba  treimsi,        treicfwZ  iascach  aibne. 

6  Blaidh  airces  is  crine        isna  dáiniph  dáora, 
dogebaid  trena  serba        sioua  garbha  robha  {sic)'^). 

7  Beidid  breithimh  cama        ag  na  tendaibh  dána,  20 
Ymtaidh  brég  na  tuatha.        nch!  \)ud  trüagh  a  ndála. 

8  Beid  ollaimh  ag  gerán,        budh  deröil  a  n-indtind, 
\)ud  tuirrsech  na  seinns/r        isinn  aimsir  timcill. 

9  Beid  na  reilge  derga        ona  fergaibh  ])en:Caidh, 

bia  cogadh  is  esra        a  certlár  gach  tealla«^.  25 

10  Beid  na  righa  bochta        go  holca  re  haidhibh, 

hud  binde  leó  geöcaid        na  ceöil  corta  <}  thsaithibh. 

11  Baithfighter  go  cinnte        coindle  gacha  áomlmaigh, 
dober  med  a  cor        cen  toradli  ar  umhla-^). 

12  {S.  80) re  feire  (?)  na  naeis. .  (?)  30 

cen  cert  is  cen  córtus        on  tsósar  don  tseindser, 

13  Nl  ceinneöchar  ealadha        's  ni  ba  genamhail  duine, 
ni  bia  rath  na  feile        ach  deine  7  gainde. 

14  Budh  lethglas  na  sina,        biaidh  saoire  gá  brisedh, 

hudh  linta  gach  endrem        do  mi[gh]r[e]ann  's  do  miscne.       35 


1)   An  leg.  d'eig-sibh  (BerginV^  -)   Leg.  saoblia.  Bergin. 

*J   Leg.  iibhlaibh,  Bergin. 

Zeitschrift  f.  lelt.   liiilolo''i<-  X.  A 


50  KUNO    MEYER, 

15  Beicl  na  cleirigli  mealltach        re  fallsaclit  na  litrech, 
ni  bia  brlgli  'sua  mindaibh,        bia  gach  fine  cintach. 

16  Töigebhthar  na  hindsi        ar  na  linntibh  uisci, 
blaidli  imatt  na  ng*alar,        fmdid  ana  cuile. 

5  17  Beitt  meic  righ  cen  chomhall.        hud  cumang  gach  murrachj 
isna  sTnaibli  gEhhaidh        beid  dämha  go  dubach. 

18  Beid  ögmnä  cen  dergadh,        hud  fergach  a  llatha, 
hud  terc  suth  na  loilgliecli,        hud  fingalacli  triatha. 

19  NT  bia  nienma  a  n-ögaibli,        berthar  fogra  ar  cliaraibh, 
10       ni  bia  bun  ar  nosaib,        bia  pösadli  gan  fmgain. 

20  Budh  értliacli  na  Imaisle        fana  dnasaibh  ganna, 

raclia  gaolta  a  füardhacht,        biaidli  büannacht  ar  cealk/. 

21  Ag  sin  deiredh  dhomliain        do  reir  leabair  dirigli, 
budh  ainfesach  cleirigh        fana  feiltipli  fire. 

15  22  Anüair  is  tren  a  mbagur        ar  lagadh  a  mborra, 

hud  nemhglan  magh  taghaill        on  aghaltras  colach. 

23  Mein  caidh  aris  inneösat        ö  imeöchus  an  feile, 
adhbhar  fá  faghaid  anóir        heth  ag  fanamad  fo  chéile. 

24  Is  misi  Colum  Cille        ante  is  grinne  laphrus, 

20        dochi  i  n-am  a  niarghan^)        derbán  gacha  heölais. 

25  Tiúttid  lucht  an  cntiasaidh        a  n-úsúracht 's  an-eithech, 
liontaid  saint  gach  craosach,        hud  dlmsach  gach  säit[h]ech. 

26  Eider  ingin  is  mäthair        blaidh  ferg  gnäth  is  gere, 
beid  comursain  fealltach        füar  fallsa  fa  ceile. 

25  27  Blat  each  uile  ag  gadaiph,  blaidh  sdat  isna  Mihaib, 

bíaidh  mírann'^)  is  secadh  iter  mac  is  athair. 

28  Ag  sin  sgeoil  na  ndäine  isna  sinaibh  thiucftts, 

budh  mesa  's  hudh  claoine  gach  dine  da  tiudaidh. 


Tiucfa  aimser. 


30  lb.  S.  82. 


1  Gebe  benus  a  dhubhthai^*)       do  neoch  ar  talmain  tnúthaí^, 
ben  tar  tech  Eigh  ni  me  dhe        a  n-inadh  acinaidhe. 

2  Gebe  dhiultus  da  diibhtha/g        cen  egöir  a  trxath  gá  múchad, 
nl  dligh  a  sochur  na  51  har,       's  ni  dhligh  a  gort  nä  a  ghemar. 

35    3  Gebe  nach  denann  tech  n-aidhedA        ina  duhthaig  da  riribh, 
nocha  dligind  sé  drud  re,        sé  flarfaiges  si  de  cé. 

Gebe. 

')  =  meardlián,  Bergin.         ^)  =  luighreann,  Bergin.         ^)  =  díitliaig. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  51 

Colum  Cille  .cc. 

Ib.  S.  101. 

1  A  Dhe  dliil!        tabair  dliam-sa  adhám  digh: 

ctimet   mli'einig-h    ar   talmain.         fochraig   dorn   anmuin    ar 

[nimh. 

2  Teid  an  flal  a  tecli  De  bi.        ted  an  t-ainflal  ar  nemhfni.       5 
is  bether  go  liTsiul  de        go  ti  grisadh  na  grüaidhi. 

3  Ts  romhör  lüacli  an  enigh        cidh  cia  donl  go  deimhin, 

tlr  gan  füaclit  is  gan  omhan,        flaitli  nime  gan  cumsanadli. 

4  Is  maitli  misi,  ar  in  flal.        düthraigim  mo  biad  gu  cian. 

ferr  damli  asgatli  as  gach  modh        mac  De  bi  dorn  forcetul.  10 

5  Is  olc  misi,  ar  an  gann,        is  dimdrtc/i  dim  Rl  na  rann, 
amliail  bhlos  cnti  caocli  ar  clioll        gidli  olc  sunn  me.  mesa 

[than. 

6  Is  he  a  comartha  is  tir  tall        úuaig  an  enigh  na  ndegclaww: 
edach  sröil  'ma  corpaib  cain        is  cimsa  óir  reá  n-aichthai6. 

7  Soichill  1)  is  mian  re  mac  nDe.        gach  gräd  go  roithend  doni,  15 
gach  ni  mar  imres  a  lamh        dogeibh  is  gräd  mic  De  bl. 

a  Dhe. 

Coliim  Cille  .cc. 

Ih.  S.  77. 

1  Trtiag  lern,  a  Baithin  dil  bias,        fis  damarfás  ag  Druim  Lias:  20 
do  neoch  rot/weab  tlr  tuile        cen  dechma/r?  gach  enduine. 

2  Dechmad  na  n-oighedh  tlar  is  tair         iter  Erinn  is  Albain, 
dosberut  baith  aneölaig"2)       do  chonaib  's  do  coinnleöraib. 

3  Dechmad  gacha  treibe  tra        la  gach  fer  a  läimh  a  mná, 

is  truagh  in  dll,  a  De  dels,        dosberat  tar  cend  abrais.         25 

4  Dechmad  na  firenach  flal        a  fogus,  a  n-eid/rclan, 
a  tabairt  ar  grädh  m/c  De        do  lucht  ecna  ailithre. 

5  Dechmad  gach  rTgh  nach  ric  nemh         do  cur  a  laim  na 

niitmier, 
nl  gebt[h]ar  taithlecli  nach  tan,        b^V?  aithrech  int  innarrad. 

6  Doragha  in  buidhi  fa  tliri        do  dighail  na  dechmaidi,  30 
do  dith  mac  is  fer  is  ban        fer  nÉrenn  7  Alban. 

7  Bid  olc  do  Conallchaib  so,        tiucfa  muir  tar  a  mtlro, 
derba/^  döib  7  deimnig,        baitir  a  mZainn  geimrigh. 


1)  hies  soichell.  ")  =  i  ntleolaidb,  Bergin. 


52  KUNO   MEYER, 

8  Isinii  errach  iiia  deoig-h,        is  ann  doragiia  in  feil  Eoiii. 
trüadh  in  bet  dotig  döib  de,  a  n-ec  uile  acht  cetliraime. 

9  In  cetliraime  fagabar  ann        do  tsluadli  Gaidel  7  Gall, 

a  m/c  Muire,  as  mor  in  pladh,         dib  ni  bla  diiine  comslän. 
5  10  Da  fätli  ar  a  tig  ferg  De        do  digliail  na  decbmaide: 
olcus  an  aosa  gräda        dobértar  na  mörplädha. 

11  Fer  dTb  toirnes  ar  éicin        a  toil  n-ííatlimair  n-aineitigli, 
nochar  toirinn  saint  a  bfos        nä  ceilg  nä  teirg  na  dimus. 

12  Is  tar  sárugud  nGrighair        adubaíVt  na  degliubair, 

10        gacha  bfuidhbe  ar  bathais  ngloin       is  ar  cumain  comaircidli. 

13  Nocha  fuirthe  litíaid  in  boclit       noblad  turbadach  täebnocht, 
is  de  dlegliar  gsm  tregadh        a  blathad,  a  bläitlieidedli. 

14  Mairg  dobera  :\  cend  fo  läim        fer  üasal  an  üasalgraidh, 
go    cuiredli    tiad    gan    tläithi  ocht    n-airic[h]    na    ndu- 

[bäilc[h]i. 
15  15  Da  mbe  aontoil  dlb  'na  curp        go  brät[h]  's  Tar  ffibräth  hid 

[lör  d'ulc, 
nocha  cluinfe  mac  Muire        gacha  ndingna  d'edarguide. 

16  Cia  tairnidh  sis  a  mslaig        is  cia  faldiaid  a  agaidh, 

in  räiti  cräibt[h]ech  re  nech         minab  ailgen  irnaight[h]ech. 

17  Cid  älaind  a  cruth  amach        iter  deilb  7  cumdach, 

20        nocha   n-air  sein   berar  bi'eth,        acht   ar  in  leith   blas  fri 

[nech. 

18  Fada  blas  Eiri  'na  hulc        lar  ndlth  do  Colmän  easpog, 

ö    sin    amach    go    bráth    mbán         cenn    cuingi    Crist    ga« 

[co[n]gb(7Z. 

19  Is    maith    do    Chonall    go    nibäid  lar    n-indscuchwc?    do 

[Colmän, 
tairrngert  fein  ö  sin  amach  Ere  gan  laech,  gau  cleirech. 

25  20  (S.  78)  Cen  laich,  gan  flaith,  gan  luighe,       is  mairg  taircebe 

[in  cuire, 
na  cleirig  gan  ceim  n-oigi        ag  timt[h]ireacht  altoire. 

21  Nogo  mbeith  secht  mblladna  deg        7  Crist  og  a  coiméd, 

nach  Tadfa  a  läim  am  nech        tan  rogeba  in  coilech. 

22  Mad  ar  Dia  dech  fo  grädhaib        is  e  is  ferr  do  sTl  Ädhuim, 
30        niagh  d'laruidh  bo  7  brat        rohad  ferr  do  in  gaduidecht. 

23  Marbt[h]ar  in  gaduidhe  glúair        ar  a  bäidhi  re  haontiair, 
robeir  Rl  in  tsrotha  ar  neni  he        ar  tri  gotha  aithrighe, 

24  A  De,  is  olc  bias  Ere  sund        in  tan  atre  donn  aifrinn 

in  sagart  sanntach  sealbach        celgach  fergach  mormenmnach. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HÄNDSCHRIFTEN.  53 

25  Mairg-  fer  gräidh  dobeir  fo  c[h]oim  in   läim   ara  lluonn 

[a  broimi, 
bether  co  fada  a  mbochta,        a  füacht  is  a  sirnóchta. 

26  Mairg  fir  gräidh        ag-  nach  tachrat  na  dl  läim, 

in  läm  t{h]imsaighes  in  crodh        's  a  lämh  eli  'g-a  sgäiled. 

27  Nl  moc[h]in        in  fer  gräid  ibes  an  digh,  5 
don  linn  mesca  cidh  maith  leis,      is  Tad  sin  desca  in  dimais. 

28  Mairg-  ara   Ieigt[h]er  grädh  cert        nvän  fäema  gan  tairim- 

[t[h]echt, 
a  De,  is  fada  fada  úad        heth  go  rotoirrsech  rotrüadh. 

Tritagh. 

Ib.  S.  103. 

1  Ränag-  i  Rachrainn  na  righ       gu  slänab  sil  Cuinn  is  Che[i]n,  10 
fecht  foroll  gaw  gainne  ngräidh  go  Col«m  cäidh  clainni 

[Nein. 

2  Naomhcathir  coir  clainni  Cuinn        cus  caornhthatha/^  an  muir 

[mall, 
is  cosmail  re  fäidhnew«  finn        ar  cinn  Gäidel  7  Gall. 

3  Clasa  aingiul,  ard  a  modh,        dron  a  daingen  Dia  ruscar, 

i  port  na  brasairdbhi  bil        fóa  sir  in  glasfairgi  nglan.  15 

4  Gabuis  naom  fáa  soigid  slóigh        'sa  röimh  a  foilid  na  righ, 
ig  muime  gach  ratha  rain        gaír  na  tuinne  frisin  tir. 

5  Tórruma  na  naomh  do  nimli        is  lat  a  slögmodo  sain, 
glanoll  a  büaid  is  a  hlacl        on  uair  rusgabh  Colum  cain. 

6  Colum,   Cainnech,   Comghall   coir,  nistorband   gach   töir  20 

[gaw  tair, 
rannsat  na  mbuidinn  go   mbrigh        in  tir  re   mac  Cmlinn 

[caidh. 

7  Carsat  Rachruinn   dar  do   rian  flal  re  gach  ferchlainn 

[iar  fir, 
tri  6'öeca[i]t  naomh  do  nim  nár       ré  taeb  an  ciiaoc?ii  ran  righ. 

8  Roichell  go  vohlad,  go  rath,        a  fuil  senadh  salmgla;*  smith, 
taithnid  aoba  for  a  dre[i]ch,        it  caomha  gan  cleitli  a  cluith.  25 

9  Cathair  \aj:\hair  betha  buain,        samaiZ  re  Rüaim  Letha  lain, 
in  Macha  re  each  a  cé[i]n,        fírpoz-t  feigh  fiun  flatha  Fail. 

10  Ferr  d'feraibh  an  fer  rusfuair       acht  Ri  rogelaigh  in  gTe[i]n, 
fiaith   g?in   clechtgainne,   gan    cradli.  Colum   cádh   nert- 

[chlaiuni  Neill. 


54         KÜNO   MEYER,   MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

11  NÍ  bec  a  clmaírt  Cohiim  cäim,        nT  duairc  a  rath  an  iiaoim 

[nair, 
it  ardmaniiigh  do  go  n-üaill        G-diäil  glüair,  Albanuigh  ain. 

12  In  rómail  gu  roimhsibli  ngh,        in  retla  dia  soills7(7  s\uag. 
in  tuili  treb  'na  ritli  ran.        an  fer  dian  hin  in  bith  buán. 

5  13    In    bairchrann    bendachtach    bäidli.         in    alchuing    targa 

[gach  tir. 
in  cridhi  coraliiiirlec/?-  cäidh.        bfiaidh  mail  in  modhaingkc/i 

[min. 

14  Mac  Feidlimthe  in  flaith  maith  mor,         in  fer  gu  n-imat 

[ra[i]th  reil, 
met  a  erghnusa  'gun  righ,        uá  fen  fir  Ferghusa  feih 

15  Is  fls  do  Cokim  gan  mheirg,        nodmolaim,  nodmol  gach  bard, 
10        Ian  de  an  bith  brainechda  borb,        fer  na  n-ord  n-airec[h]dha 

[n-ard. 

16  Nert  Cohiim  lim  is  lain  ceill  romsaora  fen  Colnni  cadh, 
Colum  mo  din[n]  is  mo   dun,        Colum  lini  re  gacli  rnii  ran. 

Rcinag.  a  Rac. 

Charlottenburg.  Kuno  Meyeu. 


THE  PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  0  TENSES  OF  THE 
VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC. 


According-  to  tlie  native  g-rammarians  there  is  in  Scotcli 
Gaelic  no  simple  present  tense;  cf.  Gillies,  Elements  of  Gaelic 
Grammar,  p.  85:  'There  is  not  in  Gaelic  as  there  cannot  be  in 
anj^  correct  expression  of  exact  thought,  an  indefinite  present 
tense'.  The  same  view  is  implied  hy  Stewart,  Gaelic  Grammar  ^ 
p.  89 :  '  This  (future)  tense  is  used  in  a  peculiar  sense  in  Gaelic, 
to  signify  that  an  action  or  event  takes  place  uniforml}' . .  .  Thus: 
Blessed  is  he  that  considereth  the  poor,  expressed  according  to 
the  Gaelic  idiom,  would  be:  Blessed  is  he  that  will  consider',  &c. 
This  doctrine  has  found  its  way  also  into  Pedersen's  Vergl. 
Grammatik  II  305 :  'Auch  im  Nsch.  hat  das  Präs.  futurische  Be- 
deutung: théid  "wird  gehen"  ...  es  bedeutet  zugleich,  was  zu 
geschehen  pflegt;  die  Präsensbedeutung  im  eigentlichen  Sinne 
wird  durch  eine  Umschreibung  ausgedrückt  {ta  mi  ag  hualadh 
"ich  schlage");  das  alte  Fut.  ist  verloren 2).'  The  orthodox  view 
then  is  that  the  present  tense  is  made  with  ta  and  the  verbal 
noun,  the  old  present  is  used  as  a  future,  and  the  old  future 
formations  have  disappeared. 

This  view  is  quite  untenable,  and  quite  unsupported  by  the 
usage  of  the  spoken  and  of  the  written  language.  That  this  is 
so  Avill,  I  think,  be  made  sufficiently  clear  by  an  examination  of 
the  following  examples.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  we 
must  begin  by  considering  as  not  proved  such  statements  as  that 
Gaelic  employs  the  future  tense  to  indicate  an  action  that  '  takes 
place,  uniformly,  habitually'. 

1)  There  are  some  traces  of  g-futures,  but  they  do  not  affect  the  present 
question,  and  will  not  be  referred  to. 

2)  So  too  II  363. 


56  J.  FRÄSER. 

Tlie  formal  distinction  between  verbal  forms  expressing  con- 
suetudinal  and  non-consuetudinal  action  is  unknown  in  Scotch 
Gaelic  except  in  the  solitarj^  case  of  the  substantive  verb.  But 
even  here  tM  and  hi  are  no  longer  kept  distinct.  Both  when  thej- 
are  used  independenth'  and  when  they  are  employed  with  the 
verbal  noun  to  form  the  periphrastic  pres.  and  imperf.  tenses: 
there  is  a  growing  tendency  to  prefer  thd,  and,  in  dependent, 
negative  and  interrogative  sentences,  hlieil,  eil,  to  hi.  This  ten- 
dency is  illustrated  in  the  examples  below,  most  of  them  taken 
from  works  written  in  purely  colloquial  language. 


I.  Present  (imperfect)  consuetudinal  with  hi. 

1,  Ord  heag  a  hhios  mi  giulan  am  pJioca  nuair  a  ghahhas 
mi  'm  cheann  teicheadh  o'n  tigh,  Fear-Ciuili)  151,  'a  small  hammer 
which  I  am  accustomed  to  cairy  in  my  pocket  Avhenever  I  think 
of  escaping  from  the  house', 

2,  Clmala  mi  iomadh  uair  gur  e  sud  suidheuchadh  ^san  h  i 
iad  nuar  tha  sealladh  a  'tiglmin  micn  coinneatnh  Speis-)  73, 
'I've  often  heard  that  that  is  their  customary  position  when  a 
vision  confronts  them'. 

3,  Is  trie  a  hhitlieas-'')  mi  fJiin  a  smaointinn,  ib,  83,  'I 
myself  often  think". 

4,  Faodaidh  mi  a  radh  nach  'eil  e  comasach  do  luingcas  sum 
hith  faotain  as  an  aite  .  .  ,  ma  hhios  a'  gaoth  thun  a'  chladaich, 
hheir  an  srtith  's  a'  gaoth  a  d/^'  ionnsuidh  heul  na  h-aimhne  iad; 
agus  gcd  a  hhiodh  a  ghaoth  hhar  an  fhearainn,  tha  fascadli  na 
heinne  'ga  cumail  uapa,  Sgeul.  Arab.  ■•)  III  26,  'I  may  say  that 
it  is  impossible  for  any  ships  to  get  away  from  the  place.  If  the 
wind  is  off  the  sea,  the  wind  and  the  current  carry  them  towards 
the  mouth  of  the  river;  and  though  the  wind  should  be  from 
the  land,  the  intervening  hill  keeps  it  from  them'. 


1)  Am  Fear-Ciuil  !iy  D.  Mackecbuie,  2.  editiou,  Ediuburgh  1910. 

2)  Gii'n  d'thiig  i  Speis  do'n  Armuiun,  Stirling  1908. 

3)  The  monosyllabic  3  sg.  pres.   bios  <C  bis  has  been  orthographically 
confused  with  the  disyllabic  3  sg.  fut.  <C  bias. 

*)   Sgeulachdan  Arabianach.   The  Arabian  Nights  in  Gaelic,  Inverness, 
I'^  1906,  II  1809,  III  1900. 


PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.    57 

5.  Fiigli  nan  Innsean,  roimh  am  hi  ceud  elefant  ag  imeachd. . . 
Sgéul.  Arab.  Ill  32,  '  King  of  the  Indies  before  whom  a  hundred 
elephants  march'. 

II.  Present  (imperfect)  consuetudinal  with  thd. 

1.  Tha  moran  dhaoine  tha  tuiteam  's  a'  clieart  mhearachd 
sin,  Fear-Ciuil  133,  'there  are  many  men  who  fall  into  that 
very  error'. 

2.  Tha  Mr.  C.  ag  radh  mii'm  fagadJi  iad  tir  a  dJiol  air  turus 
mara,  gu  rohh  iad  ag  iarraidh  heannachaidh  air  a  hliata,  ib.  177, 
'Mr.  C.  says  that,  before  leaving  for  a  voyage,  they  would  ask 
for  a  blessing  on  the  boat'. 

3.  Cha'n  ^ eil  mi  fhéin  a'  toirt  moran  gcill  do  thaibhsearachd, 
Speis  80,  'For  myself,  I  do  not  put  much  faith  in  second  sight'. 

4.  Faodaidli  heagan  deth  hid  annainn  air  fad,  ged  nach 
'eil  sin  a'  gahhail  heachd  air  mar  a  ghahhas  cuid  eile,  ib.  82,  'All 
of  us  may  have  a  little  of  it  though  we  do  not  view  it  in  the 
same  way  as  others'. 

5.  Cha'n  fhearr  oinseachan  tha  dol  far  am  hheil  i,  ib.  48, 
'no  better  are  the  foolish  women  who  visit  her'. 

6.  Tha  niise  gacli  latha  air  mo  chlaoidh  le  obair  chruaidh, 
Sgéul.  Arab.  II  99,  'I  am  daily  exhausted  with  hard  work'. 

7.  An  iiair  a  smaoinicheas  mi  air,  tha  e  cur  ioghnadli  orm 
gu'n  d'rinn  mi  leithid,  ib.  Ill  24,  'whenever  I  think  of  it  I  am 
amazed  that  I  should  have  done  such  a  thing'. 

8.  Anns  gach  aitc  tha  na  h- aimhnichean  a  ruith  don  chnan, 
ib.  Ill  25,  'everywhere  the  rivers  flow  towards  the  sea'. 

9.  Nuair  a  thuitheadh  an  rud  amis  a  rohh  a  spor  a  sds, 
hha  1)  'w  spor  a'  hualadli  an  rud  a  hha  tkairis  air  an  rud  anns 
a  rohh  am  fitdar,  Seanchaid  na  Traghad^)  12,  'when  the  thing 
which  held  the  flint  fell,  the  flint  would  strike  the  thing  above 
the  receptacle  for  the  powder'. 

10.  Is  iomadh  naidheachd  aighearach  a  tha  air  a  h-aithris 
gus  an  latha  'n  diugh,  ib.  26,  'many  a  merry  tale  is  told  to 
this  day'. 

*)   Here  the  synthetic  tense  bluudleadh  would  be  more  usual. 
-)   Seau-na  Traghad,  le  Iain  mac  (Jormaic,  Stirling  1911. 


58  J.  FRÄSER, 

The  confusion  of  the  consuetudinal  and  the  non-consuetudinal 
forms  is  evident.  The  cause  of  this  confusion  is  probably  two- 
fold. In  the  first  place  it  is  quite  clear  that  the  forms  of  the 
consuetudinal  present  were  phonetically  confused  with  those  of 
the  future.  The  result  was  that  it  came  to  be  felt  that  forms 
like  hi  mi,  hhios,  &c.  should  be  reserved  for  the  expression  of 
the  future,  particularly  as  the  present  had  at  its  disposal  another 
set  of  forms  tha,  &c.  which  were  quite  unambig'uous.  The  fact 
that  all  other  verbs  had  only  one  form  for  the  3  sg-.,  also,  doubt- 
less, helped  the  preference  for  tha.  On  the  other  hand  there 
was  a  farther  psychological  reason  for  the  use  of  the  non-con- 
suetudinal forms.  In  II 4  above,  ged  a  hliiodh  a'  ghaoth  hhar  an 
fhearainn,  tha  fasgadh  na  heinne  'ga  cumail  uapa,  the  use  of 
tha  instead  of  U  particularises,  and  adds  to  the  vividness  of  the 
picture.  Instead  of  telling  what  happens  to  all  ships  that  find 
themselves  in  this  dangerous  neighbourhood,  the  speaker  selects 
one  vessel  to  illustrate  the  fate  of  all.  But  for  our  present 
purpose,  what  is  of  most  importance  to  observe  is  that  the 
examples  in  which  the  consuetudinal  forms  are  used  show  that 
1)1,  hios,  have  a  present  meaning-,  not  a  future  as  one  might  infer 
from  the  statements  of  the  grammarians. 

I  shall,  in  the  next  place,  give  examples  of  the  synthetic 
present  tense  of  other  verbs. 


I.  Synthetic  forms  in  independent  sentences. 
1.   Positive  sentences. 

1.  Expressing  habitual  action:  Tuigidh  an  cii  fein  a  chionta, 
Speis  48,  'even  a  dog-  understands  when  he  does  wrong'.  'S  e 
aite  crcagacli,  dosgacJi  a  tha  's  a  Choire  Ghlas  .  .  .  Ilia  aogasg  ag 
atharrachadh  lets  na  montan  .  .  .  An  samradh  a'  tighinn  le  thrus- 
gan  aotroni  hlath  .  .  .  A  'ghrian  a'  spiitadh  a  gaithean  d  speur 
ghorni . . .  Air  a  shdil  thig  am  foghar,  Sean*na  Tragh.  5,  "A  craggy 
leafy  place  is  the  Blue  Corrie  .  .  .  Its  appearance  changes  with 
the  seasons  .  .  .  The  summer  comes  with  its  light  warm  mantle 
,  .  .  The  sun  pours  out  its  rays  fi'om  a  blue  sky  ...  At  its  heel 
comes  autumn.'  Thig  fear  an  t-saoghail  fhada  troimh  gach 
cunnart,  Speis  24,  'A  long-lived  man  escapes  every  danger'. 


PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  TEIE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.         ol» 

2.  Expressing-  noii- habitual  action:  'Co  tha  'n  sud\  deir 
ise,  Sean*na  Trag-h.  29,  '"Who  is  there?"  saj's  she'.  Ch\  mi 
luchd  nan  cbtaicliean  dearga  'n  an  shieadh  air  an  raon,  Speis  71, 
'I  see  the  red -coated  folk  lying  on  the  field'.  Measar  dhuinne 
giir  mac  rath  thu,  Campbell,  Fiannsi)  42,  'We  are  of  opinion 
that  you  are  a  child  of  grace'.  Guidheam  ort,  Sgéul.  Ai^ab.  I  5, 
'I  pray  you'.  Feumaidh  mi,  thu,  faodaidh  mi,  thu,  are  con- 
stantly used  with  present  meaning  'I,  you  may,  must',  cf.  Speis 
23,  82^  Sgéul.  Arab.  Ill  26. 


2.   Negative  and  interrogative  sentences. 

Cha  chreid  mi  giis  an  latha  'n  diugh,  Sean*na  Tragh.  12, 
'I  do  not  belieA^e  till  this  day'.  Cha  ghahh  e  innseadh  na  hha 
de  bhadhar  luachmlior  agiis  de  shaoibhris  air  a  chladach,  Sgéul. 
Arab.  Ill  25 ,  'It  is  impossible  to  tell '.  An  saoil  sibh  nach  do 
chtiir  so  amhluadh  nach  bu  bheag  arm,  Fear-Ciuil  150,  'Do  you 
doubt...'  An  cluinn  sibh  sin?  Seaii'na  Tragh.  30,  'Do  you 
hear  that?'  Cha'n  fhaod  thu  .  .  .  Sgéul.  Arab.  Ill  99.  Am 
feumar  .  .  .?  ib.  94. 


XL   Synthetic  forms  in  dependent  sentences. 

1.   Positive  sentences. 

1.  Expressing  habitual  action:  Tha  mhaise  'na  chois  nuair 
thigh  an  reothadh  .  .  .  agiis  ghlaiseas  e  gach  ni  fo  eigh,  nuair 
a  bhitheas  comhdach  mar  ghloine  liohlite  air  uachdar  na  lochan 
mora,  Seau'na  Tragh.  6,  'Winter  has  its  own  beauty  when  the 
frost  comes  .  .  .  and  locks  up  everything  under  ice  .  .  .'  Tha 
rudan  neonach  air  an  innseadh  gu  dearbh:  's  nuair  a  chluijineas 
sinn  páirt  diubh  a'  tighinn  air  an  cois  .  .  .,  Speis  35,  'Strange 
things  are  indeed  told  of,  and  when  Ave  hear  of  some  of  them 
.  .  .'  's  iomadh  rud  a  thig  duine  troimhe  eadar  a  bhreith  's' a 
bhas,  ib.  19.  'A  man  has  many  adventures  between  the  cradle 
and  the  grave'.    An  uair  a  smaoinicheas  tni  air,   tha  e  cur 


')   The  FiannS;  ed.  J.  G.  Campbell  (Waifs  and  Strays  of  Celtic  Tradition), 
London  1891. 


60  J.  FRÄSER, 

ioghnadh  orm  gu'n  cVrinn  mi  leitlúd,  Sgéiil.  Arab.  Ill  24.  'When 
I  think  of  it,  I  am  amazed  that  I  did  such  a  thing'.  'S  e  Bun- 
easain  a  their  sinn  ar  fad  hho'n  is  e  is  fearr  a  thuigeas  coim- 
liich,  Speis  58,  'We  all  call  it  B.,  for  strangers  understand  that 
best'.  Nach  neönach  far  an  stad  bruidhinn,  c'aite  's  am  bith 
an  to  is  ich  i,  ib.  36,  'Is  it  not  strange  how  a  conversation  may 
end,  no  matter  how  it  begins?' 

2.  Expressing  non- habitual  action:  Ä  hhaobh  a  nigheas 
an  t-eudach,  Campbell,  Fianns  39,  'Spirit  that  washest  the  gar- 
ment'. Nach  aisde  leumtar  ambreac?  Campbell,  Pop.  Tales  1 91, 
'Is  it  not  out  of  it  the  trout  leaps?' 


2.   Negative  and  interrogative  sentences. 

Nan  sguireadh  tu  de  dheoghal  na  pwba  sin  nach  teid  as  do 
phluic  o^n  a  dh'eireas  gus  an  laidh  thu,  Fear-Ciuil  156,  'If  you 
ceased  sucking  that  pipe  which  never  leaves  your  lips  from  the 
time  3'ou  rise  till  you  go  to  bed'.  Cha'n  'ell  teagamh  agani  nach 
'eil  a  leithed  de  ni  ann  ged  .  .  .  nach  gahh  e  sgriidadh,  Speis  82, 
'I  have  no  doubt  that  there  is  some  such  thing  though  it  does 
not  admit  of  investigation; 

From  the  above  examples  it  will  be  quite  clear  that  the 
(luestion  Avhether  the  old  synthetic  forms  of  the  present  tense 
are  used  in  modern  Scotch  Gaelic  with  the  meaning  of  the  present 
admits  of  no  discussion.  Independent  and  dependent  forms  {faod- 
aidh  :  cha'n  fhaod)  are  used  in  this  way  to  express  habitual  or 
non -habitual  action.  But  w^hen  the  action  is  of  the  latter  kind 
the  periphrastic  forms  are,  by  far,  the  commoner  except  in  negative 
or  interrogative  sentences.  Thus,  chi  mi  is  much  less  frequent 
than  tha  mi  [ag]  faicinn,  while  on  the  other  hand  cha'n  fhaic  mi 
am  faic  thu?  are,  in  the  spoken  language,  equally  common  with 
cha'n  'eil  mi  [ag]  faicinn,  am  bheil  tJiu  [ag]  faicinn? 

In  certain  types  of  sentence  the  present  or  the  future  can 
be  used  indifferently  without  affecting  the  sense  to  any  appreciable 
extent.  These  will  be  mentioned  later.  But  apart  from  them, 
it  is  often  difficult  or  impossible  to  give  good  reasons  for  regard- 
ing as  future  rather  than  present  in  meaning  forms  used  as  in 
the  following  examples:  's  gann  gu'n  mi  gear  a  leas  innseadh 
CO   mum    bheil   na    briathran   so    air   an    labhairt,    Caraid   nan 


PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.         61 

Gaidheal  1)  462,  'It  is  (will  be)  scarcely  necessary  to  explain  to 
whom  these  words  refer'.  Ged  a  dKolainn  na  galain  a  h-uile 
car  a  théid  diom,  elm  t[h]rodadh  mo  bhean  rium,  is  cha  leig 
i  an  t-aran  am  dliith,  Duncan  Ban 2)  14,  where  tliéid,  leig 
may  be  equally  well  understood  as  consuetudinal  presents  or 
futures. 

From  an  examination  of  examples  taken  almost  entirely  from 
the  modern  colloquial  language  we  have  now  learnt: 

1.  that  the  synthetic  forms  which  in  the  grammars  are 
called  future,  can  be,  and  are,  used  as  presents,  and 

2.  that  such  forms  are  often  used  in  contexts  where,  in 
the  absence  of  external  grammatical  distinction,  it  is 
impossible  to  decide  wiiether  we  should  call  them  presents 
or  futures. 

I  shall  now  give  examples  from  a  somewhat  older  stage  of  the 
language,  where  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  precise  meaning 
of  the  forms  employed. 

The  development  of  Scotch  Gaelic  during  the  last  two 
centuries  can  be  followed  to  a  certain  extent  by  an  examination 
of  the  language  of  the  successive  editions  of  the  Gaelic  Bible. 
The  earlier  editions 3)  are  practically  reprints,  in  vulgar  Eoman 
characters,  of  the  Dublin  version  of  1602.  The  first  translation  of 
the  New  Testament  that  shows  any  independence  in  matter  of 
language  is  that  of  Stewart,  Edinburgh  1767.  But  here,  too, 
the  influence  of  the  Irish  version  is  still  strong,  and  every  sub- 
sequent edition  has  brought  its  tale  of  modification  in  point  of 
spelling,  morphology  and  syntax^).  A  few  examples  of  the 
gradual  adaptation  of  the  Irish  original  to  Scotch  usage  are: 


1)   C.  n.  G.  by  Norman  Macleod,  D.  D.,  Edinbui-gh  1910. 

-)  Songs  of  Duncan  Mac  Intyre  in  Gaelic  and  English.  Ed.  by  George 
Calder,  Edinburgh  1912. 

^)  See  Reid,  Bibliotheca  Scoto-Celtica,  Glasgow  1832. 

*)  The  treatment  of  the  nominal  declension  in  the  successive  editions  de- 
serves investigation.  Here  one  or  two  examples  may  be  noticed :  ri,  pi.  righthe 
1G02,  Apoc.  1,  6,  righridh  Stewart,  righre  1807,  1842:  morain  d'uisgeadhuibh 
1602,  Apoc.  1, 15,  m-nisgeacha  Stewart,  m-nisgeachan  1842;  cridhe,  ace.  pi. 
croidheacha  Stewart,  Apoc.  2,  23,  cridheachan  1807, 1842;  talamh.  g.sg.  talmhan 
1602,  Mark  4,  5,  tahnhain  Stewart,   talmhainn  1807;  dearhlirnithreacha  1602, 


62  J.  FRA8ER. 

Mark  5.  7      cuirim  a  huchd  De  ort,  1602, 

cuiream  ort  a  Jmchd  JDe,  Stewart  1807,  1823, 

tha  mi  a'  cur  ort.  1848; 
Apoc.  3,  19   cronaicJieam  ogus  smacJidaicheam,,  Stewart  1807, 

tha  mi  a'  cronachadh  agus  a'  smachdachadlt  1842; 

deirim,  Stewart  pass.,  for  ata  mi  ag  radii  of  recent 
editions. 

Instances  of  the  retention  of  the  form  of  the  1^*  pers.  sg*.  in  the 
modern  Bible  are  samhlicheam,  Song  of  Sol.  1,9,  and  cuiream, 
ib.  2,  7  in  1848. 

The  value  of  the  translation  of  the  Bible  for  the  study  of 
the  use  of  the  verbal  forms  depends  on  the  fact  that  the  Scotch 
translators  always  have  their  ej^e  on  the  Irish  vei'sion.  A  com- 
parison of  the  latter,  therefore,  enables  us  to  say  when  the  so- 
called  future  verbal  forms  of  the  Scotch  version  were  intended 
to  have  a  present  meaning,  and  when  a  future.  Thus  in  Mark 
1,  17  Stewart  and  later  editions  have  ni  mi  '«  ar  iasgairihh  air 
daoinihh  sibh,  the  Dublin  translation  has  doghéna  me;  Apoc.  1,  19 
na  nitJie  a  hhitlieas  ami  Stewart,  &c.,  thiucfus  1602;  Mark  4,  13 
donnas  ...  a  thuigeas  sibh  gach  uile  chosa'lachd?  Stewart  &c., 
donnas  tuigfidhe  an  uile  chosmhalachd?  1602.  Here,  for  example  in 
Apoc.  1,  19  the  Irish  form  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  tense  of 
hhitheas.  On  the  other  hand  we  can  be  equally  confident  that 
when  the  Irish  version  has  the  present,  the  Scotch  form  too  is 
intended  for  such.  In  some  case  the  synthetic  form  of  the  Irish 
is  represented  by  the  periphrastic  present,  as  in 

Apoc.  12, 14  .sa  ndit  a  noiltear  hi,  1602, 

far  am  hheil  i  air  a  halirum,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  4,  15  Achd  taréis  a  chloisdeana  tig  Satan  ar  an  mhall,  1602, 
Agus   tareis  doihh  a  chluinntin,   air  hall  ata  Satan 
a  teachd,  Stewart. 

Mark  1,  7     tig  am  dheaghuidhsi  neach  .  .  .,  1602, 

ata  neach  a  teachd  a'  m'  dhiaigh  sa,  Stewart,  &c. 


Mark  3, 31,  hräithre  Stewart,  bräithrean  1807;  teangn  g.  pi.  Stewart,  Apoc.  10, 11, 
1807,  teanganna  1842;  lucht  üitheachadh  Stewart,  Apoc.  11, 10,  I.  äiteachaidh 
1807;  do  na  naoimhibh  1&)2,  Apoc.  11,  18,  erwiinoiw/i  Stewart;  ainglibh  \Qfy2,, 
Apoc.  16, 1,  aingil  Stewart. 


PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.         63 

Otherwise  the  synthetic  form  is  used  in  the  Scotch  version 
as  in  the  Irisli: 

Mark  1,  3     Guth  an  ti  éigheas  ar  an  hhflidsach,  1602, 

Giiih  anti  cWcigheas  ann  san  fhdsach,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  10,12  7nci  Uigeann  bean  a  fear  fein  agus  gu  hpósfadh  si 
re  fear  eile,  1602, 
3Ia  chuireas  hean   air  falhh   a  fear  fein,  agus  ma 
hhitheas  i  air  a  pósadh  re  fear  eile,  Stewart,  á'C. 

Mark  9,  18  Gach  uile  hhall  a  mhéireann  si  air,  1602, 

Ge  h'e  ionad  sam  hitJi  an  glac  se  é,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  4,  20  Noch  éisdeas  .  .  .  agus  ghahhus  .  .  .  agus  dohheir  toradh 
uadha,  1602, 
An  dream  a  chluinneas  .  .  .  agus  a  ghabhas  .  .  .  agus 
a  hheir  amacli  toradh,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  4,  16  An  dream  éisdeas  an  hhriathar  agus  ghabhus  chuca 
i  do  Idthair,  1602, 
Muintir,  nuair  a  chluinneas  iad  am  focal,  a  ghabhas 
e  air  ball,  Stewart,  &c. 

It  is  now  quite  evident  that  Scotch  Gaelic  forms  like  bheir, 
chluinneas,  have  always  been  used  with  the  meaning  of  present 
tenses.  That  the  employment  of  such  forms  in  the  literary 
language  is  not  merely  an  Irishism  is  shown  by  the  usage  of  the 
colloquial  language.  We  must,  therefore,  speak  of  a  presens-future 
tense  with  the  following  forms: 

Independent:  cluinnidh  mi,  t(h)u,  e  S:c. 
Dependent:     cluinn  mi,  t{h)u,  e  &c. 
Relative:         cluinneas^) 

This  composite  tense  may  be  due  to  one  or  both  of  two 
causes.  1.  One  of  the  two  tenses,  present  and  future,  which 
originally  were  formally  distinguished,  may  have,  Avhile  retaining 
its  own  sense,  assumed  that  of  the  other  as  well.    In  this  case, 


^)  The  relative  forms  are  in  some  dialects  nserl  inilependently  with  future 
meaning. 


64  J.  FRÄSER. 

that  is  equivalent  to  saying  that  the  old  present  is  now  used 
as  a  present  and  as  a  future.  2.  The  other  possibility  is  that, 
through  phonetic  changes,  the  two  old  sets  of  forms  have  fallen 
together.  The  claims  of  either  possibility  will  be  considered 
separately. 

1.  In  some  types  of  verbs  the  present  tense,  owing  to  the 
nature  of  the  action  expressed  by  the  verb,  has  the  sense  of  the 
future  1).  Such  are  Eng.  go,  Gk.  diii,  Skt.  émi.  The  result  has 
been  that  in  some  languages,  e.  g.  Germanic  and  Slavonic,  the 
future  tense  has  disappeared,  and  its  meaning  is  expressed  by 
the  present,  or  when  necessary,  by  a  periphrastic  tense,  cf.  Streit- 
berg, Gothisches  Elementarbuch'*  p.  199,  Leskien,  Altbulgarische 
Grammatik  p.  213.  That  the  same  tendencj^  should  be  respon- 
sible for  the  use  of  the  old  present  as  a  future  in  Scotch  Gaelic 
is  in  itself  a  plausible  theory,  and  for  some  forms  like  théid  the 
only  admissible  one.  There  seem,  indeed,  to  be  some  traces  in 
Mid.  Ir.  of  the  use  of  some  forms  of  tiagii  with  future  meaning, 
cf.  da  leth  tra  tcgi,  a  ro-thruag,  no  cindus  lamai  aula,  no  cia 
maitJi  fil  acut  in  tan  tégi  dochumm  nime,  Atkinson  PH  8217, 
where  in  tan  tégi,  even  if  Ave  understand  it  as  'now^  that  you 
are  going  to  heaven',  shows  hoAV  closely  the  meaning  of  the 
present  approximates  to  that  of  the  future.  A  less  equivocal 
example  (if  the  text  is  sound)  is  Is  i  ndighail  marbtha  Eoin 
Bautist  tic  in  scuab  a  Fanait  do  erglanadh  Erenn  fri  deredh 
in  domain,  aniail  do  tairrnger  Eleran  ind  ecnai  y  Colum 
Cille  A.  I  teirt  do  sunnradli  tic  fa  in  scuab  a  Fa?iait,  ut  dixit 
Colum  Cille  F(ranciscan  MS)  ad  Fél.  Oeng.,  Aug.  29  (Stokes 
1905,  p.  190).  Here  both  the  sense  of  the  passage  and  the 
use  of  ticfa  in  the  second  version  establish  the  future  meaning 
of  i/c2). 

2.  The  disappearance  of  the  old  future  through  formal  con- 
fusion with  the  present  has  parallels  elsewhere.  In  Welsh,  for 
example,  the  use  of  the  present  for  the  future  is  partly  due  to 


^)  The  future,  on  the  other  hand,  is  used  for  the  present  as  a  gnomic 
tense,  cf.  qui  homo  tiniidus  erit,  in  rebus  dubiis  naiici  nan  erit.  Plautus, 
Most.  1041. 

'■')  It  should  be  noticed  that  the  present  here  occurs  in  a  prophecy.  For 
the  use  of  the  prophetic  present  in  e.  g.  Greek,  cf.  Brugmann,  Gr.  Gr.^  p.  486. 


PRESENT  AND  FUTÜKE  TENSES  OF  THE  VEKB  IX  SCOTCH  GAELIC.         65 

such  confusion,  cf.  Stracliau,  Introduction  to  Earl}'  Welsh  p.  83; 
Loth,  Eemarques  et  Additions  p.  90f.  In  the  more  recent  stages 
of  Irish,  where  the  -f-  of  the  future  has  for  the  most  part  be- 
come -h-,  the  possibility'  of  confusion  between  e.  g.  cuiridh  and 
cuirßdh  is  obvious  ^).  In  Scotch  Gaelic,  where  the  entire  disappear- 
ance of  -h-  would  be  general 2),  the  two  sets  of  forms  could  not 
possibh^  be  kept  distinct.  Cuiridh  and  cuirftdh  would  have 
exactly  the  same  pronounciation.  If  we  now  claim  that  where 
in  the  modern  language  cuiridh,  huailidh  are  used  with  the 
meaning  of  the  future,  these  forms  represent  in  simplified  spelling- 
older  cuirfidh,  huailfidh,  we  can  appeal  onh'  to  the  probability 
of  the  supposition.  From  the  nature  of  the  case  absolute  proof 
is  impossible.  But  attention  may  be  drawn  to  a  fact  in  the  older 
written  language  which  deserves  consideration  in  this  connection. 
As  has  been  mentioned  above,  every  edition  of  the  Gaelic  Bible 
has  made  some  advance  on  its  predecessor  in,  among  other  things, 
the  adaptation  of  the  orthography  to  the  actual  sounds  of  the 
language,  principally  by  way  of  omitting  silent  consonants.  The 
following  four  examples,  out  of  many,  bear  on  the  present 
question.  At  Apoc.  17,  8  Stewart  has  (in  footnote)  sgriosfar 
e,  the  edition  of  1807  has  sgriosar;  at  Mark  5,  23  Stewart  has 
mairßdh  si  1807,  and  following  editions  mairidh  i\  at  Mark  1,  8 
the  Dublin  version  of  1602  has  haisdfidh,  Stewart  baistidh; 
at  Mark  9,  49,  1602  has  saillfUhear,  Stewart  saillthear,  1807 
saiUear. 

The  dependent  forms  of  the  future,  cha  chuir  may  be 
explained  in  the  same  way,  <  cuirfe,  or  as  due  to  the  analogy 
of  the  independent  forms. 

What  has  been  said  of  the  present  and  the  future  applies, 
of  course,  to  the  imperfect  and  conditional.  Chuir  inn  '1  would 
(used  to)  put'  and  ^I  would  (have)  put',  represents,  phoneticall}' 
and  in  point  of  meaning,  both  tlie  older  chuir  inn  and  chiirfinn. 


')  Pederseu  is  probably  right  iu  attributiug,  Vergl.  Gramm.  II  335,  the 
extension  of, the  ending  -ewn  of  3  sg.  pres.  to  the  desire  of  distinguishing 
between  the  present  and  the  future. 

*)  This  can  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  the  modern  language 
unvoicing  in  Sandhi  before  -h-  is  known  only  in  a  few  dialects,  and 
is  there  couliued  to   one  or  two  petrified  phrases,  as  sibh  fhéi7i,  pronounced 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Pliilulogie  X.  5 


GG      J.  FRÄSER,  THE  PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES,  &C. 

The  main  points  which  this  paper  aims  at  establishing  are, 

1.  that  in  Scotch  Gaelic  the  distinction  between  habitual 
and  non- habitual  action  is  not  always  expressed  in  the 
one  case  where  it  is  possible  to  do  so, 

2.  that  the  synthetic  verb  forms  commonly  called  futures 
are  used  with  the  sense  of  presents,  both  of  habitual  and 
non -habitual  action,  and  that  the  identity  of  the  forms 
of  the  present  and  the  future  tense  is  due,  partly  to  the 
fact  that  the  present  verbal  stem  has  in  some  cases  a 
future  sense,  but,  particulary,  to  phonetic  development 
which  has  removed  the  formal  differences  which  origin- 
ally distinguished  them. 

Aberdeen.  J.  Frasek. 


IRISCHE  MISCELLEN. 


1.    aife  .„Abhauis:''. 

In  der  Sage  Ftngal  Jiónáin  (ed.  Kuno  Mej'er,  Kev.  Celt. 
XIII  368  IT.),  die  noch  der  altirischen  Zeit  zugewiesen  werden 
mufs  (vgl.  den  durch  den  Reim  gesicherten  Genetiv  Haue 
Fothartaig,  zweisilbiges  ó'ic,  núa[e],  dó'i,  h'iad  usw.),  heifst  es  in 
dem  Liede  des  Mdel  Fothartaig  (S.  385): 

Is  tiar  fri  cloi  n-gaühe 
do  neoch  in-gair  bil  Aife. 

K.  Meyer  übersetzt  „Cows  of  Aife".  Auf  S.  379  versucht  der 
irische  Schreiber,  den  Ausdruck  he  Aife  zu  erklären:  ./.  cloclia 
filet  la  tóeb  int  sUihe.  It  cosmailc  fri  hü  finna  do  cliéin.  For 
aife  int  sléibc  ataat:  ..nämlich  das  sind  Steine  am  Hange  des 
Berges.  Sie  gleichen  von  weitem  weiisen  Kühen.  Auf  der  aife 
des  Berges  befinden  sie  sich."  K.  Meyer  hat  aife  hier  unübersetzt 
gelassen.  In  seinen  „Sagen  aus  dem  alten  Irland"  hat  jedoch 
Thurneysen  dieses  aife  mit  „Abhang"  übersetzt  und  auch  hic  Aife 
in  dem  erwähnten  Vers  mit  „Kühe  des  Abhangs"  wiedergegeben. 
Ihm  folgend  hat  sodann  K.  Meyer  in  seinen  Contributions  ein 
Wort  aife  „slope?"  eingefügt. 

Es  kann  gewifs  kein  Zweifel  bestehen,  dafs  das  erstgenannte 
aife  in  der  Glosse  des  Schreibers  und  im  Text  des  Gedichtes 
dasselbe  Wort  darstellen  sollen.  Wie  der  Reim  mit  gaithe  („des 
Windes")  zeigt,  mufs  aife  hier  mit  einem  Diphthong  angesetzt 
werden.  Ein  Wort  aife  (mit  Diphthong),  das  Abhang  bedeutet, 
gibt  es  aber  überhaupt  nicht.  Die  ganze  Frage  ist  vielmehr  auf 
folgende  Weise  zu  lösen: 


68  JULIUS    POKORNY, 

In  dem  Gedicht  ist  Aife  nichts  anderes,  als  der  Name  einer 
mythischen  Persönlichkeit.  Es  gibt  mehrere  Frauen  dieses  Namens. 
Welche  hier  gemeint  ist,  läfst  sich  nicht  mit  Gewifsheit  fest- 
stellen. Die  Felsen  am  Abhang-  des  Berges  können  sehr  wohl 
von  weitem  wie  Kühe  ausgesehen  haben  und  aus  uns  nicht 
bekannten  Gründen  als  „Kühe  der  (Zauberin)  Aife"  bezeichnet 
worden  sein. 

Der  Schreiber  der  erwähnten  Glosse  kannte  offenbar  ebenso- 
wenig wie  wir  jene  Geschichte,  die  sich  an  die  „Kühe  der  Aife" 
knüpfte.  Aufserdem  stehen  die  Verse,  aus  denen  der  anlautende 
Diphtliong  des  Wortes  erschlossen  werden  kann,  an  einer  späteren 
Stelle  des  Textes,  so  dafs  er  um  so  leichter  in  einen  groben 
Irrtum  verfallen  konnte.  Es  gibt  nämlich  tatsächlich  ein  Wort 
für  Abhang,  das  ganz  ähnlich  in  der  gesprochenen  Sprache  klang, 
nämlich  aitlibe  (Verbalsubstantiv  zu  ad -hen,  aus  "^ate-hhijom) 
„Ebbe,  Abnahme,  Zurückweichen",  daher  auch  „Abhang  (des 
Berges)",  das  im  Mittelirischen,  also  zur  Zeit  der  Abschrift 
unserer  Sage,  genau  als  aife  (also  etwa  äfe)  gesprochen  wurde. 
Der  Schreiber  konnte  somit  das  ihm  vorliegende  aife  (=  aife) 
irrtümlich  als  das  ihm  wohl  geläufige  Wort  aithhe  auffassen. 
Daher  fügte  er  aus  Eigenem  hinzu:  „/br  aife  (recte:  aithhi,  älter 
aitlibiu)  int  sléibe  ataaV  Dieses  zweite  aife  ist  natürlich  mit 
dem  zuerst  genannten  aife,  das  er  näher  erklären  will,  nicht 
identisch.  Im  Gedicht  mufs  es  daher  ,,  Kühe  der  Aife "  und  nicht 
„Kühe  des  Abhangs"  lieifsen. 


2.   Wb.  33a2. 

Diese  Glosse:  „leissom  atech  didiu '/  isJie  conidrotig;  ferimr 
diamuintirsom  inti  moysi''  enthält  die  eigentümliche  Abkürzung 
imr.  Im  Thesaurus  (I  707)  ist  das  Wort  unerklärt  gelassen  0- 
Ich  zweifle  nicht  daran,  dafs  es  einfach  in  im(;m)urgu  aufzulösen 
ist,  was  auch  dem  Sinn  nach  vortrefflich  pafst.  Kurz  darauf 
kommt  in  ähnlichem  Zusammenhang  (33  a  5)  zweimal  das  Wort 
im{m)urgu  vor. 


')  Dieselbe  Abkürzung  in  Wb.  5  c  5,  wo  sie  richtig  in  imnmrgu  auf- 
gelöst ist. 


IRISCHE  MISCELLEN.  69 

3.    da-caitig  „hat  geschworen",  ad-ciiitecht 
„ist  abgewiesen  worden". 

Die  Form  du-cuüig  zu  tong{d)id  „schwört"  mufs,  wie  das 
palatale  t  beweist,  auf  urkeltisch  ''^to-l-on-fetoge  zurückgehen. 
Da  vor  s3mkopiertem  e  niemals  die  Hebung-  von  o  zu  u  eintreten 
kann,  befremdet  das  zweite  ti  in  du-cuüig.  Die  Möglichkeit,  dafs 
hier  in  der  Reduplikationssilbe  ein  i  stecken  könnte  (so  zweifelnd 
Hessen,  CZ  IX  21),  mufs  als  völlig  ausgeschlossen  bezeichnet 
werden.  Es  kann  sich  somit  in  diesem  Fall  nur  um  eine  ana- 
logische Umbildung  handeln.  Das  Vorbild  dazu  ergibt  sich  ganz 
ungezwungen.  Die  echt  komponierte  Form  der  3.  Sg-.  Perf.  mufste 
nämlich  (wenn  wir  annehmen,  dafs  hier,  wie  auch  sonst  häufig, 
die  Sj'nkope  der  zweiten  Silbe  durch  Einflufs  der  unecht  kom- 
ponierten Form  und  durch  das  etymologische  Bewuistsein  unter- 
blieb) *-tochiiitig  lauten  und  es  liegt  auf  der  Hand,  dafs  *'du- 
coiiig  durch  Einflufs  von  "^-tochnitig,  wo  das  u  in  unbetonter 
Silbe  berechtigt  war.  zu  du-ciiiüg  werden  konnte. 

Auf  ähnliche  Weise  ist  ad-cnüecht  „ist  abgewiesen  worden" 
zu  erklären.  Ein  ursprüngliches  *ad-coitig  (urkeltisch  *ad-Jcpn- 
tetoge)  „er  hat  abgewiesen"  war  zuerst  durch  Einflufs  der  echt 
komponierten  Form  ^-accuitíg  zu  "^ad-cuitíg  gew^orden.  Hierauf 
wurde  dann  das  passive  Präteritum  *ad-cofacht  (^  ad -hon -tog -to-) 
durch  Einflufs  des  aktiven  "^ad-cuitig,  *-accuitig  zu  ad-cuitecht 
umgestaltet,  auf  dieselbe  Weise,  wie  z.  B.  das  passive  Präteritum 
*fo-ruilecht  durch  Einflufs  des  aktiven  Präteritums  fo-roiblaing 
zu  fo-roiblacht  „praeventus  est"  umgestaltet  wurde  (mehr  Bei- 
spiele für  die  Beeinflussung  des  passiven  Pi-äteritums  durch  das 
aktive  bei  Thurneysen,  §  710). 


4.   Zur  Flexion  von  nnini  „Seele". 

Die  Flexion  von  anim  „Seele"  zeigt  im  Altirischen  eine 
ganze  Reihe  von  Eigentümlichkeiten.  Im  Singular  sind  folgende 
Formen  belegt:  Xom.  ainim  (2).  anaiw,  anim  (4).  animm,  anam\ 
Gen.  anme;  Dat.-Acc.  anhn  (4),  animm  (2),  anmimi,  anmain  (5), 
anmin  (2);  Voc.  anim;  im  Plural:  Xom.  anmin,  anmain,  Dat.  aw- 
manih.  anmanaih.  Acc.  anmana. 


70  JULIUS   POKOUNY, 

Fügt  man  dazu  die  im  Félire  des  Oeiigiis  durch  den  Reim 
gesicherten  Formen  Dat.  Sg".  (tnainim  (:  caraimni).  Gen.  PL  anman 
(talman)  und  den  im  Gebet  an  Columba  (CZ  YIII  287)  vor- 
kommenden Nom.  Sg.  anaimm  (:  Coluimm,  colainn),  so  kann  man 
folgendes  altirische  Paradigma  aufstellen: 

Sing.  Nom.-Voc.  anam{t7i),  an{a)im{m).  a{i)mm(m), 
Gen.  an{m)m{a)e, 
Dat.-Acc.  anf)i(a)in  {anmuin),  an{a)im(m),  a{i)nini{ni); 

Plur.  Nom.  anm{a)in. 
Gen.  anman, 
Dat.  anman{a)ih, 
Acc.  anmana. 

Zur  Erklärung  dieser  Unregelmäfsigkeiten  in  der  Flexion 
pflegt  man  gemeiniglich  anzunehmen,  dafs  sich  in  diesem  Para- 
digma ein  einheimischer  Stamm  *ana-mon-  mit  dem  lateinischen 
Lehnwort  anima  vermischt  habe.  Diese  Annahme  kann  jedoch 
nicht  alle  Schwierigkeiten  erklären.  Ein  (wie  das  auslautende 
unlenierte  m  zeigt)  jüngeres  Lehnwort  aus  latein.  animä  würde 
nämlich  im  Singular  Avie  folgt  flektiert  worden  sein:  Nom.  anamm, 
Gen.  *ain(m)mc,  Dat.-Acc.  ainhnm.  Der  belegte  Genetiv  anm{a)e, 
sowie  die  Nominative  anaimm,  ainhnm  blieben  sohin  unerklärt, 
da  man  selbst  bei  Annahme  einer  analogischen  Beeinflussung  des 
Nominativs  durch  die  andern  Kasus  nur  die  Form  *ninemm  (vgl. 
derart  entstandene  Nominative,  wie  maiten,  fairenn.  neben  regel- 
mäfsigem  matan  usw.)  erwarten  dürfte. 

Die  Sachlage  dürfte  sich  vielmehr  so  verhalten: 

Im  altirischen  Plural  liegt  noch  die  reguläre  Flexion  des 
echt  keltischen  Stammes  ^ana-mon-  vor;  wie  der  Reim  mit  tahnan 
(Félire  des  Oengus,  27.  März)  beweist,  war  das  m  ordnungs- 
gemäfs  leniert. 

Im  Singular  dagegen  haben  drei  verschiedene  Einflüsse 
zusammengewirkt.  Der  Nominativ  anamm,  sowie  der  Dativ 
und  Akkusativ  ainimm  stammen  von  dem  oben  besprochenen 
Lehnwort  aus  lateinisch  animä.  Der  Dativ  und  Akkusativ 
anmain  {anmuin)  sind  regelmäfsig  vom  keltischen  Stamm  *a«a- 
mon-  gebildet;  der  Reim  mit  adhail  und  talmain  (Félire  des 
Oengus,  21.  August,  Epilog  296  usw.)  beweist  die  Lenierung 
des  m. 


IRISCHE   MISCELLEN.  71 

Die  übrigen  Formen  des  Singulars  erklären  sich  durch 
Einflufs  des  w- Stammes  ainm{m)  ..Name''.  Der  enge  Zusammen- 
hang zwischen  Xarae  und  Seele  ist  eine  derart  evidente  Tat- 
sache, dafs  ich  darüber  wohl  erst  kein  Wort  zu  verlieren  brauche 
(vgl.  Frazer.  The  golden  Bough).  Auch  der  formelle  Ausgangs- 
punkt der  Analogiebildung  ist  ganz  klar.  Es  ist  dies  der  Dativ- 
xlkkusativ  ainimm  des  Lehnwortes  anamm.  Dieses  ainhnni  fiel 
nämlich  in  der  gesprochenen  Sprache  fast  vollständig  mit  ainmm, 
dem  Dativ- Akkusativ  von  aiyimm  ,,Xame"  zusammen:  zwischen 
dem  n  und  mm  hatte  sich  ein  deutlich  hörbarer  Svarabhakti- 
Vokal  entmckelt,  wie  aufser  dem  Xeuirischen  auch  die  einmalige 
Schreibung  senim  „Tönen,  Ton''  statt  gebräuchlicherem  semm(m) 
beweist  (irrig  hierüber  Thurne^ysen,  Handbuch  S.  205,  415).  Der 
Gen.  an{m)m{a)e  ist  ganz  deutlich  aus  der  Flexion  von  ainm{m) 
bezogen.  Nun  drang  begreiflicherweise  auch  der  Nominativ 
ainm{m)  (sprich  än'm)  in  die  Flexion  von  anam{m)  ein:  so  erklärt 
sich  der  Nominativ  ainimm:  der  Nominativ  anaimm  ist  eine 
Kompromifsbildung  aus  anamm  und  ainimm;  aus  dem  Nominativ 
und  Genetiv  übertrug  sich  dann  das  nicht -palatale  n  in  den 
Dativ -Akkusativ,  daher  dort  anaimm  neben  regelmäfsigem 
ainimm. 

Die  Richtigkeit  dieser  Annahme  wird  anch  durch  das 
Mittelirische  bestätigt;  hier  hat  sich  nämlich  der  Einiiufs  von 
ainm{m)  „Name''  noch  deutlicher  geltend  gemacht,  indem  das 
unlenierte  n  der  Endung  in  die  Pluralflexiou  von  anhn  eindrang, 
also  Nom.  Plur.  anmanna,  Gen.  anmann  usw.;  zu  gleicher  Zeit 
war  auch  das  lenierte  m  in  allen  Formen  von  an  im.  soweit  es 
erhalten  war.  durch  Einflufs  von  ainm{m)  durch  unleniertes  tn{m) 
ersetzt  worden.  Vgl.  z.  B.  die  Dativform  anmmain  in  Atkinsons 
Passions  and  Homilies,  während  das  m  im  Altirischen,  wie  aus 
der  Poesie  erhellt,  noch  leniert  war.  Umgekehrt  hat  ainm(m) 
im  Plural  das  auslautende  -a  von  anim  übernommen. 

Neuirisch  ist  im  Nominativ  nur  mehr  die  Form  anam 
gebräuchlich;  die  andern  Kasus,  nämlich  der  Gen.  Sing,  und  der 
Plural  zeigen  die  Formen  anma,  bezw\  anmanna.  anmannaib, 
deren  Entstehung  oben  besprochen  wurde. 

Es  bleibt  schliefslich  nur  noch  das  mittel-  und  neuirische 
Wort  ainm{h)iä{Ji)e  zu  besprechen,  das  ..Tier",  urspünglich  jeden- 
falls „belebtes  Wesen''  bedeutet.  Das  Wort  kann  nicht  echt 
keltisch  sein,  da  urkel tisch  '^anamadjo-  nur   '""anmaide  ergeben 


72  JULIUS   POKORNY.    IRISCHE   MISCELLEN. 

konnte.  Es  miifs  somit  ein  aus  dem  lateinisclien  anhnä  in  älterer 
Zeit  (wie  die  Lenition  des  m  zeigt)  entlehntes,  archaisch  etwa 
*anem  anzusetzendes  Lehnwort  darin  stecken.  Wenn  man  sich 
aber  gegen  die  Annahme  sträubt,  dafs  animU  zweimal,  in  älterer 
und  jüngerer  Zeit  (nämlich  mit  leniertem  und  unleniertem  in) 
aus  dem  Lateinischen  entlehnt  worden  sei,  so  ist  auch  die  An- 
nahme möglich,  dafs  es  sich  um  ein  britannisches  Lehnwort 
handelt,  dafs  zu  einer  Zeit  entlehnt  worden  wäre,  als  urkeltisch 
*ana-mö  über  ^anamü  "^anaml  erst  zu  '^anem'i  (mit  leniertem  m) 
und  noch  nicht  zu  "^encm'i  geworden  war.  ainm{h)id{li)e  kann 
somit  auf  ""'animaide  (enthaltend  latein.  anima)  oder  ""'anemidc 
(enthaltend  britannisch  ''aneml)  zurückgehen. 

Es  könnte  sich-  jedoch  auch  um  eine  Kontamination  eines 
echt  irischen  *amnaide  „seelisch"  (vgl.  lat.  animal  is)  mit  einem 
(nicht  belegten)  Lehnwort  ^ainnid  (aus  lat.  anima,  woraus  auch 
cymrisch  anifail)  handeln. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokokny. 


PLACE  NAMES  IN  VITA  FINNIANL 

A  comparison  of  certain  passages  in  the  Latin  Life ')  of 
Finnian  of  Cluain  Eraird  with  the  Irish  Life  2)  published  by 
Stokes  helps  us  to  identify  some  place  names  found  in  both. 
Considering-  the  confusion  which  the  commentators  display  in 
their  remarks  on  the  passages  in  question,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Hogan's  Onomasticon  does  not  give  much  help  beyond  the 
collecting  of  references;  in  one  case,  indeed,  it  makes  confusion 
worse  confounded  by  suggesting  a  second  wrong  identification. 

1.   Escair  Branáu. 

There  is  more  than  one  indication  that  in  early  times  an 
ancient  road  led  from  Cell  Dara  northwards  into  Meath  through 
the  district  of  Fid  Gaible  and  the  territory  of  Fotharta  Airbrech, 
which  latter  extended  eastwards  from  Bri  Eile  (the  hill  of  Croghan 
in  King's  Co.)  into  Co.  Kildare,  as  will  appear  later.  The  Connacht 
people,  returning  from  Brüden  Maic  Dathó,  fled  'past  Druim  Criaig, 
which  is  to-day  called  Cell  Dara.  past  Ráith  Imgain  (now  Rath- 
angan)  in  Fid  Gaible.  to  Ath  mac  Lugnai.  past  Druim  da  maige^) 
over  Droichet  Cairpre'^j.  When  Patrick  went  on  a  visit  to  the 
king  of  the  two  Munsters  he  travelled  the  same  route  '^).  Finnian, 
we  are  told,  coming  fi'om  the  south,  paid  a  visit  to  Brigid  at 
Cell  Dara.  Proceeding  by  the  route  referred  to.  he  came  ad  fines 
Forthartensmm.  where  he  met  Cassanus.  sou  of  Neman.  Of  this 
Cassanus  I  find  a  trace  in  Cloncassan,  the  name  of  a  townland 


')  Codex  Sahnanticensis,  col.  189 — 210. 

-)  Lives  of  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Lisniore,  p.  75  —  83. 

ä)  Drumoniuy  in  Kiug"s  Co.   See  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record  (1913),  U  197. 

«)  Irische  Texte  1 106. 

^)  AcaUam  na  Sejwrach  1.  693. 


74  PAUL   WALSH, 

in  the  parish  of  Clonsast,  barony  of  Coolestown.  Next  he  crossed 
the  Bo3'ne,  and  came  ad  locum  qui  Escayr  Branan  clicitiir,  et  ibi 
fundauit  ecclesiam  atque  in  circuitu  eius  fossauit^).  The  Irish 
Life  says:  tciinic  Finnen  iar  sin  tar  Bóinn  co  JiEiscir  niBrandin 
ait  ltd  Ard  Relec  iniú  'Finian  came  after  that  over  the  Boj-ne*^) 
to  Eiscir  Branáin,  tlie  place  where  Ard  Relec  is  to-day '  3).  But 
where  is  Ard  Relec?  Certainly  not  at  Ardsalagh.  as  Cogan  t/ 
says  in  a  passage  referred  to  in  the  Onomasticon.  He  probably 
took  this  from  some  other  writer.  Nor  will  anyone  who  scans 
the  official  maps  or  lists  of  place  names  find  it.  There  was  once 
a  parochial  church  or  vicarage  there,  but  in  1302  it  was  worth 
'nothing,  because  waste '^).  The  name  appears  as  Ardrelicke  in 
1597^),  and  as  Ardrellick  in  Charles  I.'s  time«)-  It  is  still 
remembered  in  the  locality  of  Clonard.  See  sheet  47  of  the 
Ordnance  Survey  6  -  inch  map  of  Co.  Meath. 

Colgan  says')  that  Aengussius.  by  whom  he  means  the 
author  of  the  litany  in  LL  373,  calls  Escair  Branan  by  the 
name  of  Ard  bren  ndoranaich,  but  we  learn  nothing  from  LL 
itself  as  to  where  the  latter  place  was:  in  da  fer  dec  de  muntir 
Finnio  i  nAird  bren  domnaiy.  The  Codex  Salmanticensis  has 
no  such  name,  though  the  Onomasticon  would  imply  that  it  has. 


2.  Ros  Fiudchuill. 

Colgan  states^)  that  Cluain  Eraird  was  formerly  known  as 
Ros  Findchuill.  For  this  statement  he  is  taken  to  task  by 
Reeves 'j).    Let  us  examine  our  narratives: 

')   Cod.  Sahn.  §  16. 

^)  If  the  Yellow  River,  the  first  tributary  of  importance  which  euters 
the  Boyae,  be  not  thus  referred  to,  Finniau  probably  crossed  the  Boyue 
itself  twice. 

^)   Lis))iore  Lives  1.  2()24. 

*)  Calendar  of  Documents,  Ireland,  1802  —  1307,  p.  257.  The  place  is 
corruptly  called  Ardrely  and  Ardri. 

5)  Fiants  of  Elizabeth,  uo.  6185.  'Licence  to  Thomas,  lord  bishop  of 
Meath,  to  alien  to  Edward  Loftus,  sou  of  Adam,  lord  bishop  of  Dublin  and 
Chancellor,  the  manor  of  Killian  and  lands  of  Molericke.  Ardrelicke,  Clonard, 
Monygaliagh  and  Rosan.'     All  these  places  are  in  the  Clouard  district. 

^1   Leinsler  Inqimitions,  Meath  no.  140. 

■)   Acta  SS.  398,  u.  21. 

»)   Ibid.  u.  23. 

'•')   Life  of  Columba,  286. 


PLACE    NAMES    IN    VITA    FINNIANI. 


75 


Cod.  Salm. 

§17.    Finnian    finds    lii8    suc- 
cessor at  Escair  Branáu. 


18.  Alio  die  iienit  angelus  ad 
eum  dicens:  Noli  hie  ampUus 
laborare,  quia  non  erit  tua 
resiirrectio  ibi,  sed  familiae 
tuae  tantum.  Surgens  ergo 
uerus  ohediens,  seen  his  est 
angelum  iisqiie  ad  locum  qui 
Cluayn  Irayrd  dicitur.  In- 
gressus  ergo  locum  dixit:  Haec 
requies  mea,  (Cc.  Then  a  boar 
flies  from  him.  Tlien  an  inter- 
view with  a  magus  nomine 
Fraechanus  takes  place. 


Lism. 

11.  2628—2639.  F.  finds  his  suc- 
cessors but,  being  warned  by 
God,  moves  a  little  to  the  East 
(seal  soir). 

11.2640  —  2645.  The  coming  of 
three  thousand  disciples  and 
the  selection  of  the  twelve 
Apostles  of  Ireland. 

11.  2646  —  2652.  A  story  and 
prophecy  about  Colum  Cille. 

11.2653  2660.  The  Lismore  text 
is  here  slightly  wrong  owing 
to  the  mistake  of  the  scribe 
occasioned  by  two  occurrences 
of  the  word  Finnen.  Follow- 
ing the  Brussels  MS.  the  read- 
ing is:  Tdinic  aingel  Be  co 
Finnen  co  n-ehert  fris,  ni  he 
so  inad  th'  eiséirghe  atré  dano 
drem  mór  dot  muindtir  isund. 
Tdinic  ria^)  Finnen  cu  Bos 
Findchiiill,  is  éisidhe  Les  in 
Memra  inniu.  Annsein  ga- 
hhuis  Finnen  in  fersa  fcUhach- 
da.  Uec  requies  mea  yrl.  'The 
angel  of  God  came  to  Finnian. 
and  said  to  him :  "  This  is  not 
the  place  of  thy  resurrection, 
but  man}-  of  thy  disciples  shall 
rise  here"'.  He  came  with  Fin- 
nian to  Ros  Findchuill,  that  is 
Les  in  Memra  to-day.  Then 
he  sang  the  prophetic  verse 
Haec  requies  &'c^  Then  follows 


1)  The  CO  in  Stokes'  edition  really  belongs  to  the  opening  of  the  first 
sentence,  also  the  word  aingel. 


76  PAUL   WALSH, 

Cod.  Salm.  Lism. 

an  interview  with  the  druid 
Fraechán. 
§  19.   Coming-  of  remarkable  di- 
sciples, j 

§  20.    Story  of  Columba. 

To  an3'0ne  who  reads  these  narratives  it  mnst  be  evident 
that  they  refer  to  the  same  events  and  places,  and  that  Cluain 
Eraird  and  Eos  Findchuill  are  identical  as  Colgan  says.  Compare 
also  the  words  of  the  Irish  Life  Avith  the  following-  entry  in  the 
Four  Masters  1):  Cluain  Eraird  do  losccadh  ass  an  rainn  as  ma 
im  Less  an  mtmra. 

The  monasteiy  which  was  founded  at  Ros  Findchuill  was 
afterwards  known  as  Cluain  Eraird,  and  was  a  little  to  the  east 
of  the  church  Finnian  had  already  founded  in  the  neighbourhood. 

Reeves  had,  however,  authority  for  stating-  that  a  Ros  Find- 
chuill was  anciently  called  Eiscir  Branáin.  He  cites  a  passage 
from  a  tale  named  Caithréim  Dathí  mic  Fiachra,  of  which  there 
is  a  complete  copy  in  23 Nil,  R.  I.  A.,  and  a  portion  in  23D15. 
It  is  quite  modern  in  language.  It  states  that  Ros  na  righ  was 
once  known  by  the  names  just  mentioned.  There  is  absolutely 
no  evidence  or  reason  for  connecting  this  place  with  those  in  the 
Lives  of  Finnian.  Yet  it  is  hardly  possible  that  the  two  places, 
Escair  Bran  an  and  Ros  Findchuill  should  be  connected  in  suc- 
cession Avith  Finnian,  and  that  in  another  portion  of  the  country 
two  identical  names  should  be  given  in  succession  to  one  place. 
It  seems  to  be  a  case  of  an  old  tradition  retouched  at  a  later 
time  by  a  person  who  had  not  grasped  the  real  facts. 


3.   Cell  Bignaige. 

We  read  that  Rignach,  sister  of  Finnian,  with  her  mother, 
and  the  mothers  of  Ciaran  and  Colman,  resided  in  a  cell  called 
Cella  Sanctae  Rignachae'-).  Except  that  the  Lismore  Life  mentions 
two  sisters  and  omits  Colman's  mother,  the  texts  agree  3).   Colgan, 

')  A.  D.  1143. 

-)    Cod.  Salm.  §  22.    Rignathae  is  a  misreading. 

2)   Stokes'  i.  1.  2662  should  be  7  {ocus). 


PLACE    NAMES    IN    VITA    FINNIANI.  77 

commenting  on  the  Latin  Life,  says  KiUrighnaiglie  est  parochialis 
ecclesia  diocesis  Clnanensis^),  meaning  thereby  the  church  of 
Righnach  in  the  town  of  Banagher,  parish  of  Reynagh  and  dio- 
cese of  Clonmacnoise.  By  the  time  he  compiled  his  Indexes  he 
had  changed  his  mind;  he  has  Killrignaiglie,  eccl.  in  occidentalis 
Medice  et  Lagenice  conßnibus-).  The  place  is,  of  course,  the 
modern  Kilreiny  in  the  Co.  Kildare,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Boyne  to  Clonard.  There  is  record  of  a  grant  of  the  rectory  of 
Kylreyny  'parcel  of  the  possessions  of  the  late  abbey  of  Clonard' 
to  William  Bermj'ngham,  Knt.  in  1541^).  Hogan's  conjecture 
that  Cell  Eignaighe  is  in  Wexford  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  is 
stated  to  have  been  in  Fotharta  Airbrech ;  but  Fotharta  Airbrech 
is  not  the  baronj'  of  Forth  in  Wexford. 


1)   Acta  SS.  399. 

-')   Ibid.  881. 

^j   Fiants  of  Henry  VIII  no.  191. 

Mullingar,  St.  Finnian's  College.  Paul  Walsh. 


ETYMOLOGICA. 


1.    Ir.  tonn,  W.  ton,  'wave*. 

This  words  offers  another  example  of  the  treatment  in  Celtic 
of  initial  tu-  discussed  recentl}-  \)y  Vendrj^es  in  Meyer's  Mis- 
cellany p.  286 ff.  Celtic  "^tuon-na  is  to  be  connected  Avith  Lith. 
tuanas  "flood',  tuanus  'swelling',  Goth.  JnvaJil  'bath'.  Both  ^tuon- 
and  ^tuolc-  are  extensions  of  the  root  of  Lat.  tumere,  Ir.  torn. 
For  the  development  of  meaning  from  'swell'  to  'wave'  cf.  Gk. 
xr\aa  :  {'yy.vog. 

2.   Ir.  lith,  Br.  lid  *  festival'. 

Henrj^,  Lex.  etym.  du  breton.  mod.  p.  187,  connects  both  words 
with  Gk.  h/TovQ'/ía;  this  seems  phonetically  impossible.  Pedersen's 
explanation  of  iHh,  lid  and  W.  Hid  'anger'  as  connected  with 
Goth,  leijm  'Obstwein',  Vergl.  Gramm.  I  132,  is  unsatisfactory  for 
phonetic  reasons  (the  Goth,  word  has  probably  the  dipthong), 
and  also  on  semantic  grounds.  The  Irish  word  points  to  the  idea 
of  'festival'  in  a  religious  sense  rather  than  to  that  of  'feasting'  ^). 
Should  the  Welsh  word  be  compared  with  Lat.  lis  <  sfhs  (bor- 
rowed?). Ir.  lith  and  Br.  lid  <  *l/t-  are  to  be  connected  with  Lat. 
litare-)  'to  obtain  favourable  omens',  with  the  alternation  U'.K 
For  the  sense  compare  in  particular  adrad  litlia  'worship  of 
auguries',  K.  Meyer,  Hail  Brigit,  p.  14, 1-4.  Lith  would  thus  mean, 
original!}',  'a  day  for  the  taking  of  auguries'. 


>)  For  this  reason,  too,  Thurneysen's  etymology  «  ^pletnn),  Stokes' 
Festschrift  p.  30  ff.,  is  to  be  rejected. 

-)  For  *lltare  with  which  Boisacq  operates.  Diet.  etym.  de  la  laiigue 
grecque  p.  585,  there  is  no  authority. 


ETYMOLOGICA.  79 

3.   Ir.  abann  *lasli'. 

This  form  occurs  with  the  above  sense  RC  XIV  485.  Erin 
V  40.  It  is  generally  compared  with  W.  afivyn  'rein",  and  so 
explained  as  the  borrowed  Lat.  habmae,  cf.  Vendryes,  De  vocab. 
hibern.  p.  109,  Pedersen  o.  c.  I  210.  But  neither  the  form  nor 
the  meaning  of  the  Irish  word  necessitates  identification  with  the 
Welsh,  Abann  is  the  Lat.  amentum  'the  thong  attached  to  the  shaft 
of  a  spear'. 

4.   Ir.  W.  galar. 

Pedersen,  o.  c.  II  25  compares  Gk.xo/í^(>í: 'Magenkrankheit': 
other  explanations  are  mentioned  by  Osthoff  IF,  IV  287.  Against 
Pedersen's  etymology  must  be  urged  that  from  the  sense  of  the 
Irish  word  'sickness',  and  from  that  of  the  Welsh,  'pain,  sorrow' 
one  would  assume  that  the  Celtic  word  had  originally  the 
meaning  of  'uneasiness'  rather  than  of  'disease',  still  less  of  any 
particular  disease.  The  development  of  meaning  from  'sorrow' 
to  'disease'  is  an  easy  one,  and  is  illustrated  by  the  Lat.  dolor 
^grieV :  dolor  latenim  'consumption'.  For  this  reason  I  would 
connect  galar  with  Gk.  yaXaoj  'loosen',  yaXaQoc  'relaxed, 
languid'. 

5.   Ir.  idan  'pure*. 

Whether  this  word  is  or  is  not  the  same  as  idan  'faithful', 
the  sense  forbids  comparison  with  Gr.  rríóivó^  'level',  Pedersen, 
0.  c.  n  57.  i'/LTHh^  cannot  be  used  to  support  this  etymology 
for  the  meaning  'steadfast'  is  given  to  it  only  by  composition 
with  íí'-  For  idan  'pure'  we  must  postulate  'Hdhenos,  and  com- 
pare Skt.  idhyate^is  kindled'.  Gk.  Ifhcuro)  •  irrqnovHv.  Hes.  lOagcdg  • 
ÍÁaQcdc  id.,  cddco,  lufhi'jQ. 

6.    Ir.  bratmi  'salmon,  large  flsh'. 

For  the  suffix  cf.  Ir.  scaian  'herring'.  With  the  stem  we 
may  perhaps  compare  Gk.  iSar^ayog  'frog',  Ion.  ikc&Qcr/cog,  ^h'jT{^>ayog, 
ßQOrayoQ  <  ^ßgcWayog  <  '^gurdhn-  cf.  Boisacq,  Diet.  etym.  de  la 
laugue  grecque  p.  116.  As  to  the  meaning,  it  is  to  be  noticed 
that  the  name  ßargayog  was  applied  to  a  fish  of  the  ObXayog 
variety,  Arist.  H.  A.  5,  5,  3.  This  Qilayog  <  ""selm-  is  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  Lat.- Celt,  sahnu,  cf.  Salmöna,  a  tributary  of  the 
Moselle,  Ir.  sdige  'tortoise',  Lith.  sU'kas  'earthworm'. 


80  J.  FlíASElí,    ETYMOLOaiCA. 

7.   Ir.  sah. 

For  examples  of  this  word  v.  Glossary  to  MartjTology  of 
Oengus  ed.  Stokes,  London  1905.  The  spelling  sai^h  seems 
common,  so  in  F.  ad  June  22,  July  1.  I  take  it  to  be  the  bor- 
rowed Lat.  sophus  <  Gk.  úocfóg,  cf.  fellsuh  <  pJiilosopJius.  The 
meaning  "sage'  would  clearly  suit  in  e.  g.  April  12  sah  soer  suidi 
Phetair,  July  1,  bus  nArUin,  sab  sruithe.  The  sense  of  'strong' 
attributed  to  the  word  by  the  native  lexicographers  could  easily 
develop  from  that  of  'wise',  'clever'. 

8.   Ir.  ethre  'end'. 

Example  of  the  word  are:  sernait  ethre  nAuguist,  Fel.  Oeng. 
Aug.  31,  sernait .  .  .  Ochtimhir  ard  ethre,  ih.  Oct.  31.  Ethre  comes 
from  *peino-:Lat.  petere  &c.  This  group  of  words  has  the 
meaning  of  1.  extension  in  a  space,  Gk.  jcsrdvvvfii,  Lat.  patere, 
2.  progress  through  a  space,  Skt.  pdtati  'flies',  Gk.  cxiThrai  id., 
Lat.  proteruos,  3.  aiming  at  something  removed  by  a  space, 
Lat.  petere,  with  the  additional  idea  of  attainment  as  in  Gk. 
üitotTv,  4.  something  that  bounds  a  space,  Goth.  f(i])a,  Mid.-H.-G. 
vade,  'fence',  Welsh  etem  'thread'.  The  development  of  meaning 
from  pdtati  'flies  over'  to  ethre  'end'  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
history  of  Lat.  terminus  'boundary,  end',  Gk.  TtQd^Qov  'end':  Skt. 
tdrati,  tarana-  'crossing  over',  Gk.  tíqho,  rÍQtTQor  'bore',  Skt. 
pCtrdm  '  end ' :  G.  fahren  ^). 

9.  Ir.  tore,  W.  twrch  *boai*'. 

This  word  comes  from  *{s)tor-J:o-s  :  Gk.  oztQtog,  arsQQÓg 
'firm',  Skt.  sthirds  id.,  G.  starr,  starh,  Stc'irJce  (?).  The  deve- 
lopment of  meaning,  'strong" : 'male  animal'  is  common,  cf.  Lat. 
uerres  'boar':  Skt.  vri/mw-  'strong,  mighty". 


')  The  development  of  meaniug  assumed  here  seems  to  me  much  more 
probable  than  that  proposed  by  Marstrander,  ZCP  VII  384.  The  meaning 
'feather',  'tin'  0.  N.  fiöri,  cf.  Gk.  tixíqov,  Lat.  penna,  is  based  on  2.  above,  and 
not  immediately  connected  with  that  of  'end';  though  the  two  may  occasion- 
ally coincide. 

Aberdeen.  J.  Frasek. 


ON  ^PHE  EECONSTRÜCTION  AND  DATE 
OF  ^J^HE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS. 


In  the  latest  number  of  Eriu  (VIL  pt.  1).  I  liave  sought  to 
prove  that  the  first  and  second  fragments  of  the  Annals  of  Tiger- 
nach.  the  third  fragment  as  far  as  Finis  Chronici  Eusehii.  and  the 
Annals  of  Ulster  down  to  the  same  point.  A.  D.  609,  are  founded 
on  an  earlj^  chronicle  Avhich  was  written  in  vertical  sjiichronic 
columns:  and  to  show  in  the  extant  annals  the  traces  of  the  de- 
rangement of  this  original  form.  Great  then  was  my  gratification. 
on  examining  Kuno  Meyer's  text  of  the  Laud  Synchronisms,  to 
find  not  only  Irish  examples  of  synchronic  tabulated  history  of 
very  early  date,  but  also,  side  by  side  with  these,  examples  of  the 
gradual  derangement  of  part  of  the  material  through  its  tran- 
scription into  a  form  in  which  the  synchronic  tabular  arrangement 
was  abandoned.  As  a  further  probable  cause  of  derangement,  I 
suggested  that  the  unfilled  parts  of  the  columns  were  used  for 
tlie  introduction  of  glosses  and  supplementary  matter.  The  Laud 
tract  shows  a  good  instance  of  this.  In  the  first  synchronic 
table  (113  a).  the  second  column  is  occupied  by  the  list  of  kings 
of  Jerusalem,  but.  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  this  list  is 
replaced  by  the  pedigree  of  Saint  Joseph,  "custos  Mariae',  from 
King  Josias.  As  we  may  judge  from  the  printed  text,  this  pedigree 
occupied  mucli  less  space  than  the  lists  on  either  side  of  it.  A 
portion  of  the  space  thus  left  vacant  was  used  to  receive  the 
added  note  -Is  ed  innisit  .  .  .  Forgus  Fortamail',  473,  15  —  21. 
The  note,  however,  extended  above  and  beloAV  one  of  the  items 
in  the  pedigree,  'Eliud  genuit  Elispur.  473,18.  The  scribe  who 
undertook  to  reduce  the  material  from  its  original  tabular  order 
to  continuous  paragraphic  form  did  not  understand  the  text  or 
w'orked  mechanicallj-,  with  the  result  that  the  item  "Eliud  genuit 

Zeitschrift  f.  pelt.  Philoloírie  X.  í', 


82  JOHN    MAC  NEILL, 

Elispul'  is  now  found  embedded  in  the  added  note,  and  in 
sucli  a  position  that  it  separates  the  name  Loegaire  from  its 
epithet  Lore. 

This  note  deserves  further  attention.  Where  it  has  '.xiiii.' 
(do  rigaib  hErenn).  an  older  text  must  have  had  '.xiii.'.  for  'Melge 
7  Cobthach'  is  a  scribal  error  for  'Melge  mac  Cobthaich'  — 
V.  474,  2.  The  note  was  inserted,  as  we  have  seen,  while  the 
text  retained  the  tabular  arrangement.  For  what  purpose?  In 
the  tabular  arrangement  the  kings  of  Ireland  were  necessarily 
sj^nchronized  with  certain  'kings  of  the  world';  but  the  thirteen 
kings  of  Ireland  named  in  the  note  cannot  have  been  exactly 
synchronized  with  the  three  'kings  of  the  world'  named  in  the 
note;  for  in  that  case,  the  note  would  have  been  superfluous. 
Here  therefore  we  see  a  revising  hand  at  work  on  the  earlier 
tabular  text.  Of  what  nature  was  the  revision?  AVe  cannot 
sav  with  certaint}^  It  is  indicated  in  the  note  that  the  text, 
as  the  reviser  found  it,  differed  from  the  teaching  of  certain 
'senchaide  ocus  libuir'.  The  difference  may  have  extended 
only  to  the  chronological  relation  of  the  two  lists,  kings 
of  the  world  and  kings  of  Ireland.  If  so,  it  seems  to  me 
that  tlie  correction  would  have  taken  another  form.  It  seems 
much  more  likely  that  the  list  of  Irish  kings  in  the  text  was 
greatly  different  from  the  extant  list,  and  that  the  text  itself 
was  amended,  at  the  time  of  inserting  the  note  or  afterwards, 
to  bring  it  into  accord  with  the  'senchaide  ocus  libuir', 
and  with  the  developments  of  the  legend  of  the  kingdom  of 
Ireland. 

The  text  indeed  retains  some  indications  of  such  revision, 
AVe  are  told  (473,  34)  that  Ugaine  Mór  began  to  reign  in  the 
second  year  of  Ptolemy  son  of  Lagus ;  also  (472,  19)  that  Oengus 
Turbech  began  to  reign  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  Ptolemy 
Euergetes.  BetAveen  these  come  the  thirteen  kings  of  the  note. 
The  paragraph  '0  rogaib  Sirna  Sirsaeglach  co  ragaib  Ugaine 
&c.'  requires  to  be  completed  by  adding  a  sum  of  years,  as  in 
the  other  paragraphs  of  this  kind  (v.  474,  30.  475,  16).  AVe  find 
the  sum  of  years  misplaced  by  the  scribe  in  the  preceding  item 
'  Ugaine  .  .  .  .xl.  bliadan  jj  no  .Ixuii.  bliadain  7  .cc.'.  The  model 
and  ultimate  basis  of  Irish  sjmchronic  histories  is  St.  Jerome's 
version  of  Eusebius.  This  gives:  lerusalem  capta  {=  1  Sirna, 
475,  32)  an.  ab  Abraham  1426;  2  Ptolemaei  Lagi  f.  (=  1  Ugaine, 


RECONSTRl'CTION    AXÜ    DATE    OF    THE    LAUD    SYNCHRONISMS.      83 

473,35)  =  an.  ab  Abraham  1G93;  difference  267  years,  as  the 
text  has  it.  But  the  sum  of  years  of  the  Irish  reigns  given  in 
detail  in  the  text  fi'om  1  Sirna  to  1  Ugaine  is  342.  It  follows 
either  that  the  years  of  certain  reigns  have  been  increased  or 
that  additional  reigns  have  been  interpolated  since  the  tract  was 
originally  drawn  up.  Since  there  are  thirty  reigns  in  the  period, 
giving  an  average  of  less  than  twelve  years,  and  since  no  single 
reign  exceeds  thirty  years,  the  addition  of  years  to  the  reigns 
originally  given  seems  less  probable  than  the  insertion  of 
additional  reigns. 

The  method  and  manner  of  this  expansion  of  the  legend  of 
tlie  kings  is  susceptible  of  explanation.  The  time  of  'Gabálmacc 
Miled"  was  once  synchronized  with  Alexander  the  Great,  'king 
of  the  world"  (v.  BB  19 a 5).  In  the  Laud  tract,  it  is  synchronized 
with  Salomon.  A  later  tract  places  it  two  centuries  earlier,  in  the 
reign  of  the  Assyrian  'king  of  the  Avorld'.  ^lithraeus  (=  'Meta- 
ralitis*  BB  12  a 2).  Much  earlier  dates  are  found  in  other  docu- 
ments. These  successive  extensions  of  the  synchronic  plan  necessi- 
tated corresponding  adjustments  of  the  pedigrees  originating  in 
Mil,  by  the  introduction  of  additional  names  in  each  line  of  Mil's 
descendants.  But  the  increased  time  assigned  to  the  race  of  Mil 
the  Gaedhil,  in  Ireland,  required  also  to  be  filled  up  with  additional 
kings,  and  to  provide  these,  recourse  was  had  to  the  amended 
pedigrees. 

How  the  pedigrees  and  the  regnal  lists  were  thus  stretched 
out,  we  are  able  to  see  from  another  text  recently  published 
by  Meyer '),  the  seventh  century  pedigree  of  the  kings  of 
Munster,  which  we  shall  compare  with  the  regnal  list  in  this 
synchronism  and  Avith  the  later  pedigrees  of  the  Munster  kings 
in  LL  and  BB.  The  names  in  the  later  pedigrees  which 
are  not  in  the  earlier  pedigi-ee  are  marked  *.  The  names  in 
BB  (172  b)  which  are  not  in  LL  (320  col.  2)  are  marked  f. 
The  names  in  LL  Avhicli  are  not  in  BB  are  marked  §. 
I  begin  with  Eogan  Taidlech.  eponA'mous  ancestor  of  the 
Eoganachta,  and  proceed,  as  in  the  pedigrees,  in  the  inverse 
order  of  ancestrv. 


')    riier  die  älteste  irische  Pichtiiny  I  ÜÜ. 


84 


JOHN   MAC  NEILL. 


Eogan   Taidlecli,    diarl>o   ainm 

Mug  ^uadat  roraind  \iKvinn 

ra  Cond  Cétchothach. 
Mug-  Néit. 
*-(-  Berg. 
Dergthene. 
*§Derg. 
'■'§Dergfotlia. 
*§Fothortheclit. 
*Énda  Mimchain. 
Loch  Mor,   do   cer  i   Tain   Bo 

Cuailngi  i  mBregaib. 
*§Laigne  Birb. 
§Mafemis. 
§Letlidarbri. 

§Eocliii  Míímo,  0  rate)-  Mumu 
*  Muredach  Muchna. 
*f  Eochu  Fer  Äine. 
Daui  Donn  dalta  Dedad. 
Cairpre    Lose     Lethet,     diatä 

Lethet  Luise. 
Luguid  Lagne,  las  cetna  dernit 

gai  7  cruen  in  hErinn  9- 
Findtad  Mär,  dia  ro^)  giallsat 

Brega  fo  secht. 
Nia    Segamon    las    a    mbligtls 

diabulbuar.    .i.    bai    7    elti. 

Flidais  Foltchain  a  mäthair 

diambtar  bae  elti^). 


*f  Adamair  Foltchain. 

Fer  Cerb4). 

=^tMug  Corb. 

Cobthach  Coel-'^). 

*§Coilub  Cloair. 

Rechtaid  Rigderg,  ro  cliumrig 
hErmw,  ro  ort  flaith  nAlban. 
Triur  rochomort  flaith  nAl- 
ban do  hErendchaibj  .i.  Rech- 
taid Rigderg,  Labraid  Long- 
sech,  Crimthaw?^  Múr  mac 
Fidaigc). 

Oenges  Obne'). 

fEnda  Doid. 

Daui  Find. 

Findruth*). 

Brisse  Rl,  imeronaisc  cath  for 
Fomaire  ■•). 

'•'Tmliuch,  las  cetna  dernta  classa 
dime  in  hErinn  ar  tús  i"). 

Ellim  Ollí'inac/iía'i);  is  leis  rofer 
snec[h]ta  fina  im  YiKrinn. 

Eochu  TJarcheis  i'^. 

Luguid  (fir  erduirn  BB). 

Änruth. 

Road  Rotlichendi^*),  lasa  ngabtha 
comgnei*)  7  iüulechti  Temair 
ar  tils. 

Roan. 


')  ri  lais  céíua  dearnta  gai  7  cruain  BB. 

-)  lasar  BB.  '■')   BB  omits  all  after  buar. 

*)  Corb  BB.  '-)   caem  BB. 

")  BB  omits  rccbumrig  hErinn,  has  docompairt  for  rochomort,  Gaedelaib 
for  hEreudchaib,  atid  adds  in  cethramad  Bresall  Brec  m.  Luigdech  Lain. 

')  LL  omits  Obne. 

^)  Findrotha,  gen.  LL.    BB  substitutes  Sedna  Findarraig.  gen. 

'^)  Bresi  rig,  gen.  BB.    Bressi.   IS  é  ro  fich  txicha  cath  for  Fomore  LL. 

^°)  Gen.  Airt  Imlig  prius  lasa  clasa  dnine  i  tosacb  BB. 

n)  Felim  Olfinnsneachta  J5J5.  1-)   Urchain  LL. 

!■')  Roide  Rotec/ii  BB.  ")   las  cetna  dernta  comraach  LL. 


KECONSTRUCTIOX   AXD    DATE    OF   THE    LAUD    SYNCHRONISMS.      »0 

*RTgarlid,  las  cetna  dérnta  car-  '"Cainrothec[li]taid  (ludroitec/i^ 

pait  in  hErmni).  aig,  gen.  BB). 

-fFailbe  Ilc[h]oi'acli,  lasa  cetna  Riiss. 

g-abtlia  corthaig.  Aiiif echtuacli  {Intoihaig.gen.LL). 

Cetcliumiiecli ,   las  cetna  dernta  *§Couas  (or  Cu  Ais,  gen.  Conais 
J          clmmni  in  ogmaib  artus  in  LL). 

hEr  inn-).  "§  Glass. 

'''Aed   Derg,    las    dernta    fessa  *§Nuadu  Fail. 

7     forfessa    in    liErinn    ar  *§Ailcliid  (gen.  Ailcheda), 

tils 3).  *§Conmael  (so  the  nom.  is  nsnaJ- 
Mainmairec.  las  cetna  crecad  or  h/  found,  gen.  Conmáil  LL. 

7  argat  in  YiEvinn^).  It  seems   to    be    the  Cymric 

*-|-0itliec7?Y.  lasa  n-Rivicht  or  7  equivalent  of  Irish   Conmál 

airgead  ardüs.  <  Cunomaglos). 

Cass  Clothacli  (confollnastar  brig  Eber. 

Breaga  BB).  *'\-Bi\e. 

Airer  Arda  {gen.  Aiiair  LL).  Mil  Espaiwe. 

In  the  versified  pedigree,  edited  by  IMej'er.  Luath  (6)  slionld 
perhaps  be  Loch  (son  of  Mofebes.  slain  hy  CiiChulainn  in  Tain 
bo  Cúailnge) ;  liath  (7)  seems  also  to  be  a  proper  name  =  Leth 
Darbri  LL.  I  have  not  marked  the  seemingly  corresponding 
names  in  the  later  pedigrees  as  missing  from  the  earlier. 

The  pedigree  in  BB.  like  the  Laud  synchronic  tract,  claims 
the  Psalter  of  Cashel  as  its  source,  and  perhaps  represents  an 
older  version  than  the  LL  pedigree^).  The  seventh  century 
pedigree  is  increased  by  eleven  generations  in  BB,  by  sixteen 
generations  in  LL;  and.  since  we  may  count  three  generations 
in  a  century,  it  will  be  evident  that  these  increases  must 
correspond  to  great  readjustments  of  the  chronology,  and  con- 
sequently of  the  regnal  lists.  Among  the  names  that  are  absent 
from  the  seventh  c^tury  pedigree,  but  are  found  in  the  later 
pedigrees,  the  following  are  also  found  in  the  list  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland  in  the  Laud  tract: 


')  lasa  ugabtha  carpaid  BB. 

*)  Gen.  Ceidi  Cumnig,  lasa  ceta  cumui   BB. 

■^)  Faelderg  dergdoid  lasa  feasa  for  fric  BB. 

*)  Gen.  Muinemoin,  the  rest  omitted,  BB. 

*)  Note  the  early  relative  usage  imeronaisc. 


80  JOHN    MAC  NEILL. 

Coumael  mac  Ebir.  474,  27. 

Eochu  Faebarglas,  375,  3.  He  is  son  of  Coimiael,  and  in  some 
pedigrees  (BB  171  a  13)  lie  takes  the  place  of  Ailchid 
iu  the  LL  pedigree,  father  of  Nuadii  father  of  Glass. 
His  reign  in  the  synchronic  list  is  separated  by  120  years 
from  the  reign  of  his  father  Conmael.  The  next  king 
of  Ireland  from  Munster  in  the  list  is  Eochu  Momo, 
thirteenth  in  the  composite  pedigree  quoted  by  me.  In 
the  list,  he  is  separated  from  Eochu  Faebarglas  by  twenty 
years,  in  the  pedigrees  by  many  generations. 

Allerg  mac  Muinemon,  475,  13. 

Art  Imlig,  476,  6. 

Mug  Corp  mac  Cobthaig,  474,  8. 

Amadair  Foltchain.  474,  9.  This  is  the  most  noteworthy  in- 
stance, and  shoAvs  in  a  striking  w^ay  how  the  chrono- 
logical gaps  were  filled  and  the  regnal  lists  extended  by 
taking  names  from  the  pedigrees.  Flidais  Foltchain. 
according  to  the  LL  pedigree,  was  mother  of  Xia  Sega- 
mon.  The  wild  deer  were  her  kine,  and  so  during  her 
son's  reign,  two  sorts  of  kine  (diahid-huar)  were  milked. 
Some  scribe  mistook  the  words  amdthair  Flidais  Foltchain 
for  the  name  of  Xia  Segamon's  father,  and  so  we  find  the 
name  in  the  BB  pedigree  'm.  Xiad  Segamain  m.  Adamair 
Foltc[h]ain  m.  Fir  Corb'.  Later  on  came  the  historian 
in  search  of  names  to  fill  the  chronological  void  which 
himself,  perhaps,  had  created;  and  finding  this  ghost- 
name  Adamair  (<  Amadair  <  amátliair)  in  a  suitable 
l)lace,  he  forthwith  raised  it  to  the  rank  of  king  of 
Ireland!  Though  LL  has  not  this  pseudo- ancestor  in 
the  pedigree,  the  name  is  found  surrounded  with  circum- 
stance in  the  LL  text  of  Flaithiusa  hÉrenn,  22  b  1(3: 
'Ailül  Casfiaclac/i  mac  Conla  .xxu.  i  rrlge  liÉrenn  conid- 
romarb  Amadir  Flidais  Foltchain.  Amadir  mac  Fir  Chuirb 
.u.  hliadna  i  rrige  hErenn  co  tovcJiair  la  Echaig  Altlethan." 
When  these  things  are  done  in  the  green  wood,  what 
may  not  be  done  iu  the  dry'?  When  I  was  a  youngster, 
I  used  to  hear  that  Colum  Cille  left  a  curse  on  every- 
body that  allowed  a  story  to  lose  in  his  telling  of  it. 
Those  who  liave  transmitted  from  century  to  century  the 


RECONSTRUCTION  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS.   87 

historical  legend  of  pre-Christian  Ireland  have  avoided 
Colum  Cille's  curse.  Even  the  seventh  century  poet  did 
not  earn  it.  He  makes  Mafemis  twenty-seventh  in  descent 
from  Eber  son  of  Mil.  But  the  Eoganacht  genealogy  in 
BB  has  a  preface  apparently  founded  on  an  ancient  Latin 
tract  which  is  quoted  in  its  beginning  (171a).  According  to 
this  preface  Mafeibis  was  third  in  descent  from  Eber  (1. 15). 

The  stretching  of  267  to  342  years  in  a  section  the  Irish 
reigns  of  the  Laud  tract  shows  that  the  process  of  expansion 
has  been  at  work  on  the  face  of  this  document,  and  that  the 
original  tract  has  been  freely  amplilied  by  interpolation  in  its 
Irish  section. 

It  seems  fairly  certain  that  the  original  tract  was  drawn 
up  throughout  in  synchronic  columns.  The  evidence  of  synchronic 
arrangement  is  wanting  only  for  the  first  10  lines  of  the  printed  text. 

The  order  of  the  original  tract  can  be  restored  by  the  aid 
of  the  Eusebian  model. 


Eeges  Mundi 


Hebraeorum  Judices  et  Reges 


EÍ2'  Éreuu 


I  Taulaues  321 


[Tautens  40] 
[Thinaeiis  30] 

[Dercylus  40] 

Eupales38(-Palesi) 
471,  23) 


Nuadu  20  (471,  13) 


Thola  72  (=  Metulli  471. 12) 

Jah-  22  (=  lar  471  note) 

Bres  7 
Jephte  (Galaadites  Bede)  6  (471      Lug-  40 

note) 
Hesebon   (Abesan    Bede)   7   (471 

note) 
Aelon    (Achialou  Bede)  10    (471 

note) 
Labdon  8  (471  note) 
Samson  20  (471  note)  ;    In  Dagda  80 

Heli  sacerdns  40  (471  uote) 

Samuel  et  Saul  40  (Samuel  12,  [   Delbaetli  10 
Saul  20,  Bede  [471  note])        | 

'   Fiachna  10 
[David  40]  ; 

Tri  maic  Carmada  28 


1)    Or  rather  Lapales,  v.  K.  I.  A.  Proceedings  XXVIII  C  ti,  \k  147. 


JOHN    MAC  NEILL. 


The  foregoing  section,  in  whicli  I  have  abbreviated  the 
extant  Irish  portion,  was  followed  in  immediate  sequence  by  the 
contents  of  113  a  —  b;  all  the  intervening  matter  on  112  a  3  and 
112  b  having  become  misplaced.  The  intervening  matter  was 
transposed  from  its  original  tabular  arrangement  and  brought 
into  great  confusion.  It  is.  however,  nearl}-  all  preserved,  and 
the  tabular  arrangement  can  be  approximately'  restored  in  im- 
mediate sequence  after  113  b  (476,28).  When  the  kingdom  of 
Judea  ceases  in  column  2,  the  remainder  of  the  column  is  used  to 
set  forth  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph  from  King  Josias;  this  pedigree, 
as  well  as  the  succession  of  the  kings  of  the  world  and  kings  of 
Ireland,  is  found  continued  on  473,  6  of  the  printed  text. 


Artaxerxes  Muemon  -iO 
Memnon  473,  7) 


Artaxerses   Oclius  26   (= 
Ochus  .xuii.  473,  9) 

Arses  Ocbi  lilius  -i   (Arres 
mac  Ochi  .iiii.  473, 10) 

Darius  6  (473,  11) 

Alexander  5  (473,  12) 
Ptolomaens  Lagi  filius  40 
(473,  13) 

Ptolomaeus     Philadelphus 

38  (473,  15) 
Ptolomaeus   Euergetes   26 

('.xui."  473,  22) 


Azor  geiiuit  SaJoc  (473,6)      Arg'atinar30(473,24) 

Dui  Ladgair  10 

Luguid  Loethech  7 
Sadoc  y.  Achim  (473,  8)  Aed  Rnad  21 


Achim  g.  Blind  (473,  14)         Cimhaeth  28 

Macha  7 

Rechtaid  Rigdorg  20 

Eliud  g.  Eleazar  (473,  18)       L'gaiiic  Mór  40  (here 

foUoics    the    list. 
473,37  —  474,12) 

Eleazarg.  Mathaii  (473,2.';)      Oeiigus  Turbeth  40 


The  sentence  beginning  "0  rogab  ügaine  . . ."  474, 13  is  found 
continued  at  472,  18,  where  it  has  been  merged  in  the  end  ol'  a 
distinct  paragraph:  'gorrogaib  Oengns  Turbech  bliadain  ar  diet 
isin  .xiiii.  ilathiusa  Ptol.  Euergites'.  Ptolomaeus  Lagi  lilius  2 
(=  Ugaine  Mor  1)  =  Eusebian  an.  ab  Abr.  1694.  Ptol.  Euer- 
getes  14  (=  Oengus  Turbech  1)  =  ab  Abr.  1784.  The  difference 
is  90  years,  not  101  as  in  the  text.  The  error  may  be  explained 
if  we  suppose  that,  as  already  suggested,  the  reigns  of  Mug  Corb. 
six  years,  and  Amadair.  five  years,  were  interi»olRted.  and  that 


RECONSTRUCTION    AND    DATE    OF   THE    LAUD    SYNCHRONIs:\rs.      80 

tile  sumniaiy  of  years,  calculated  on  the  Irish  reigns,  was  altered, 
the  Eusebian  data  being-  ignored.  But  the  total  of  the  Irish  reigns 
in  the  actual  text  from  the  accession  of  Ugaine  to  the  accession 
of  Oengus  Tiirbech  is  221  years;  showing  that  since  the  summary 
in  the  text  was  calculated,  a  number  of  reigns  have  been  further 
interpolated. 

The  series  of  'kings  of  the  world'  between  Ptolomaeus 
Euergetes  and  Octavianus  Augustus  is  missing  from  the  text. 
The  continuation  of  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph,  however,  was 
preserved,  and  is  given  by  the  scribe  in  the  note  at  the  bottom 
of  112  a  and  concludes  with  the  paragraph  'losep  . . .  sechtmaine' 
in  the  middle  of  112  a  3  (472,  10  —  18).  We  cannot  well  doubt, 
therefore,  that  the  arrangement  in  parallel  lists  was  continued 
dow^n  to  the  Passion  of  Christ  (472,  9.  473.  5).  In  this  section, 
column  1  continued  the  rulers  of  Egypt  down  to  Cleopatra:  then 
Julius  Caesar,  Octavianus  Augustus  (472,  1),  and  Tiberius  Caesar 
(472,  8).  Column  2  continued  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph,  and 
doubtless  ended  with  the  note  on  the  date  of  Christ's  birth, 
472,  10 — 18.  Column  3  contained  the  continued  list  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland,  472,  20  —  473,  5.  Thus  the  original  sequence  of  all  the 
material  on  112  a  3  and  112  b  can  be  restored. 

The  sum  of  years  from  Oengus  Turbech  1  to  Eochu  Feid- 
lech  1  is  given  as  220.  Eochu  Feidlech  3  =  gein  Christ  (472,  11) 
=  Octavianus  40.  The  Eusebian  total  from  Ptol.  Euergetes  15 
to  Octavianus  40,  is  216.  The  Irish  reigns  in  the  text,  beginning 
with  Oengus  Turbech  474,  12,  and  continuing  through  the  list 
472,  20 — 31,  give  a  total  of  213  years.  The  discrepancies  may 
easily  have  arisen  from  mistranscription  of  Roman  numerals. 

The  further  sequence  of  the  text  from  1.  Tiberius,  2.  the 
Passion  of  Christ,  and  3.  Conaire  Mór  is  found  on  114  a  (476,31), 
the  succession  of  popes  now  occupying  the  second  column.  The 
material  for  columns  1  and  2  is  still  supplied  by  the  Eusebian 
chronicle  as  continued  by  St.  Jerome  and  Prosper.  This  source 
fails  after  A.  D.  449,  and  so,  from  the  time  of  St.  Patrick,  the 
contents  of  the  columns  are  changed.  The  spiritual  succession 
is  continued  in  column  2  in  the  line  of  'comorbai  Phátraic'.  The 
kings  of  Ireland  get  the  first  column,  and  column  3  is  assigned 
to  the  kings  of  Munster.  There  is  no  break  in  the  chronological 
sequence  from  114  b  to  115  a.  A  series  of  regnal  lists  of  the 
Irish  provincial  dynasties   belonged  evidently  to  the  same  tract. 


00  JOHN   MAC  NEILL. 

fur  tlie  initial  and  terminal  dates  correspond  closeh*  to  those  of 
the  SA'nchronic  lists. 

The  revisers  hand  may  also  be  traced  in  the  section  that 
immediatel}'  precedes  St.  Patrick,  i.  e.  in  114 b.  At  the  end  of 
114a.  we  are  told.  Conn  Cetchathach  1  =  Seuerns  6.  This  is 
A.  D.  200  in  the  Eusebian  reckoning-:  and.  at  the  head  of  114b, 
we  are  told  that  199  j'ears  from  the  birth  of  Christ  preceded 
Conn's  accession.  The  Irish  reigns  on  114  a  =  156  years,  which 
Avith  33  years  of  the  life  of  Christ  and  10  years  of  Conaire  Mór 
thereafter  (473,4)  make  np  199  j^ears.  The  chronology  of  114  a 
is  therefore  consistent.  Not  so  with  114  b.  This  section  brings 
the  history  down  to  the  year  of  St.  Patrick's  arrival,  the  fourth 
of  Loeguire,  the  first  of  Pope  Sixtus,  the  ninth  of  Theodosius, 
A.  D.  432.  The  total  of  years  on  this  page,  114  b,  should  accord- 
ingly be  233,  but  the  Irish  reigns  amount  in  sum  to  310,  and 
the  years  of  Conaire  mac  Moga  Lama  are  not  supplied.  In  this 
section,  then,  the  list  of  kings  of  Ireland  has  once  more  been 
artificially  extended,  nor  can  there  be  much  doubt  as  to  the 
added  names.  In  the  synchronic  history  prefixed  to  the  Annals 
of  Tigernach  and  written  early  in  the  seventh  century,  the  kings 
of  Ireland  from  Luguid  Reoderg  to  Loeguire,  as  from  Loeguire 
onwards,  belong  all  to  the  line  of  Conn  Cetchathach.  The  syn- 
chronic tract  embodied  in  the  Lebor  Gabála  (BB  and  Lecan)  and 
discussed  by  me  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
vol.28,  C6,  dates  from  the  year  721,  a  little  earlier  than  the 
Laud  tract,  and  in  it  also  the  kings  of  Ireland,  during  the 
Christian  era,  are  all  of  the  line  of  Conn.  Now  the  years 
ast;igned  in  tlie  Laud  tract  to  the  kings  of  this  line  alone  are 
more  than  sufficient  to  fill  up  the  time  between  Conn's  accession 
and  St.  Patrick's  arrival.  Hence  we  may  infer  that  the  reigns  not 
belonging  to  this  line  have  been  interpolated  in  the  Laud  tract. 

The  date  of  the  compilation  of  the  Laud  tract  is  established 
by  the  terminal  reigns  of  the  dynasties. 

1.  King  of  Ireland,  Domnall  mac  Murchada,  743  —  763. 

2.  Successor  of  Patrick,  Céle  Petair,  750  —  758. 

3.  King  of  ]\lunster,  Cathussach  mac  Etersceoil  (17  years 
after  Cathal  mac  Finguine),  742  —  759. 

4.  King  of  Dal  Araidi.  The  names  in  480,  10  belong  to 
this  list,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  list  in  LL  41.    Lethlobar  mac 


RECONSTRUCTION  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS,   i'l 

Ecliacli  f  709.  For  Dubthach  mac  Congail  (mac  ('oiigarb  LL) 
read  Dub-da-inber  mac  Congalaig-  (ri  Cruitline  AU  725)  -[-  726. 
Eochu  mac  Ecliacli  (regnare  incipit  726.  Tigernacli;  in  recording- 
his  death,  the  Annals  of  Tigernach  and  the  Annals  of  Inisfallen 
call  him  king-  of  Dal  Riada)  f  73o.  Inrechtach  (BB  167  b  35) 
was  son  of  Lethlobar  mac  Echach,  and  father  of  Tomaltach 
f  790 J  king  of  Dal  Araidi.  Catlmssach  mac  Ailella,  Avho  suc- 
ceeds Inrechtach  in  the  list  of  LL,  Avas  killed  in  749.  Inrechtach 
fought  a  battle  in  741,  and  the  data  here  cited  dispose  of  the 
editorial  doubt  AU  p.  200,  note  2.  The  utmost  limits  of  the  reign 
of  Inrechtach  are  733  —  749. 

5.  Kings  of  Mide.  The  list  begins  without  title  at  480, 1 1 
—  Conall  Cremthainne  son  of  Niall  Nóigiallach,  and  ends  with 
Domnall  mac  Murchada  480, 27,  already  given  as  king-  of  Ireland 
743  —  763.  As  king-  of  Mide  for  46  years,  Domnall  should  have 
reig-ned  from  717  —  763. 

6.  Kings  of  Connaclit  (sic  legend  urn )  482.  30.  Fergus  mac 
Cellaig,  742  —  756. 

7.  Kings  of  Ailech.     led  Ollán.  722  —  743. 

8.  Kings  of  the  Ulaid.  The  list  begins  without  title  at 
484,11  and  ends  with  Bressal  mac  Áeda  Róin  735  —  750.  The 
tract  gives  the  length  of  Bressal's  reign  as  one  year.  Tlie  list 
in  LL  also  gives  Bressal  one  year,  and  Cathussach  mac  Ailella, 
also  mentioned,  as  his  successor  for  16  3'ears.  If  we  could  take 
these  data  as  authentic,  we  should  have  to  suppose  that  Bressal 
was  deposed  c.  736,  and  that  Cathussach,  king  of  Dal  Araidi. 
then  assumed  the  kingship  of  the  Ulaid.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
Annals  to  warrant  such  a  supposition,  and  we  may  Avell  think 
that  the  list  in  LL  is  derived,  up  to  this  point,  from  a  version 
of  the  list  in  the  Laud  tract.  We  shall  see  that  a  version  of 
this  list  was  used  also  by  Flann  IManistrech,  and  was  able  to 
mislead  him.  The  list  in  LL  gives,  in  succession  to  Cathussach, 
Fiachna  mac  Áeda  Róin,  Bressal's  brother,  with  a  reign  of  38  years. 
Fiachna  died  in  789.  His  reign  should  thus  have  begun  in  751 ; 
the  Annals  indicate  that  he  was  reigning  in  753.  The  compiler 
of  the  LL  list,  following,  as  I  think,  the  authority  of  the  list 
before  us,  found  a  blank  in  the  succession  between  Bressal  736 
and  Fiachna  751,  and  filled  it  up  by  transferring  Cathussach  from 
the  line  of  Dal  Araidi;  but  Cathussach  Avas  killed  in  749.    The 


02  JOHN    MAC  NEILT.. 

g-eiiealogical  doctrine  of  the  descent  of  Dal  Araidi  from  Conall 
Cernacli  lias  caused  that  folk  to  be  confused  by  many  writers 
down  to  our  time  with  the  Ulaid.  The  two  peoples  occupied 
distinct  territories  under  distinct  dynasties. 

There  are  thus  eight  terminal  reigns  which  should  afford 
anterior  and  posterior  limits  for  the  compilation: 

12  3^        j4 5 ^  7  8 

743        750        742        733        717        742        722        735 

763        758         759         749         763         756         743         750 

These  dates,  as  tliey  stand,  though  they  suffice  to  show  that 
the  document  Avas  compiled  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century,  do  not  enable  us  to  fix  even  the  limits  of  its  date. 
The  latest  initial  year.  759,  is  later  than  tlie  earliest  terminal 
year,  743. 

In  order  to  find  a  common  period,  we  have  two  alternatives. 
We  may  suppose  that  in  the  seventh  list  one  name,  originally 
standing  last,  has  been  omitted,  the  name  of  Xiall  Frossach,  who 
succeeded  his  brother  Aed  Ollán  as  king  of  Ailech,  and  became 
king  of  Ireland  after  Domnall.  in  763;  and  that  in  the  fourth 
list  two  names  have  been  omitted  —  Cathussach  who  succeeded 
Inrechtach  and  was  killed  in  749.  and  Flathruae,  next  in  the 
LL  list,  who  died  in  774.  This  would  limit  the  date  of  com- 
pilation to  the  year  of  Céle  Petair's  accession  and  BressaFs  death, 
750.  Against  this  explanation,  apart  fi'om  the  supposed  omissions, 
there  are  two  difficulties.  The  compiler.  Avriting  in  750.  would 
not  be  likely  to  omit  the  name  of  Cathussach.  slain  in  battle  in 
749;  and  the  length  of  BressaFs  reign  would  not  be  given  as 
one  year. 

The  other  alternative  may.  I  think,  be  adopted.  The  first, 
second  and  third  lists  have  been  continued  by  a  later  redactor 
doAvn  to  the  beginning  of  tlie  eleventh  century.  The  Armagh 
succession  is  given  from  Fer-da-chrich  (481,  12),  who  succeeded 
Céle  Petaii',  down  to  Mael  Muire  (482,  5).  wlio  died  in  1020.  The 
Munster  succession  is  given,  without  heading,  from  (482,  6)  Mael 
Uúin  7  786  to  Brian  7  1014.  The  list  in  LL  320,  after  the  name 
of  Catlial  mac  Finguine.  says  "atberat  araile  combad  ri  Muman 
Maelduin  mac  Aeda  Benno  in';  and  does  not  include  the  name  of 
Tnúthgal.  but  includes  Artri  mac  Cathail.  named  before  Tnúthgal 


RECONSTRUCTION    AND    DATE    OF    TUP:    LAUD    SYNCHRONISMS.      9o 

ill  the  Laud  listi).  The  succession  of  kings  of  Ireland  is  given, 
also  without  heading,  from  Xiall  Frossach  (480,  28).  who  suc- 
ceeded Domnall  in  763,  down  to  Mael  Sechnaill  -J- 1022.  I  suggest 
that  the  reviser  Avho  continued  these  three  lists  found  sufficient 
space  in  his  MS.  to  insert  the  first  name  of  each  list  at  the  end 
of  the  original  tabular  list.  On  this  hypothesis  the  original 
document  had  for  its  terminal  reigns  in  lists  1,  2,  and  3: 

.    J  ^.,.     (   734         .,  \   730        .,  .,    ,   i   713 

Aed  Ollan  ^  ^^^        Congus   ^  ^.^        Cathal  j  ^^^ 

The  tract  would  thus  have  been  compiled  in  742,  the  3- ear  in 
which  Cathal  mac  Finguine,  king  of  Munster,  died  and  Fergus 
mac  Cellaig  became  king  of  Connacht. 

In  six  of  the  eight  lists  that  end  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  centuiy,  the  entire  length  of  the  terminal  reigns  is  stated. 
In  one  list,  that  of  Deal  Aiaidi,  no  regnal  years  are  given,  and 
the  absence  of  regnal  years  in  the  corresponding  list  in  LL 
indicates  that  they  were  omitted  in  the  original  document. 
Doubtless  the  compiler  was  unable  to  find  sufficient  data.  So 
far  as  I  have  been  able  to  trace,  we  have  no  evidence  that, 
down  to  the  time  of  this  document,  any  consecutive  chronicle  of 
events  existed  in  Ireland  except  the  chronicle  or  chronicles  still 
preserved  in  the  Annals  of  Ulster  and  the  Annals  of  Tigernach. 
Of  the  kings  of  Dal  Araidi  in  our  list,  this  record  gives  the 
death -dates  of  the  following  only: 

Eochu  ffi.  Conlaid  553  or  558,  Cathussach  682, 

Aed  Dub  558,  Ailill  690, 

Fiachna  Lurgu  626,  Aed  Airdd  (=  Aed  Airech)  698, 

Lochéne  645,  Cú  Chúaráin  708, 

Eochu  larlaithe  666,  Lethlobar  709, 

Mael  Caich  (not  called  king)  666,  Dub-da-inber  (=  Dubthach)  727, 

Dúngal  681,  Eochu  mac  Echach  733. 

To  determine  the  length  of  a  reign,  the  end  of  the  preceding 
reiffn  must  be  dated,  and  in  our  list  the  Annals  fulfil  this  con- 


')  Heuce  it  seems  probable  that  the  compiler  of  the  list  in  LL,  though 
he  possessed  a  version  of  the  Laud  synchronism,  did  not  iind  in  it  the  con- 
tinued sections  after  A.  D.  750. 


94  .lOIlN    MACNEILL. 

ditioii  only  for  Fiaclina  Lurgn,  Eochii  larlaithe.  Mael  Caicli,  his 
son  Catliussacli,  Ailill,  Aed  Airdd,  Ci'i  Clniaráin,  Lethlobar,  and 
Eochu  mac  Echacli,  that  is,  for  nine  of  the  twenty- three  kings. 

The  original  tract  must  have  been  written  mainly  in  Latin. 
The  name  of  Bressal  mac  Aeda,  last  in  the  tract,  may  have  been 
followed  by  the  word  '  an[nisj ',  leaving  out  the  number,  as  Bressal 
was  still  reigning;  or  the  entry  may  have  been  "(Bressal  mac 
Aeda)  roin'  read  by  a  scribe  as  Pregnavit  oin  (bliadain)'.  Had 
Bressal  ceased  to  reign  in  736,  the  name  of  his  successor  should 
have  appeared  in  the  tract.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  the 
document  may  have  been  first  drawn  up  in  736,  when  Bressal 
had  reigned  'one  year'.  If  so,  the  terminal  dates  already  dis- 
cussed show  that  additions  were  made  as  late  as  742.  The 
presence  of  the  total  years  in  terminal  reigns  elsewhere  in  the 
document  must  be  ascribed  to  later  revision. 

A  version  of  the  Laud  list  Avas  a  principal  source  of  the 
versified  list  of  the  kings  of  Mide  by  Flann  Manistrech, 
LL  184  b.  Murchad  mac  Diarmata  (460.  24)  was  killed  in  715, 
his  father  Diarmait  in  689.  Hence  if  Murchad  reigned  only 
20  years,  there  is  a  space  of  six  years  not  accounted  for.  The 
names  of  Diarmait  and  Airmedach,  successors  of  Murchad,  are 
not  found  in  the  Annals.  Aed  and  Colgu  were  brothers  of  Mur- 
chad, but  did  not  succeed  him  in  the  kingship.  In  714,  the  year 
before  Murchad's  death,  Aed  and  Colgu  fell  in  the  battle  of  Bile 
Tenedi).  If  they  reigned,  they  must  have  been  joint-kings  with 
Murchad,  and  this,  I  think,  may  have  been  the  original  purport 
of  the  entry,  for  the  date  of  these  men  is  too  near  the  time  of 
compilation  to  admit  of  the  supposition  of  a  gross  inaccuracy. 
The  names  'Diarmait  Airmedach'  above  'Aed  7  Colgu'  no  doubt 
arise  from  an  interlineation  'm.  Diarmato  m.  Airmedaich'.  Aed 
Colgu  and  Murchad  being  sons  of  Diarmait  son  of  Airmedach. 
The  reign  of  Domnall  lasted  46  years  according  to  the  Laud 
tract  and  Flann's  poem.  The  list  in  LL  42  gives  43  years, 
doubtless  to  make  room  between  Murchad  and  Domnall  for  tlie 


')  Described  in  AU  as  'bellum  imesecli'.  The  editor  has  'a  battle 
imeseeh'  in  his  translation,  explains  the  Irish  word  correctly  in  a  note,  and 
then  goes  on  most  ineptly  to  say :  '  a  battle  imeseeh  would  mean  "  a  free 
fight "."    As  the  text  shows  clearly,  the  meaning  is  a  battle  with  alternating 

fortuueS;  those  who  at  first  appeared  to  win  being  afterwards  defeated. 


RECONSTRUCTION  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS.   95 

five  years  assigned  to  Diarmait,  Airmedach,  Aed.  and  Colgu.  Since 
Domnall  died  in  703.  his  reign  as  king  of  Mide  should  have  begun 
in  717,  leaving  an  interval  of  two  years  after  the  death  of  Murchad. 
According  to  Flann.  Murchad  was  put  to  death  by  Conall  Grant 
(Conall  Gured.  LL  42),  then  apparently  king  of  Brega.  Conall 
Grant  was  put  to  death  by  Fergal.  king  of  Ireland,  in  718,  He 
may  have  held  the  kingship  of  Mide  in  the  meantime  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  local  dynasty.  The  years  718  —  763,  reckoned 
inclusively,  will  give  46  years  for  Domnall's  reign. 

Flann's  account  is  founded  on  a  version  of  the  list  before  us, 
containing  the  errors  that  have  been  shown,  and  a  further  note 
(as  in  LL  42)  stating  that  Aed  and  Colgu  fell  in  the  battle  of 
Bile  Tened.  Having  given  the  lengtli  of  Murchad's  reign  as 
20  years,  Flann  proceeds  thus : 

Diarmait  Airmedach  iarma.    Aed  Colgu  cóic  certbliadna 
.iiii.  rig  Mide  na  mmed*romarbtha  oc  Bile  Theined. 

Like  the  three  parallel  lists,  115  a,  the  Jive  lists  that  follow 
begin  with  the  time  of  Saint  Patrick: 

Dal  Araidi :  the  Annals  do  not  supply  death-dates  for  the  first 
three  kings,  but  Fiachra  Lon  (=  Fiachna  Lonn  480,  3) 
fought  in  the  battle  of  Oche,  A.  D.  482  or  483. 

Mide:  Conall  f  480  or  485. 

Connachta:  Amalgaid  mac  Fiachrach  is  named  in  various  lives 
of  Saint  Patrick  as  his  contemporary. 

Ailech :  Eogan  mac  Neill  f  465, 

riaid:  Muiredach  Muinderg  'quem  benedixit  Patricius'  BB 
165  b  22. 

Since  these  lists  synchronize  at  beginning  and  end  with  the 
three  lists  which  have  been  preserved  in  synchronic  arrangement 
we  are  led  to  infer  that  this  arrangement  originally  included  all 
the  regnal  lists,  and  that  the  whole  tract  followed  the  Eusebian 
model.  We  shall  find  this  inference  sufficiently  confirmed.  A 
feature  of  the  Eusebian  chronicle  is  the  summation  of  years  at 
various  points  of  importance,  e.  g.  (462,  ab  Abr.)  '.xxxv,  anno 
Mosis,  Cecrops  regnabat  in  Attica,  a  quo  usque  ad  captivitatem 
Troiae  fiunt  anni  375 '.  This  feature  has  been  frequently  imitated 
in  tlie  Irish  svnchronisms  and  in  their  Irish  section:  see  474,31 


on      JOHN  MAC  NEILL.  RECONlVrUUCTION  OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS. 

475,  16.  477.  29  in  the  Laud  tract.  The  presence  of  the  same 
feature  in  the  Annals  of  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  centuries 
may  he  added  to  the  evidences  adduced  in  my  paper  on  the 
Annals  of  Tig-ernach  to  show  that  the  basis  of  the  Annals  for 
that  period  was  the  synchronic  tract.  See  AU  432,  481,  482, 
492,  570,  616,  663.  We  find  the  same  feature  in  the  continued 
section  of  the  Laud  tract  480,  33,  where  the  deaths  of  Conchobar 
king-  of  Ireland,  and  Artri  successor  of  Patrick,  who  died  •  within 
the  same  month"  in  833,  are  dated  '400  years  fi'om  the  coming 
of  Patrick  to  Ireland*.  Following  these  indications,  I  infer  that 
the  continuation  preserved  the  synchronic  form,  and  a  fortiori 
that  the  whole  of  the  original  tract  was  drawn  up  in  that  form. 
In  fine,  this  tract,  though  it  has  suffered  much  from  redaction 
and  scribal  transmission,  represents  one  of  the  earliest  of  Irish 
histories.  There  are  tliree  that  may  be  dated  earlier,  the  Irish 
'Chronicon  Eusebii',  AU  609,  its  continuation  embodied  in  AU 
for  about  a  century  later,  and  the  Lecan-Ballymote  synchronism 
dated  721 ;  not  to  mention  writings  known  only  in  quotation,  and 
of  uncertain  scope  and  contents,  such  as  the  Book  of  ( 'uanu. 

Dublin.  John  MacNeill. 


ON  LEBOR  GABALA. 


I.   The  text. 

§  1.   The  manuscripts. 

The  text  commonlj'  known  as  Lehor  Gábála  or  tlie  Book  of 
Invasions,  has  come  down  to  us  in  several  MSS.  which,  apart 
from  the  Latin  relation  given  by  Xennius  in  his  Historia 
Brittommi,  all  belong  either  to  the  Middle -Irish  or  the  Earlj^ 
Modern -Irish  period.  The  various  MSS.  may  be  reduced  to  four 
versions,  the  mutual  relations  of  which  I  shall  endeavour  to 
establish.    The  versions  will  be  distinguished  as  follows: 

A.  Book  of  Leinster  (LL)  fol.  la— 26b; 
Book  of  Fermoy  (F),  p.  1  —  16; 

B.  Eoyal  Irish  Academy  DVl  (S)^); 
Royal  Irish  Academy  DIVl  (S)^); 
Rawlinson  B  512  (R),  fol.  76A^— 97- 
Book  of  Lecan  (Lee  I),  fol.  lO'"— 22^"; 
Royal  Irish  Academy  DIV3  (s); 

C.  Book  of  Balljnnote  (LB),  p.  15  a  —  51a; 
Book  of  Lecan  (Lee  II),  fol.  264^  — 302^ ; 

D.  O'Clery  version.  One  copy  is  in  the  possession  of  Pro- 
fessor Kuuo  Meyer  2),  while  the  R.  I.  A.  has  two  other 
MSS.  in  the  handwriting  of  O'Clervs. 


')  See  p.  99  for  my  reason  for  indicating  these  two  MSS.  by  the  same 
character. 

-)  I  wish  to  express  here  my  sincere  thanks  to  Professor  Meyer  not  only 
for  the  loan  of  this  important  MS.,  but  also  for  many  valuable  hints  and  suggestions 
as  well  as  for  the  general  interest  he  has  taken  in  my  work. 

Zeitachrift  f.  oelt.  I'hilologie  X.  J 


98  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

§  2.  Versions. 

Professor  Rudolf  Thurneysen  lias  been  the  first  to  attempt 
a  classification  of  the  MSS. '),  but  a  careful  examination  of  them 
all  has  led  me  to  different  conclusions.  None  of  our  MSS.  provides 
a  complete  text,  5^et  if  we  keep  in  mind  that  in  all  the  versions 
an  appendix  has  been  added,  entitled  do  flathiusaib  Hercnn  y  dia 
hamseraih  o  re  Mac  Milcd  co  hamsir  Tuathail  TccJttmair,  which 
originally  did  not  belong  to  the  body  of  the  saga,  we  may  form^ 
from  the  various  MSS.  a  fair  idea  of  the  contents  of  each  version ; 
for  it  does  not  impair  the  text  of  LG  proper  if  a  part  of  the 
appendix  is  lacking. 

I  agree  with  Professor  Thurne3'sen  in  assigning  the  first 
place  to  version  B,  though  not  for  the  same  reasons.  Of  the  five 
MSS.  which  belong  to  it,  only  two  —  R  and  Lee  I  —  preserve 
the  final  portion  which  unfortunately  has  been  lost  in  the  other 
ones.  After  a  copy  of  LG  and  a  long  synchronism  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland  with  the  kings  of  the  provinces  since  the  coming  of 
the  faith,  there  follows  in  these  two  MSS.  a  second  copy  of  LG 
or,  as  it  is  styled  in  the  text,  Miniugud  gahál  nErenn  y  a  senchas 
7  a  rémmend  rígraide  innso  sis  y  ethre  a  mbcolu  aisneisin  7  Idbra 
ógh  dond  ni  remunn  ó  thosach  ind  libair  cotici  indso  ut  dicit 
historia.  The  copy  to  which  this  heading  has  been  prefixed,  begins 
by  a  short  Latin  introduction,  and  then  brings  a  recension  of 
version  A,  differing  only  in  a  few  trifles  from  LL.  Thus  the 
MSS.  R  and  Lee  I  —  and,  as  may  be  assumed,  S  and  s 
also  —  contain  two  copies  of  LG,  either  of  which  represents  a 
distinct  version.  The  first  of  these,  as  it  is  found  in  R,  Lee  I, 
S  and  s,  will  be  indicated  as  Ba,  the  other  one,  which  agrees 
with  LL,  as  Bb;  in  the  same  way  I  shall  use  the  formulas  Ra, 
Rb,  Lee  la,  Lee  lb. 

Professor  Thurneysen  is  so  much  impressed  by  the  im- 
portance of  Bb  that  he  has  not  realised  the  true  position  of  Ba. 
Bb,  in  fact,  is  another  recension  of  A,  and  enables  us,  by  a  few 
old  touches  it  has  preserved,  to  go  back  a  step  beyond  LL. 
However,  there  is  not  much  gain  in  this,  A  not  being  our 
principal  source  of  the  saga.   In  Ba,  on  the  other  hand,  Professor 

1)  See:  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und  Literaturdenkmälern,  2nrt  series 
(Abh.  d.  Kgl.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.  zu  Göttingen,  Philol.-Hist.  Klasse.  Neue  Folge, 
vol.  XIY  no.  3.    Berlin  1913,  ed.  Weidmann). 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  99 

Tliunieysen  sees  only  au  abridgment  of  A.  This  I  do  not  under- 
stand. A  glance  at  one  of  the  many  texts  constituting-  version 
B  will  suffice  to  show  that  Ba  not  only  contains  an  older  re- 
cension of  LGr  than  A,  but  a  much  more  detailed  and  circum- 
stantial one.  abounding-  in  episodes  for  which  we  look  in  vain  in 
A.  These  episodes  give  Ba  the  right  to  being  made  the  starting- 
point  for  an  investigation  of  LG,  and  I  certainly  should  have 
designated  it  by  the  first  letter  of  the  alphabet  as  its  «mm  ncUles 
but  for  fear  of  making  the  matter  even  more  intricate  by  deviat- 
ing from  Professor  Thurneysen's  practice.  In  what  follows  Bb  will 
be  treated  as  belonging  to  version  A,  Avhile  Ba  will  be  considered 
as  the  true  representative  of  version  B, 


§  3.  Version  Ba. 

The  reason  that  this  version  has  been  undervalued  up  to 
the  present,  is  that  E,  which  does  not  contain  the  best  text,  has 
always  been  considered  as  its  chief  representative.  S,  in  fact, 
affords  a  much  better  text;  only  it  breaks  off  abruptly  and  lacks 
the  portion  corresponding  to  Eb  and  Lee  lb.  The  MS,  D  V 1  begins 
at  the  very  beginning  of  LG,  and  runs  on  till  the  end  of  the 
invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  It  is  written  in  a  beautiful 
13*^  century  hand,  and  gives  all  the  poems  in  extenso  and  in  a  better 
form  than  any  other  MS.  The  MS.  DIYl  takes  up  the  story  exactly 
where  D  V 1  has  left  it,  at  the  Invasion  of  the  Goidels,  and  brings 
it  down  to  the  end  of  LG  and  even  a  good  deal  farther,  until 
it  breaks  off  at  the  end  of  ]\Iaolmuire  Othna's  poem  Fland  for 
Erind.  The  handwriting-,  the  colours  of  the  initials,  the  size  of 
the  leaves,  and  everything  else  are  identical  with  DVl.  The  con- 
clusion is  obvious:  DVl  and  DIVl  are  portions  of  the  same  MS., 
and  were  bound  separately  in  error.  My  view  is  corroborated  by 
the  fact  that  in  each  volume  a  portion  of  another  tract  follows, 
in  a  very  remarkable  hand,  which  is  also  the  same  in  both.  The 
obvious  identity  of  DVl  and  DIV  1  implies  that  we  may  consider 
them  as  one  text  (S),  so  that  together  they  contain  a  full  copy  of 
the  Ba  version.  It  goes  back  to  the  13^^  century,  and  belongs  to 
the  same  period  as  E,  but  is  far  superior  to  that  MS.,  as  the  scribe 
makes  fewer  mistakes  in  the  prose,  and  never  abridges  the  poems. 
It  is  a  pity  therefore  that  the  final  section  (Bb)  has  been  lost  in  it. 


100  A  G.  VAN  HAMEL. 

In  order  to  establish  the  true  relation  of  S  and  R  we  must 
compare  the  texts  of  both  carefully.  No  importance  need  be 
attached  to  the  misarrangement  of  the  leaves  in  R,  which  has 
upset  the  whole  order  of  the  MS.,  as  it  is  due  to  later  carelessness, 
just  as  the  separation  of  DVl  and  DIVl. 

1.  Biblical  preface.    R  has  lost  this  portion. 

2.  Introduction  on  the  Goidels.   R  preserves  only  a  few  lines 
=  S. 

3.  Ceasair.    Preserved  in  both  MSS.    R  omits: 

a)  Poem:  Hériu  cia  fiarfaiger^); 

b)  Note  on  Ceasair:  asherat  uraile  comad  Banha  ainm 
na  liingine  sin  rogah  Erind  ria  ndilind  y  comad 
uaithi  noheth  Banha  for  Erind. 

Variants:  S  (doluid  Ceasair . .  .a  liindsi)  Meroen ;  R  Mara 
Hen. 

4.  PartJwlon.    Preserved  in  both  MSS. 

R  omits :  after  poem  Ä  clioemu  cldir  Chuinn  a  short  account 
of  the  division  of  Ireland  by  Partholon's  four  sons. 

Variants:  S  seolad  mis  do  co  hAladaciam;  R  co  calad 
JDaciam. 

5.  Nemed.  Preserved  in  both  MSS.  (synchronism  only  partially 
in  R).    R  omits: 

a)  From  genealogy  of  Nemed  after  Agnoman:  mic 
Bairn  mic  Sera:, 

b)  From  genealogy  of  the  five  sons  of  Dela  after 
Semeon:  mic  Erglain; 

c)  A  remark  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  which  also 
occurs  in  LB:  dognitis  harca  doib  din  mholgaih 
no  is  iat  liherna  rig  Gréc  dogatsat  leo  do  teclit  i 
nErind  amal  ashert  Cin  Droma  Snechta-). 


1)  R  never  gives  a  poem  in  extenso,  but  only  quotes  it  by  a  line  or  two. 
Whenever  I  put  B  omits  a  poem,  even  the  short  quotation  is  not  given. 

^)  So  we  find  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  mentioned  in  a  IS^ii  century  version 
of  LG.  This  shows  that  Professor  Thurneysen  is  mistaken  Avhen  in  his  first 
Abhandlung  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und  Literaturdenkmälern  he  assumes 
that  this  book  was  unknown  to  any  scribe  of  LG  until  version  C. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  101 

6.  Fir  Bolg.     Only  partly  in  E.    E  omits: 

a)  Particulars  of  King  Fodbgenid  (cf.  LB) ; 

b)  Particulars  of  King  Eoclm  mac  Eire  (cf.  LB  and 
LL); 

c)  Account  of  Nuadu's  hand  being  cut  off  by  Sreng. 
and  poem  on  same  b}'  Tanaide  (cf.  LB); 

d)  Poem  Findaig  in  senchus  diatá  (cf.  LB); 

e)  The  division  of  Ireland  by  the  Fir  Bolg  ^). 

7.  Tuatha  Be  Banaun.  Partially  lost  in  E.  R  omits  (unless 
the  order  was  upset  and  the  missing  portions  occurred  in 
the  lost  part): 

a)  Account  of  the  four  cities,  where  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann  learned  their  draoicVieacM: 

b)  Poem  Hcrin  co  n-uaill. 

R  also  abridges  the  list  of  Tuatha  De  Danann. 

8.  Meic  Míhd.    Last  part  lost  in  E.    E  omits: 

a)  In  tale  of  Ith's  death  on  Mag  Itha:  do  ortadar 
demna  fer  do  muindtir  Itha  ./.  Olhtm  a  ainm  y  is 
e  cedmarh  Erenn  do  sil  GaidiJ; 

b)  Mention  of  Fintan  (Tuan  mac  Cairill)  who  wrote 
down  the  story  of  LG  on  the  knees  of  Finnan  and 
Colum  Cille. 

The  above  list  contains  all  the  more  important  variants 
and  omissions  in  E  when  compared  with  S.  It  could  easily  be 
made  longer  by  the  addition  of  many  minor  differences,  where  S 
alwaj's  has  the  better  reading.  Not  only  does  E's  rejection  of  the 
poems  stamp  it  as  an  inferior  text,  compared  with  S,  but  also 
its  occasional  carelessness  in  the  prose.  That  the  extra  matter 
of  S  is  not  due  to  later  additions  is  proved  by  a  completely 
independent  version  like  A,  where  notwithstanding  its  strong 
tendency  to  abridge,  some  of  the  extra  details  of  S  have  been 
preserved,  viz.  the  poems  Hériu  cia  fiarfaiger  and  Hériu  co 
n-uaill,  and  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg  the  particulars 
about  King  Eochu  mac  Eire  and  a  reminiscence  of  their  division 
of  Ireland. 

')  I  suppose  this  was  already  related  iu  tlie  begiimiug  of  Ka,  which 
has  been  lost,  for  S  has  it  twice,  in  the  beginniug  and  at  the  end. 


102  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

On  the  other  hand,  tliere  is  no  case  where  ß  affords  a 
better  reading  than  S.  Therefore  I  take  R  to  be  a  copy  of  S. 
As  both  MSS.  seem  to  belong  io  the  13'^'  century-,  E  cannot 
have  been  written  mnch  later  than  S.  The  misarrangement  of 
the  leaves  in  R,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Invasion  of  the 
Fir  Bolg  and  the  beginning  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  come 
first  and  are  followed  l)y  the  feAv  remaining  lines  of  the  intro- 
duction, is  clearly  due  to  a  later  possessor  of  the  MS.  Where 
we  have  the  text  of  S,  R  has  no  value  whatever,  but,  as  an 
almost  contemporary  copy,  it  gains  an  enormous  interest  as  soon 
as  S  breaks  off.  As  regards  the  original  form  of  Bb,  R  represents 
the  oldest  accessible  version.  We  should,  however,  remember  that 
R  being  itself  a  copy,  it  is  liable  to  tlie  intrusion  of  mistakes. 
A  glance  at  the  MS.  will  show  how  defective  Rb  is  in  this 
respect. 

Fortunately  R  is  not  the  only  MS.  that  preserves  a  copy 
of  Bb:  a  portion  of  it  also  occurs  in  Lee  I.  This  MS.  must  now 
be  examined. 

The  text  of  Lee  la  begins  on  fol.  10  of  the  Book  of  Lecan 
with  the  concluding  lines  of  the  poem  Findaig  in  senchus  diatá, 
which  forms  part  of  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  is  also  found 
in  S.  Next  come  the  prose  tract  and  the  poem  on  the  division 
of  Ireland  by  the  Fir  Bolg,  Avhicli  we  know  already  from  S. 
In  the  same  way,  there  is  an  absolute  agreement  between  Lee  I 
and  S  as  to  tlie  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  where  R 
deviates  from  both  by  its  strong  tendency  to  abridge.  Only 
one  scribal  error  is  there  to  show  that  Lee  I  is  a  transcript  i). 
In  the  Invasion  of  Meic  Miled  Lee  I  also  has  but  a  few 
omissions:  Loch  Febail  is  left  out  in  the  list  of  places  visited 
by  Ith  before  his  meeting  with  Mac  Ouill,  Mac  Cecht,  and  Mae 
Greine,  and  Fintan  is  not  mentioned  as  an  authority  for  the 
names  of  Erimon's  companions.  For  the  rest  Lee  I  appears  to 
be  an  excellent  copy  of  S,  and  sometimes  a  more  trustworthy 
one  than  R.  Therefore  it  will  be  useful  to  compare  Lee  I  b  and 
Rb  carefully,  as  in  case  of  variant  readings  Lee  I  b  will  often 
represent  that  of  the  original.  In  fact,  a  comparison  of  the  two, 
which  must  be  deferred  till  the  examination  of  version  A,  justifies 
this   preference  for  Lee  lb,   where   all  the   poems   are  given   in 

')    O  lotur  side  Ina  ii-uathhas  runqjo  instead  of  Dolotar,  i5tc. 


ON  LEBOR   GABÁLA.  103 

extenso.  Unfortunately  this  second  part  of  Lee  I  is  but  frag- 
mentary; it  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  list  of  pagan  kings, 
added  to  the  real  LG,  after  King  Sirna  Saeglach  and  a  poem  on 
Cath  Mona  Trogaide,  with  these  final  words:  Finit  Adam  OCiiirnin 
do  scrioh  do  Gilla  Isu  mac  lirhissigh  A.  d'  Ollamh  o  Fiachrach. 
Anno  doniini  M°cccc,°xviii.  So  this  text,  clearly  another  copy 
of  S,  was  made  in  1418,  but  it  has  preserved  with  admirable 
conservatism  many  old  forms,  and  the  language,  save  for  a  few 
modernised  spellings,  is  that  of  S. 

The  fourth  text  belonging  to  version  B  is  s.  It  occurs  in  the 
R.  I.  A.  MS.  D IV  3,  and  is  wTÍtten  in  a  clear  14*^  or  15*  century 
hand.  It  begins  in  the  middle  of  a  poem  belonging  to  the  Intro- 
duction (Athair  cdich  coimsich  nime,  also  in  S  and  Lee  II),  and 
runs  on  through  the  whole  LG  and  the  appendix,  through  the 
synchronism  of  the  Irish  pagan  kings  with  the  kings  of  the 
world,  and  ind  direm  cétach,  and  through  the  poem  Béidig  dam 
a  de  do  nim,  to  the  middle  of  the  poem  Héremón  is  Eber  ard. 
So  the  lost  part  of  the  MS.  probably  contained  a  synchronism 
of  the  Irish  kings  after  the  faith  and  a  copy  of  Bb.  The  scribe 
of  s  dealt  with  his  authorities  in  a  much  more  independent  way 
than  those  of  E  and  Lee  I.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he 
followed  S,  but  in  the  later  portions  of  LG,  especially  in  the 
Invasions  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  and  the  Meic  Miled,  he  has 
enlarged  the  bulk  of  the  text  considerably  by  introducing  im- 
portant additions.  From  these  it  becomes  clear  that  he  consulted 
other  authorities  on  those  two  invasions  as  well,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  the  beginning  his  tendency  was  largely  to  abridge. 
The  following  list  shows  that  s  sometimes  has  the  same  omissions 
as  R,  but  as  no  further  influence  of  R  can  be  traced  in  the 
whole  text  of  s,  no  importance  must  be  attached  to  it.  These 
omissions  common  to  s  and  R  are  all  found  in  the  four  earlier 
invasions,  which  seem  to  have  appealed  to  our  scribe  less  than 
the  two  later  ones :  there  he  altogether  discontinues  his  former 
practice  of  abridging,  whereas  it  is  pursued  by  R  until  the 
very  end. 

Biblical  preface.    Lost  in  s. 

Introduction  on  the  Goidels.    Verbally  =  S,  save  for  a  con- 
siderable abridgment  in  the  account  of  the  Scots  in  Egypt, 
Ceasair  =  S.  .    . 


104  A,  G.  VAN  HAMEL. 

Partholon.  Verbally  =  S,  but  for  the  omission  of  the  passage 
on  the  division  of  Ireland. 

Nemed.     Agrees  with  S;  two  omissions: 

a)  The  wives  of  Nemed's  sons  are  not  mentioned ; 

b)  The  passage  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  is  left  out. 

Fir  Bolg  =  S.     Several  omissions: 

a)  Particulars  of  King  Fodbgeuid; 

b)  Poem  on  the  cutting  off  of  Nuadu's  hand. 

c)  Poem  Findaig  in  senchus  diatá. 

In  two  cases  the  order  has  been  changed: 

a)  The  poem  Fir  Bolg  hátar  sunn  a  sei,  and  the  prose 
tract  Fir  Bolg  rothamnaif  have  changed   places; 

b)  The  same  thing  has  happened  with  the  syn- 
chronism and  the  passage  on  the  division  of 
Ireland  by  the  Fii-  Bolg. 

TnatJia  T)i  JJanami.  This  invasion  may  be  divided  into 
three  parts:  the  introduction  on  the  arrival  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann,  their  history  in  Ireland,  and  the  account  of 
their  people  (genealogies,  acs  ddna,  &c.).  Of  these  the 
two  first  parts  agree  verbally  with  S.  allowance  being 
made  for  some  changes  in  tlie  order.  In  the  third  part, 
however,  which  is  on  the  whole  also  taken  from  S.  there 
is  a  remarkable  interpolation.  It  begins  as  an  abridg- 
ment of  S,  with  sometimes  slight  changes  in  the  order, 
until  the  poem  Hériu  co  n-uaill.  Later  on.  it  resumes  the 
text  of  S  a  little  before  the  point  where  it  was  left,  at 
Tri  mic  Cermada  Milheoil.  But  between  these  two  portions 
taken  from  S,  a  list  of  genealogies  is  introduced,  which 
does  not  occur  in  S,  but  corresponds  closely  to  the  lists 
in  LL  and  Rb.  There  is  nothing  strange  in  this,  and  it 
does  not  prove  that  s  used  LL  as  an  authority  for  these 
genealogies:  the  scribe  of  s,  who  was  copying  S,  had 
before  him  a  copy  of  version  Bb  —  as  it  must  have 
constituted  the  final  part  of  S  —  and.  no  doubt,  he 
found  there  these  genealogies*). 

^)  In  that  case  Sb  had  preserved  several  details  which  were  omitted 
later  in  Lee  lb  and  Eb,  for  the  genealogies  are  more  elaborate  in  s  than  in 
those  two  MSS. 


ON   LEBOK   GABÁLA.  105 

3Ieic  Mücä.  The  description  of  the  last  invasion  in  s  is 
very  much  like  that  of  S.  But  the  order  has  been 
entirely  upset,  especially  in  tlie  later  parts.  At  the 
same  time  the  wording  of  each  separate  passage  was  not 
altered,  and  they  still  coincide  with  those  of  S.  So  there 
cannot  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  principal  source  used  by  s. 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  here,  too.  our  scribe  occasion- 
ally consulted  the  text  of  Bb,  but  we  do  not  find  so  con- 
clusive a  proof  of  it  here  as  in  the  preceding  invasion. 
The  mention  of  Dil's  death,  however,  ut  alii  clicunt,  after 
the  drowning  of  her  husband  Donu,  might  point  to  it. 
If  this  really  is  the  case,  it  might  be  questionable  whether 
the  lost  part  of  s  did  ever  contain  a  version  of  Bb:  for 
then  there  would  be  some  probability  that  the  scribe  of 
s  did  not  add  Bb  as  a  separate  version,  but  selected  the 
most  striking  details  from  it,  and  embodied  them  in  his 
copy  of  Ba.  We  should  then  have  to  consider  s  as  the 
prototype  of  version  C. 

Now  we  are  able  to  establish  the  relationship  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  version  B.  All  the. younger  texts,  E,  Lee  I,  and 
s,  are  copies  of  S.  Lee  I  has  followed  the  examplar  most 
closely;  R  and  s  make  a  few  omissions,  while  s  also  introduces 
some  notes  from  the  text  of  Bb  into  its  copy  of  Ba.  None  of 
these  MSS.  has  preserved  a  complete  text.  S  contains  a  version 
of  Ba  without  gaps,  which  cannot  be  said  of  any  other  ]\rS.  On 
the  other  hand,  S  has  lost  a  part  of  the  appendix,  viz.  the  final 
synchronisms  and  Bb.  while  these  parts  have  been  preserved, 
although  but  fragmentarily.  in  the  younger  MSS.  Of  these 
Lee  I,  as  a  rule,  gives  the  most  trustworthy  readings. 


§  4.    The  versions  A  and  Bb. 

The  available  MSS.  are  LL,  F,  Lee  lb  and  Eb,  the  two 
former  containing  version  A,  the  two  latter  representing  Bb. 
The  chief  characteristics  of  these  versions,  when  compared  with 
Ba,  are  a  different  biblical  preface,  the  absence  of  the  second 
visit  of  the  Scots  to  Egyi^t,  deviations  in  the  text  of  the  poems, 
and  abridgments  in  almost  all  the  Invasions.  But  these  will  be 
discussed  later  on. 


106  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

The  iii'st  thing-  I  shall  have  to  account  for,  is  the  position 
assigned  here  to  F.  In  Professor  Thurneysen's  paper  F  is  placed 
along  with  BB  and  Lee  II,  i.  e.  under  version  C.  I  do  not  see 
the  reason  why.  The  first  16  pages  of  the  Book  of  Fermoy 
contain  a  version  of  LG  —  down  to  the  end  of  the  invasion  of 
Nemed,  where  it  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  poem  Erni  oil 
oirdnid  Gaedil.  The  first  page  is  quite  illegible,  but  in  the  open- 
ing line  the  words  In  principio  may  be  discerned;  they  show 
that  this  page  contains  the  beginning  of  LG.  Comparing  LL 
and  F,  we  have: 

1.  Preface.  As  far  as  may  be  discerned  from  F  and  LL, 
F  verbally  =  LL.  Only  Ibath  is  omitted  from  the  second 
genealogy  of  Baath,  owing  to  a  scribal  error, 

2.  Introduction  on  the  Goidels.  Verbally  =  LL  but  for  one 
mistake  {A  ein  da  ficid  hliadan  7  da  deich  tra  ar  nenam 
in  tuir  rogab  Nin  mac  Beil  rigi  in  domain  for  I  cinn  dd 
hliadan  7  da  ficlied),  and  the  addition  of  one  poem  on 
the  exodus  of  the  Scots  from  Egypt  {Cethracha  y  cetliri 
cét\  which  also  occurs  in  S. 

o.  Ceasair.    Verbally  ==  LL,  with  four  additions: 

a)  A  passage  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  to  the 
purport  that  Bauba  was  the  first  to  occupy  Ire- 
land with  fifty  maidens  and  three  men  (also  in 
LB  and  Lee  II) ; 

b)  A  short  note  on  the  Invasion  of  Cappa,  Luasad 
and  Laigne  before  that  of  Ceasair,  with  a  poem 
(also  in  the  versions  Ba  and  C); 

c)  A  poem  Ceasaair  canas  tdnic  si  (also  versions  Ba,  C) ; 

d)  A  poem  Cethracha  truth  (also  in  Ba  and  C). 

4.  Partkolon.  The  first  part,  again,  is  verbally  that  of  LL, 
but  some  additions  are  subjoined: 

a)  A  short  tract  on  the  division  of  Ireland  by  Par- 
tholon's  sons; 

b)  Some  short  prose  notes  on  muinter  Partholoin  with 
poem,  Pi,obo  maith  in  muinter  mór] 

c)  A  concluding  poem  ParthoUn  canas  ianic. 

All  these  additions  are  also  found  in  the  versions  Ba 
and  C. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  107 

5.  Kerned.    The  whole  of  this  Invasion  corresponds  ^■erbally 
to  the  text  of  LL.  I  can  only  detect  a  few  short  additions : 

a)  F  mentions  Xemed's  wandering  for  a  year  and 
a  half  and  his  arrival  at  Inber  Scene; 

b)  The  number  of  those  who  died  of  the  pestilence 
is  given  as  2000  (R:  4000); 

c)  Among  Nemed's  chieftains  the  names  of  Ergal 
and  his  brothers  Madan  and  lartacht  are  given; 

d)  After  the  battle  of  Tor  Conainn.  Ebath  and  Baath 
fly  to  the  North  of  the  world; 

e)  On  Semion's  descendants,  who  returned  to  Ireland 
from  Greece,  F  adds  No  is  iad  liharne  rig  Grec 
rogaitsid  leo  do  tliecJit  amnl.  ashert  Gin  Broma 
Snechta. 

These  intercalated  particulars  cannot  all  have  been  taken 
from  a  copy  of  Ba;  they  must  have  been  drawn  either 
from  version  C  or  from  special  sources,  as  the  Book  of 
Druim  Snechta  itself,  a  poem  on  the  First  Battle  of 
Moytui-a,  &c. 

The  material  of  F  is  too  scanty  to  enable  one  to  draw 
definite  conclusions  from  it.  Yet  this  much  is  manifest:  the 
scribe  of  F  w^as  copying  LL,  for  the  two  texts  are  practically 
the  same,  and  all  the  characteristics  of  the  versions  Ba  and  C 
are  wanting.  Only  a  very  limited  use  of  other  sources,  among 
wliich  probably  figured  a  copy  of  version  Ba.  can  be  traced.  F  is, 
therefore,  to  be  considered  as  a  slightly  extended  copy  of  LL.  and 
the  text  of  the  poems  points  to  the  same  direction. 

Now  we  come  to  Lee  lb  and  Rb.  both  representing  version 
Bb,  which  is,  as  Professor  Thurneysen  has  recognized,  closely 
akin  to  A.  It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  Lee  lb  probably 
contains  the  better  text,  and  is  nearer  to  the  lost  Sb.  That  this 
is  really  the  case,  can  be  seen  from  the  many  instances  where 
Rb  is  unintelligible,  while  Lee  I  b  preserves  the  original  reading. 
Lee  lb  also  shows  that' the  scribe  of  Rb  never  made  any  important 
omissions  on  his  own  account,  for  wherever  Rb  abridges  in  a 
rather  arbitrary  way,  Lee  lb  displays  quite  the  same  deficiencies, 
so  that  the  very  succinct  treatment  of  the  three  first  invasions 
in   all  texts  of  Bb  must   be   imputed  to  their  common  origin, 


108  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

iiamel}^  Sb.  Onlj'  as  regards  the  poems  does  Eb  follow  the  same 
practice  as  Ra,  and  quotes  merely  the  two  initial  lines  of  them, 
whereas  Lee  I  b  preserves  them  all  in  extenso. 

Both  Lee  lb  and  Rb  are  derived  from  Sb,  the  oldest  attain- 
able cop,y  of  Bb.  "We  must  endeavour  now  to  establish  the  relation 
between  Bb  and  A.  Neither  can  be  a  copy  of  the  other,  for  in 
both  we  find  passages  unknown  in  the  corresponding-  version, 
while  at  the  same  time  these  passages  may  claim  a  consider- 
able antiquity.  So  in  Bb  the  invasions  of  Partholon  and 
Nemed  are  dismissed  in  a  single  sentence,  and  that  of  Cesair 
is  not  mentioned  at  alU).  On  the  other  hand,  the  Latin  pre- 
face of  Bb  impresses  one  as  older,  and  the  introductory  words 
ut  (licit  historia  point  to  another  authority  than  LL.  It  will  be 
necessary,  therefore,  to  make  a  close  comparison  of  these  two  texts. 

L  Preface.  In  the  beginning  there  is  a  remarkable  difference. 
After  the  heading  3Iinmgnd  gahal  nErenn  'j  a  senchas  y 
a  remmend  rigraide  innso  sis  y  etlire  a  mheolti  aisneisin 
7  labra  ógli  dond  ni  remmm  o  thosach  ind  lihair  cotici 
indso  ut  dicit  historia,  Bb  has  an  introductory'  passage 
in  Latin  on  Ireland  and  its  inhabitants.  A  gives  instead 
a  short  survey  of  the  creation  and  the  deluge.  After  this 
the  parallelism  begins.  Apart  from  minor  discrepancies  the 
only  noteworthy  thing  is  that  Bb  inserts  a  tract  on  the 
division  of  the  Gaelic  language  and  its  names;  it  does 
not  agree  with  the  rest  and  must  have  been  taken  from 
elsewhere.  As  to  the  seventy -two  languages,  A  gives  a 
list  of  them  in  prose  as  well  as  in  verse,  while  Bb  has 
only  the  poem. 

2.  Introdtiction  on  Goidels.  In  some  respects  A  is  more 
circumstantial,  especially  where  it  speaks  of  Brath's 
companions  on  his  expedition  to  Spain.  I  cannot  make 
out  whether  these  details  have  been  added  in  A  or 
left  out  in  Bb.  the  whole  journey  of  Brath  with  Ucee 
and  Occe  being  unknown  in  version  Ba.  But,  waiving 
this  aside,  we  notice  a  close  agreement  between  our  two 
versions. 

1)  That  Cesair  was  known  in  the  original  is  proved  by  the  üual  words 
of  LG  proper :  í.s-  amlaid  sin  royal  Jfcrinn  6  cHgahdl  Cesrn  co  gnhdil 
Mac  Miled. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA,  109 

3  —  5.  Cesair  —  Nemcd.  Here  the  (■omparison  is  impossible, 
these  three  invasions  being  treated  in  too  arbitrary  a 
manner  in  Bb. 

6.  Fir  liolfj.  Bb  still  abridges :  the  wives  of  the  five  leaders, 
and  the  passage  on  the  division  of  Ireland  are  left  out. 
LL  makes  a  scribal  error,  saying  Fodhgen  torchair  la 
Eochaid  mac  Einnal,  where  Rb  and  Lee  lb  have  the 
correct  reading  la  Eochaid  mac  Eire. 

7.  Tuatha  De  Danami.  Bb  omits  the  introduction  relating 
the  coming  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  in  mists,  the  First 
Battle  of  Moytura,  and  the  story  of  the  Lia  Fail;  after- 
wards it  curtails  the  account  of  the  Second  Battle  of 
Moytura,  and  the  genealogies  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann. 
The  antiquity  of  all  these  passages  is  shown  by  Ba.  Bb 
inserts  a  separate  tale  called  Imthechta  Tuirill  Bicreo, 
followed  by  a  poem  Etsid  in  senchas  sluaghacli^  of  which 
Lee  I  b  preserves  a  complete  text.  On  account  of  this 
tale  Tuirill  Bicreo  gets  a  place  in  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
genealogies.  It  does  not  belong  to  the  old  stock  of  LG, 
as  it  occurs  nowhere  else,  and  must  have  been  imported 
from  elsewhere. 

8.  Meic  Miled.  Bb  omits  many  characteristic  details:  the 
whole  of  the  story  of  Ith,  the  death  of  Airennán,  Scene, 
Ir,  Donn  and  Herech,  Amargen's  poems,  Erimon's  wives, 
&c.  The  reason  is  that  all  these  particulars  occur  in  Ba, 
and  it  was  the  scribe's  aim  to  give  in  Bb  only  the  facts 
that  were  passed  over  in  the  preceding  version.  There- 
fore he  has  preserved  in  Bb  three  poems  that  we  do  not 
find  in  Ba,  and  which,  strange  to  say,  are  even  lacking 
in  A:  Secht  mud  mac  Miled,  Anmand  na  toisecli  deilm 
tenn,  and  Sé  meic  Miled  miad  n- ordain.  Of  the  second 
poem  the  antiquity  may  be  questionable,  but  the  other  two 
with  forms  like  la  maccu  do  not  seem  to  be  13^''^  century 
fabrications,  although  monosyllabic  coir  shows  that  they 
are  no  survivals  from  the  earliest  period.  Besides,  Bb 
preserves  the  names  of  the  mogaid  na  mogad  of  the 
Meic  Miled  that  have  been  lost  in  all  other  versions,  but 
recur  later  in  LB.  For  the  rest  the  parallelism  of  A  and 
Bb  is  complete  here  also. 


110  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

From  the  above  summary  we  may  gather  that  A  and  Bb 
are  two  versions,  drawn  from  one  common  source.  As  the  tendency 
of  both  is  to  abridge  the  text,  they  sometimes  preserve  different 
portions  of  the  original,  and  this  circumstance  will  account  for 
occasional  deviations  of  Bb  from  A.  But  as  a  rule  the  general 
trend  of  the  two  texts  is  remarkably  the  same.  The  only  question 
now  remaining  is  one  as  to  the  nature  of  the  original  of  A  and 
Bb,  which  we  shall  henceforth  denote  as  0. 

From  the  Latin  preface  in  Bb  Professor  Thurnej^sen  infers 
that  0  was  a  Latin  Liher  Occupationis.  AVhether  this  title  is 
right  is  a  subordinate  question,  but  I  may  point  to  the  fact  that 
Lee  lb,  when  dealing  with  the  Fir  Bolg,  says:  ut  supra  dicebamus 
in  capturis,  .i.  i  ngahalaih,  Hibernie.  So  Liber  Capturae  may  be 
the  more  correct  name.  The  gloss  i  ngabalaib  is  from  the  scribe 
of  Lee  I,  for  R  has  not  got  it,  and  the  Latin  phrase  refers  to 
Ba,  which  was  certainly  an  L'ish  text;  so  no  proof  could  be 
derived  from  it  that  the  version  Bb  originated  in  a  Latin  text. 
But  there  is  some  other  evidence  in  support  of  Professor 
Thurnej^sen's  view.  Rb  and  Lee  lb  sometimes  have  a  Latin 
sentence  in  the  middle  of  the  Irish  narration,  where  the  sup- 
position that  these  Latin  phrases  escaped  a  translators  attention, 
might  account  for  the  sudden  change  of  language.  So  the  Gabál 
Partholoin  is  recorded  in  both  MSS.  b}'  the  words  Anno  Ix" 
aetatis  Abram  tenuit  Partolon  Iberniam.  Ab  Adam  autem  ii 
milia  7  dc  y  viii  anni.  In  the  enumeration  of  Mil's  descendants 
we  read  Ni  farcaib  Eber  Bonn  no  Airecli  clann  no  Erannan 
non  habnait  filios  quum  mersus  est  statim  in  palude  Scenes. 
In  the  pedigrees  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  which  section,  as  I 
have  noticed  alreadj",  has  been  preserved  particularly  well  in  s, 
we  find  another  Latin  note:  Orbsen  proprium  nomen  Manannain 
unde  diciiur  Siagnum  Orbsen  apud  occassum.  Quum  Manannanus 
sepuUus  est,  stagmim  ucnit  per  terram  per  tumidum  eius.  The 
corresponding  passage  in  LL  is  also  in  Latin.  Hence  one  might 
infer  that  0  was  a  Latin  version,  and  that  both  A  and  Bb  are 
translations  of  a  Latin  original.  But  before  this  conclusion  is 
accepted,  it  should  be  realised  at  the  same  time  that  it  can  only 
be  partially  true.  For  the  poems,  several  of  which  were  composed 
before  the  ll*'^  century  (see  §  5),  must  be  original  Irish  work. 
What  makes  the  matter  still  worse,  is  the  similarity  of  expression 
in  A  and  Ba,  even  in  the  prose  sections.    Consequently  I  could, 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  Ill 

at  its  best,  only  regard  0  as  a  somewhat  Latinised  version  of 
an  Irish  text.  Nor  do  I  think  the  question  of  so  much  importance 
as  Professor  Thurneysen,  who  considers  A  as  the  oldest  attain- 
able form  of  LG.  In  §  5  it  will  be  shown  that  Ba  represents  a 
more  genuine  form  of  the  saga,  and  an  older  stage  of  the  text, 
whereas  A  is  merely  an  abridgment.  Hence  the  original  language 
of  Ba  must  be  that  of  LG.  Xow  no  one  will  hesitate  to  regard 
Ba  as  a  purely  Irish  work,  so  that  the  question  of  the  original 
language  of  0  amounts  only  to  this:  has  there  ever  existed  a 
recension  of  LG  partially  written  in  Latin?  The  Latin  preface 
of  Bb  is  of  no  importance;  it  is  a  later  addition,  particular  to 
that  version,  while  A  preserves  the  old  biblical  preface  which 
we  find  also  in  Ba  (see  p.  127).  The  sparse  Latin  phrases, 
indeed,  point  to  a  somewhat  Latinised  version.  Possibly  0  had 
even  more  of  them  than  A  and  Bb,  but  we  cannot  go  farther  in 
our  conclusions.  Nor  will  this  argument  affect  in  any  degree  our 
views  on  the  origin  of  LG.  In  Ba  we  possess  an  older  and  purely 
Irish  version  that  has  come  down  to  us  directly  from  the  original 
without  ever  having  passed  through  a  Latin  form.  Besides,  Ba  is 
in  another  respect  also  a  more  valuable  text  than  A,  as  it  was 
never  subjected  to  any  uniforming  process.  This  will  appear  best 
from  a  comparison  of  A  and  Ba. 


§  5.   The  original  of  A  (or  Bb)  and  Ba  (X). 

An  examination  of  the  best  representative  of  Ba.  that  is 
of  Sa,  and  not  only  of  the  much  shorter  Ra,  shows  that  this  text 
is  more  elaborate  in  almost  every  respect  than  A  and  Bb.  It  is 
a  pity  Professor  Thurneysen  has  failed  to  see  this;  for  this  is 
the  fact  that  compels  us  to  face  the  principal  question  concerning 
the  relationship  of  the  MSS. :  if  both  Ba  and  A  descend  from  the 
same  tradition,  are  the  differences,  existing  between  them,  due 
to  digressions  of  Ba  or  to  abridgments  on  the  part  of  A? 
A  priori  both  solutions  of  the  problem  are  equally  probable. 
The  Latinised  version  0,  from  which  A  has  been  taken.  Avas 
possibly  intended  as  a  short  survey  for  learned  men  desiring 
to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  stories  of  the  ancient  Irish 
populations,  without  being  overwhelmed  by  too  many  details.  On 
the  other  liand.  such  a  curious  patchwork  as  LG  was  from  the 


112  A.  G,  VAN   HAMEL, 

veiy  beginning",  was  more  than  any  other  mediaeval  saga  liable 
to  continual  expansion  b}^  the  addition  of  parallel  traditions  that 
had  escaped  the  notice  of  earlier  scribes.  Consequently  it  would 
be  but  natural  that  both  these  forces  should  have  worked  together, 
and  that  Ba  should  have  enlarged  the  body  of  LG  in  several  parts, 
while  at  the  same  time  many  details  were  omitted  in  0.  In  most 
cases  internal  evidence  will  furnish  a  clue  to  the  disentanglement 
of  these  difficulties.  Putting  together  the  results  of  a  comparison 
we  find  the  principal  points  to  be  as  follows: 

a)  Preface.  Both  have  an  opening  passage  on  the  creation, 
Adam  and  Eve  &c.,  which  is  much  more  circumstantial 
in  Ba.  But  the  next  section,  the  division  of  the  earth 
between  Noah's  three  sons,  is  more  elaborate  in  A.  Then 
comes  a  marked  divergence  as  to  the  descent  of  Nél  and 
Goidel  Glas.  The  origin  of  this  strange  discrepancy  will 
be  discussed  in  §  13;  for  the  present  it  may  suffice  to 
assign  priority  in  this  resi)ect  to  Ba. 

b)  Introduction  on  the  Goidels.  A  describes  the  struggles 
between  the  two  royal  races  of  Scythia  (of  Noenual 
and  Nél)  with  a  great  profusion  of  details,  while  Ba 
just  mentions  them  summarily.  On  the  other  hand, 
Ba  has  got  an  admirable  account  of  the  Goidels'  stay 
in  Egypt,  and  also  records  their  second  visit  to  that 
country,  which  is  altogether  unknown  to  A.  For  the 
rest  there  are  only  minor  differences. 

c)  Cesair.  In  Ba  there  precedes  a  short  passage  on  an 
invasion  by  Capa  and  others  even  before  Cesair ;  it  does 
not  occur  in  A,  For  the  rest  the  conception  is  quite 
the  same  in  the  two  texts,  but  where  A  has  nothing  but 
a  short  note,  Ba  offers  a  pleasing  narrative. 

d)  Partholon.  On  the  whole  the  two  relations  are  identical, 
save  for  the  summarising  of  A.  A  remarkable  genealogical 
difference  will  be  explained  in  chapt.  II.  A  mentions  Tuan 
mac  Cairill. 

e)  Nemed.  The  identity  of  Ba  and  A  is  evident,  only  A 
is  much  shorter  and  deviates  in  the  enumeration  of  the 
plains  which  where  made  by  Nemed  and  his  sons. 


ON    LEBOIi    GAHALA.  113 

f)  Fir  Jjohj.  A  has  not  the  digression  on  the  origin  of 
the  names  Fir  Domnann  and  Galeoin.  or  the  conclud- 
ing account  of  the  later  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
in  the  islands,  and  their  taking  service  with  Coirpre 
Niadfer  and  Medb.  Ba  omits  the  names  of  the  five 
queens. 

g)  Tuatha  De  Danann.  A  leaves  out  the  history  of  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  in  the  North,  their  magic  cities,  their 
battle  with  the  Philistines,  and  the  Avav  they  reached 
Ireland.    But  Ba  has  fewer  genealogies. 

h)  Meic  Miled.  In  A  the  tale  of  íth  is  not  so  elaborate, 
and  the  tract  Caiti  tairthiud  fir  Mac  Miled  is  lacking 
altogether.  The  order  of  the  story  is  also  different  in 
both. 

The  above  list  shows  that  Ba  is  in  almost  every  section 
more  extensive  than  A  not  only  in  the  number  of  details  but 
also  in  the  manner  of  telling.  After  each  invasion,  there  is  a 
synchronism  of  the  Irish  events  with  the  kings  of  the  world, 
and  Ba  also  contains  several  poems  of  which  there  is  no  trace 
in  A:  Doluid  Miled  asshi  Sceithia  (Introd.),  Roho  maith  in  muinter 
mór  (Parth.),  Findaig  in  senchais  diadd  (Fir  Bolg);  the  contrarj^, 
however,  is  the  case  with  a  few  other  poems:  Dene  mo  fresnéis 
a  mic  (Fir  Bolg),  and  Eistid  a  eolchu  cen  on  (T.  D.  D.).  As  has 
been  said  alreadj^,  every  additional  passage  either  of  Ba  or  A  must 
be  examined  separately  in  order  to  discover  Avhether  it  belonged  to 
the  stock  of  X  or  not.  An  investigation  of  this  kind  would,  how- 
ever, take  us  far  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  chapter,  which 
deals  only  with  the  mutual  relation  of  the  MSS.;  it  must  be  re- 
served for  Chapters  II  and  III.  At  present  I  only  want  to  prove 
that  neither  A  nor  Ba  are  copies  of  one  another,  but  that  both 
are  independent  copies  of  the  same  original.  This  will  be  seen 
best,  if  a  few  salient  points  are  brought  forward,  where  there  is 
an  inherent  disagreement  between  the  two;  for  then  it  is  clear 
that  both  have  found  their  own  way  through  the  various  literary 
traditions,  preserving  genuine  elements  by  themselves,  without 
being  indebted  for  them  to  each  other. 

According  to  A,  Fénius  Farsaid  was  a  son  of  Baath  mac 
]\ragoch  meic  lafeth,  whereas  Ba  has  an  entirely  different  genea- 

Zeitschrift  f.  ci-lt    I'liildloylt-  X.  {^ 


114  A.  G.  TAN  IIAMEL, 

logy.  Altlioug-h  Ba  preserves  the  older  recension  i).  tli^t  of  A 
has  also  a  claim  to  considerable  antiquity,  for  it  occurs  in  the 
Liber  Sex  Aetatum,  from  which  it  must  have  been  taken.  This 
points  to  a  purposed  alteration  of  the  text,  so  that  A  cannot  be 
considered  as  a  mere  copy  of  Ba:  the  author  of  0  may  have 
omitted  as  much  as  he  chose,  but  he  also  put  a  personal  stamp 
on  his  recension  by  introducing  this  and  similar  modifications.  In 
the  same  way  the  antiquity  of  some  parts  at  least  of  the  additional 
matter  in  Ba,  too,  can  be  shown.  Tliere  is  a  poem  by  Maol  Muru 
Othna.  who  died  in  887,  beg-inning-  Canam  hunadas  na  nGaedel 
(LL  133  b).  Here  we  discover  why  it  was  that  the  the  Goidels 
left  Egypt  under  Sru's  guidance  and  tied  to  Scithia:  because 
they  had  not  supported  Pharao  Cincris  against  tlie  Israelites, 
and  therefore  were  afraid  of  the  Egyptians'  vengeance.  LL 
never  mentions  the  fact  that  the  Goidels  had  intercourse  with 
the  Israelites,  but  Ba  has  a  long  episode  about  it,  and  this 
episode  apparently  preserves  an  old  tradition.  By  these  few 
examples  the  relation  of  A  and  Ba  is  sufficiently  illustrated: 
neither  of  them  is  dependent  on  the  other,  but  each  represents 
a  distinct  version  of  its  own,  though  descended  from  a  common 
ancestor. 

Which  of  the  two  has  diverged  least  from  the  common 
originalX(X),  cannot  as  yet  be  anticipated.  Still,  as  Ba  offers  a 
much  fuller  text,  and  as  we  have  found  that  in  one  very  im- 
portant instance  at  least  it  has  preserved  an  undoubtedly  old 
trait,  there  is  some  probability  as  to  the  genuineness  of  Ba's 
traditions  in  general.  But  even  if  a  tradition  of  Ba  is  genuine, 
it  need  not  haxe  formed  a  part  of  X,  for  there  were  evidently 
isolated  tracts  current  among  the  Irish  which  were  never  embodied 
in  the  official  LG.  The  Book  of  Lecan  has  preserved  some  of  these 
along  with  its  two  versions  of  LG.  Every  additional  passage  of 
Ba  therefore  must  be  submitted  to  careful  examination  before  we 
may  infer  that  it  really  once  belonged  to  X.  and  was  omitted 
from  in  A. 

As  to  the  age  of  X  it  can  be  established  approximately 
b}^  that  of  the  poems.  There  is  a  considerable  stock  of  poems 
common  to  both  A  and  Ba.  They  are  either  ascribed  to  early 
poets  such  as  Ferchertne   and  Fintan,  or  to  Eochu  ua  Floinn 

^)    On  the  very  interesting  problem  of  these  genealogies  see  §  13. 


ON    LßliOK    GABALA.  115 

who  died  in  1003  i).  Of  the  latter  we  have  A  clioemu  cldir  Cuind 
(Parth.),  Heriu  co  n-uaill  co  n-idnaih,  Estid  ws  ecna  aihind 
(T.  D.  D.),  Toisig  na  loingse  tar  ler-)  (Meic  Miled),  and  Ugaine 
uallach  amra  (continuation  on  Irish  kings).  All  these  poems  are 
found  in  A,  and  in  S  as  well,  except  Etsid  ccs  ecna  which  does 
not  occur  in  A ;  but  we  know  that  the  scribe  had  it  before  him. 
for  he  saw  his  omission,  and  wrote  in  the  margin  of  fol.  18  a:  hie 
debet  esse  Etsid,  &c.  So  X  cannot  have  been  wiitten  before  the 
time  of  Eochu  ua  Floinn,  that  is  before  the  second  half  of  the 
10*^^  century.  But  in  LG  there  are  poems  b}'  later  poets  too. 
S  has  a  poem  Doluid  Milid  asin  Sceitliia  hj  Cennfielad  (f  1048), 
LL  has  one  b^'  Flann  Mainistrech  (f  1056 :  Eistid  a  eolcJm  gan 
on),  and  a  few  by  Gilla  Coemain  (f  1072:  Gaedil  Glas  otdd 
Gaedil,  Tigernmas  mac  Ollamhan  aird,  and  Eriu  ard  mis  na  rig). 
So  already  in  the  second  half  of  the  IV^^  century  A  and  Ba  must 
have  existed  as  separate  versions.  The  conclusion  is  that  X  was 
composed  between  950  and  1050.  which  takes  us  back  more  than 
a  century  before  our  earliest  MS.  And  if  we  assume  —  what  seems 
highly  probable,  owing  to  the  large  number  of  his  poems  —  that 
Eochu  ua  Floinn  was  himself  the  author  of  X,  the  date  of  this 
MS.  could  be  approximated  even  more  closely,  and  placed  between 
950  and  1003. 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  draw  up  a  pedigree  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  the  versions  A  and  B.    It  is  as  follows: 

X 


Sa  0 


III  I  I 

Ra     Lee  la     s  Sb  LL 


III  I 

Kb    Lee  lb    sb(?)  F 

On  the  left  are  the  MSS.  belonging  to  group  Ba,  on  the  right 
those  of  groups  A  and  Bb.  A  secondary  influence  has  been  ex- 
ercised on  s  hy  some  MS.  of  the  group  to  the  right,  and  by  some 

')  I  am  not  able  to  identify  Tanaide  who  composed  Tuntha  Dc  Danann 
fo  diamair.    This  poem  occurs  in  both  versions. 

-)  Tlie  prose  of  LL  ascribes  this  poem  to  Fh^nn  Maini-strecb,  but  in  the 
poem  Eo(?h\i  na  Floinn  is  mentioned  as  tlie  anthor. 


116  A.  a.  VAN   HAMEL, 

MS.  of  the  other  group  on  F.  Two  groups  of  MSS.  still  remain 
to  be  dealt  with,  C  and  D.  These  have  a  quite  different  cha- 
racter from  the  others,  being  typical  compilations.  This  will  be 
manifest  from  the  following  surve}'. 


§  6.   The  version  C. 

C  is  represented  by  two  MSS. :  LB  and  Lee  IL  It  is  gener- 
ally assumed  that  LB  was  written  about  1391,  and  Lee  II  after 
1416.  So  LB  could  not  have  been  taken  from  Lee  II.  The  two 
texts  are  practically  identical,  as  the  mixing  together  of  the 
versions  Ba  and  A  has  been  accomplished  in  both  in  exactly 
the  same  way.  The  only  natural  conclusion  seems  to  be  that 
either  Lee  II  is  a  transcript  of  LB  or  that  both  have  a  common 
ancestor.  Lee  II  presents  a  better  text  than  LB,  being  less 
corrupt,  especially  in  the  poems,  and  written  in  an  older  ortho- 
graphy. This  would  point  to  an  older  lost  MS.  But  this  is  not 
the  only  possible  solution,  and  as  it  is  advisable  not  to  postulate 
more  lost  MSS.  than  are  strictly  necessary,  I  prefer  another  one. 
There  is  sufficient  proof  that  Lee  II  also  knew  S,  for  it  contains 
portions  of  S  that  are  missing  in  LB.  So,  while  following  LB 
closely  in  its  composition  and  arrangement,  Lee  II  may  have  con- 
sulted S  at  the  same  time,  and  taken  over  in  many  cases  its 
older  orthography  and  its  better  readings.  In  this  way  can  be 
accounted  for  the  many  survivals  of  13^''  century  orthography  in 
a  MS.  even  later  than  LB.  Moreover,  Lee  II  also  uses  other 
sources  than  S  and  LB,  as  will  appear  from  a  survey  of  the 
contents  of  the  two  texts. 

a)  Preface.  In  LB  a  leaf  is  missing,  which  may  have  con- 
tained everything  we  find  in  Lee  II.  But  in  any  case  the 
section  on  biblical  history  is  shorter  in  Lee  11  than  in  LB. 

b)  Introduction  on  the  Goidels.  The  two  texts  are  identical ; 
only  Lee  II  inserts  a  short  passage  on  the  name  Fenius 
Farrsaig. 

c)  Ceamir.  There  is  but  one  difference:  the  names  of 
Cesair's  companions  given  by  LB  in  the  poem  Cam 
roind  rorandsaniar  occur  also  in  the  prose  in  Lee  TI. 


ON   LEBOK   GAliÁLA.  117 

(1)  FatlhíAon.  Here  the  influence  of  Sa  (or  some  other 
text  of  Ba)  ma}*  be  traced  in  Lee  II:  the  account  of 
Partholon's  wanderings  cannot  have  been  taken  from 
LB.  but  must  liave  been  corrected  after  S.  For  the  rest 
Lee  II  has  a  remarkable  tale  which  is  found  now-here 
else  (except  in  the  younger  version  D)  of  Partholon's 
wife  Delgnat  and  his  servant  Toba,  whose  misconduct 
caused  the  cét-ct  Erend. 

e)  Nemed.  Although  this  section  is  practically  the  same 
in  Lee  II  and  in  LB,  Lee  II  shows  clearly  traces  of 
different  sources  too.  For  here  we  find  not  only  tw^o 
short  sj'nchronisms  added,  different  from  those  in  LB 
and  S,  but  also  a  tract  on  the  origin  of  the  name  Fir 
Bolg,  and  another  un  the  real  nature  of  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann.  In  these  latter  tracts  a  great  many  opinions 
are  discussed,  which  may  be  partly  the  results  of 
the  scribe's  own  reflections.  One  unknown  authority, 
however,  is  mentioned  at  the  end,  namely,  the 
•Libar  de  Subternis'.  This  book  has  not  yet  been 
identified. 

f)  Fir  Bolg.  Lee  II  differs  from  LB  only  by  the  insertion 
of  the  poem  Bene  mo  fresnéis  a  mac  by  Colum  Cille, 
Avhich  also  occurs  in  A  and  Bb.    No  final  synchronism. 

g)  T'Utdha  Be  Banann.  Lee  II  adds  a  few  particulai'S  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and  the  reasons 
why  they  burnt  their  shii)s  on  landing.  The  synchronism 
at  the  end  is  made  up  from  the  synchronisms  belonging 
to  Nemed,  Fir  Bolg  and  Tuatha  De  Danann  in  LB  and  S. 
For  the  rest  the  two  MSS.  are  identical. 

li)  Ileic  Miled.  On  the  whole  Lee  II  =  LB,  but  the  younger 
MS.  gives  a  much  more  detailed  list  of  the  descendants  of 
Erimon  and  Eber. 

So  far  the  relation  of  LB  and  Lee  II  has  been  illustrated. 
Lee  II  follows  LB  closely,  corrects  from  S,  and  adds  from  unknown 
sources.  It  remains  to  investigate  the  sources  from  which  LB, 
the  older  of  the  two,  was  compiled.  A  glance  at  the  text  will 
convince  us  that  LB  made  use  of  a  text  of  all  the  versions  we 
have  distinguished  until  now,   that  is  to   say  of  A,   Ba  and  Bb. 


118  A.  G.  VAX    IIAMEL. 

And  as  LB  must  have  had  a  copy  ui  the  twu  B- texts  coiitaiiimg- 
the  complete  poems,  the  MSS,  used  must  have  been:  LL,  Sa 
and  Sb.  Eacli  of  these  contains  passages  or  traits  that  are  un- 
known to  the  others,  and  they  are  found  in  LB.  From  LL  have 
been  taken  the  prose  list  of  the  seventy- two  languages,  the 
parting  words  of  Noah  to  Cesair,  the  allusion  to  the  story  of 
Tuan  mac  Cairill,  the  circumstantial  narrative  of  the  battle  at 
Conang's  Tower,  and  many  details  of  the  second  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired.  To  Sb  the  scribe  of  LB  was  indebted  for  the  curious 
tract  on  the  division  of  the  Gaelic  language  and  its  names  in 
the  four  chief  tongues  of  the  world,  as  well  as  for  the  names  of 
the  'mogaid  na  mogad'  who  came  over  with  Mil.  Sa  was  LB's 
authority  for  the  story  of  Xél's  intercourse  with  the  Jews,  and 
the  Goidels'  second  visit  to  Eg3'pt,  for  the  coming  of  Capa 
to  Ireland,  for  the  tale  of  Cesair  and  the  angel,  for  Partholon's 
wanderings  and  his  battle  with  the  Fomoraig,  for  the  adventures 
of  the  Fir  Bolg  after  the  first  battle  of  Mag  Tuired,  and  those 
of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  before  they  reached  Ireland;  the 
alleged  descent  of  all  the  invaders  from  Rifath  Scot  can  only 
be  founded  upon  Sa.  The  almost  endless  catalogue  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann  is  a  compilation  from  the  three  older  versions,  and 
of  the  two  genealogies  given  of  Partliolon  one  is  based  on  Sa  and 
one  on  LL.  These  instances  will  suffice  to  show  that  LB  did  not 
neglect  the  work  of  his  predecessors. 

Thus  version  C  represents  a  new  stage  in  the  development 
of  our  text.  The  period  of  filiation  has  passed,  that  of  comiiilation 
has  come.  And,  all  the  older  MSS.  being  ready  at  hand,  none  of 
them  was  left  out  of  account.  This  development  has  gone  still 
farther  in  Lee  II,  where  even  sources  not  belonging  to  the 
regular  tradition  of  LG  have  left  their  trace.  This,  however, 
has  also  happened,  though  in  a  lesser  degree,  in  LB.  LB  has  a 
'  few  notes  taken  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  cf.  Professor  Thurn- 
eysen's  paper  quoted  on  p.  101.  One  of  these,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  Avas  already  known  to  the  scribe  of  Sa.  Another, 
that  on  Banba's  occupation  of  Ireland  before  the  Deluge,  also 
occurs  in  F.  The  third  (luotation  from  the  same  book,  that  of 
the  colloquy  of  the  Meic  Miled  with  Banba  and  Eriu,  does  not 
occur  anywhere  else:  but  F  has  a  gap  in  this  section,  and  it 
may  have  been  tiiere.  Yet  there  is  at  least  one  decisive  proof 
that   the   redactor    of   LB    also    consulted    the    Book   of  Druim 


ON   LEBOR   GABILA.  119 

Siifcclita  liimisel)'.  In  the  Invasiun  of  Partholon,  LB  lias  a  short 
passage  on  tlie  division  (f  Ireland  by  Partholon's  sons.  It  also 
occurs  in  Sa,  from  which  it  may  have  been  taken.  But  in  a 
marginal  note  in  LB  we  are  told  that  the  passage  is  based  on 
the  Lebor  Dromma  Snechta.  F  omits  it,  though  the  whole 
Gabáil  Partholoin  is  preserved  in  that  MS.  There  is  but  one 
possible  conclusion:  tlie  redactor  of  LB  had  the  famous  old  book 
before  him.  Of  all  the  references  to  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  in  the 
Lebor  Gabála  text  of  LB  this  marginal  note  is  the  only  one  that 
proves  this  fact  conclusively.  Therefore  it  deserves  a  place  in 
the  list  of  instances  given  by  Professor  Thurneysen.  The  matter 
is  even  more  significant:  it  shows  us  that  the  redactor  of  LB 
intended  to  do  more  than  give  merely  a  somewhat  fuller  copy 
of  LG,  his  desire  being  evidently  to  bring  together  all  the  exist- 
ing traditions,  even  those  that  had  not  3'et  been  embodied  in  a 
coherent  text.  In  this  respect  he  continued  in  the  direction  of 
his  predecessors,  for.  as  will  appear  in  chapter  II,  S  was  put 
together  upon  the  same  principle.  Lee  II  elaborated  it  even  more 
by  adopting  passages  from  numerous  other  sources.  And  it  is  this 
general  character,  uniting  LB  and  Lee  II,  which  justifies  us  in 
treating  these  two  texts  as  belonging  to  one  version.  hoAvever 
considerable  the  additional  matter  of  Lee  II  may  be. 


§  7.   The  version  D. 

O'Clery's  version  is  principally  included  here  for  sake  of 
completeness,  rather  than  for  its  own  interest.  It  was  compiled 
by  Cucogry  0"Clery  from  earlier  texts  b}^  omitting  a  great  many 
details  that  seemed  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  the  story,  and  \)y 
making  the  order  and  the  contents  uniform.  O'Clery's  characteristic 
way  of  working  will  appear  from  the  short  account  of  D  given  in 
§  14.  The  introduction  on  the  oldest  Goidels,  Fénius,  Nél,  &c.  is 
transferred  from  the  beginning  of  the  whole  work  to  the  end  of 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann  section.  The  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  after  the  battle  of  Conaing's  Tower 
are  no  longer  given  as  an  appendix  to  the  Invasion  of  Nemed, 
their  common  ancestor,  but  as  introductions  to  the  two  subseiiuent 
invasions.  And  there  are  more  instances  of  arbitrary  changes 
introduced  by  O'Clery.    This,  howevei-,  need  not  prevent  us  from 


120  A.  a.  VAN    IIAMEL, 

tracing  the  older  versiuiis  lie  consulted,  A  few  illustrations  will 
disclose  his  authorities. 

According  to  D  Partliolon  came  to  Ireland  ona  atharda  .?'. 
SiceU  Greic.  C  has  asin  Megind  .?.  asin  Greg  Sceitlieagda,  where- 
as S  says  asin  Midi  Greic.  The  influence  of  some  text  belonging 
to  the  Ba  group  is  evident  here.  This  is  also  the  case,  when 
in  the  Invasion  of  Xemed  D  mentions  the  names  of  Xemed's 
daughters-in-law.  or  when  Ave  are  told  that  Macha  died  on  the 
12^h  day  after  her  arrival  in  Ireland;  for  C  does  not  know^  the 
names  of  these  women,  and  according  to  the  same  version 
Macha's  death  took  place  in  the  12*^''  year.  Still  these  un- 
mistakable traces  of  Ba  are  not  very  numerous,  and  on  the 
whole  the  text  is  that  of  C,  allowance  being  made  for  O'Clerj-'s 
introducing  his  own  style  in  many  episodes.  Of  the  two  MSS, 
constituting  version  C  O'Clery  apparently  follows  Lee  II  and  not 
LB,  for  he  has  all  the  characteristics  of  Lee  II  and  none  of 
LB's.  The  account  of  Partholon's  wanderings  is  that  of  Lee  II, 
and  the  tale  of  Delgnad  (Elgnad)  and  Toba  occurs  only  in  Lee  TI 
and  D.  The  explanation  of  the  names  of  tlie  Fir  Bolg,  Fir  Domnann 
and  Galeoin  —  especially  the  last  named  —  can  only  have  been 
taken  fi'om  Lee  II,  D  tells  us  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  came  from 
the  innsi  tuaiscertacha  na  Grecci,  just  as  Lee  II  makes  them 
begin  theii"  w'anderiugs  «5«  Grec  Sceitheacda:  no  other  ]\IS. 
mentions  them  in  connection  with  Greece.  All  these  salient 
points  prove  that  Lee  II  was  the  real  source  of  D,  though  there 
is  clear  evidence  of  O'Clery's  having  consulted  some  version  of  B 
also.  This  is  only  natural,  for  if  he  worked  at  Lee  II,  Lee  I 
must  have  been  also  in  his  hands.  O'Clery  had  no  need  to  look 
for  a  second  MS.,  for  the  Book  of  Lecan  provided  two  different 
versions,  and  these  are  the  very  same  versions  of  whose  influence 
there  are  traces  in  D.  Nothing  points  to  his  having  knowm  A 
or  F.  The  text  of  the  poems  is  quite  untrustworthy  as  it  abounds 
with  conjectures  by  O'Clery  himself;  what  makes  these  poems  inter- 
esting are  the  numerous  glosses  he  adds,  although  they  are  often 
merely  attempts  to  elucidate  corrupt  readings. 

For  the  understanding  of  the  structure  of  LG,  D  has  no 
value  wliatever.  Its  immediate  exemplar,  Lee,  is  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  our  MSS.:  in  Lee  I  it  contains  the  oldest  version  of 
LG  attainable  in  a  fixed  and  uncorrupted  form,  while  in  Lee  II 
it  shows  the  latest  development  of  tlie  story,  where  all  the  scattered 


ON    LEBOK    GABÁI.A.  121 

traditions  extant  have  found  a  place.  In  D,  Ü"Clcry  has  endeavoured 
to  bring  these  incongruous  traditions  into  harmon}-  with  one  an- 
other. And  this  could  not  he  eifected  without  violating-  the  text. 
The  uniforming  process  it  underwent,  rendered  many  departures 
from  the  traditional  LG  inevitable.  They  can  all  be  accounted  for 
from  the  standpoint  of  O'Clery's  preconceived  design.  Therefore  a 
thorough  study  of  this  version  would  be  of  more  significance  for 
the  understanding  of  the  man  and  his  work  than  for  the  present 
investigation. 


II.   The  lutrodiictioii  on  the  Goidels  and  the  Preface. 

§  8.   The  tradition  of  A  and  Ba. 

The  most  important  differences  between  the  two  oldest  ver- 
sions present  themselves  in  the  Introduction ;  therefore  this  portion 
of  LG  will  more  than  any  other  furnish  a  clue  to  the  solution  of 
problems  concerning  the  growth  and  evolution  of  the  saga.  In  order 
to  understand  fully  the  signification  of  these  differences,  we  must 
have  before  us  a  separate  survey  of  the  two  traditions. 

Leaving  alone  the  biblical  and  genealogical  preface  for  a 
moment,  we  have  in  A  first  an  account  of  Fénius  Farsaich '),  king 
of  Scythia  and  his  two  sons,  Xél  and  Noenual.  Fénius  leaves 
his  kingdom  to  Noenual,  while  he  himself  goes  to  Asia  in  order 
to  assist  at  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel;  there  Xél  is  born. 
Nél  comes  to  Egypt,  where  he  begets  a  son,  Goidel  Glas,  who 
forms  the  Gaelic  tongue  out  of  the  seventy-two  languages.  The 
names  of  all  the  languages  are  given.  Sru  and  Eber  Scot, 
Goidel's  descendants,  leave  Egj-pt  for  Scythia.  Eber  Scot  seizes 
the  kingdom,  but  is  afterwards  killed  by  Noenual's  son  Xoemius, 
and  from  this  time  on  the  descendants  of  Xél  and  Noenual  alter- 
nately usurp  the  kingdom  of  Scythia  but  are  always  killed  by 
their  rivals.    At  last  Refloir.  a  descendant  of  Noenual.   becomes 


')  We  üud  Farsaich,  Farsaig  aud  Farsaid.  I  pi'efer  the  first  foriu. 
Farsaid  =  old,  can  only  be  a  late  etymology,  for  the  Old  Irish  form  of  this 
word  is  ars^aid.  The  Latiu  preface  of  Rb  has  Fenins  Farmieus,  which  must 
couvey  the  real  meauiug  of  the  name.  Farisaeus  is,  indeed,  an  excellent 
epithet  for  the  man  who  knew  all  languages.  On  Farsaid  =  Phnrisec  see 
Atkinson.  Passions  and  Homilies,  p.  953. 


122  A.  G.  VAN    HA  MEL, 

king  of  Scythia.  and  expels  the  Güidels.  Aíter  many  wauderiugs 
they  reach  Sliab  Rife,  under  Agnomen  and  Laimfind,  where  theii- 
drui,  Caicher,  prophesies  that  one  day  their  progeny  will  possess 
Ireland.  They  remain  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  until  one  of 
Láimfind's  descendants,  Brath  macDeatha,  leads  them  to  Spain. 
Here  they  fight  three  battles,  'for  Toiseuu,  for  Bachra,  for  Long- 
barda'.  Great  numbers  of  them  die  from  the  plague.  Bregon, 
Erath's  son,  erects  the  city  of  Brigantia  and  a  high  tower  in  it, 
from  which  Ireland  was  seen  for  the  first  time  by  Ith. 

According  to  Ba,  Fénius  Farsaich  and  his  school  wander 
fi'om  Scythia  to  the  Tower  of  Babel,  after  it  had  been  built  by 
Rifath  Scot  and  others.  There  they  learn  the  various  languages. 
On  account  of  liis  learning  Nél  is  invited  to  Egypt  by  Pharaoh 
Cincris,  who  gives  him  his  daughter  Scota  in  marriage.  Nél  makes 
friend  with  Aaron,  the  leader  of  the  Israelites,  especially  when 
his  young  son  (Toidel  Glas  is  saved  by  Aaron  from  a  snake's  bite. 
After  Cincris  has  been  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea  the  Goidels  are 
banished,  because  of  their  fi'iendship  with  the  Jews.  Under  Esru 
and  p]ber  Scot  they  reach  Scythia.  Here  they  live  in  constant 
struggles  with  the  other  royal  race,  until  MiU)  mac  Bile  kills 
Refeloir.  Mil  is  expelled,  and  goes  with  Ms  people  to  Egypt.  They 
are  well  received  by  Pharaoh  Xectinebus,  and  ]\Iil  is  married  to 
his  daughter  Scota.  The  Goidels  learn  the  arts  in  Egj-pt.  Mil 
is  a  contemporary  of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  invades  Xectine- 
bus" country,  founds  the  city  of  Alexandria,  and  turns  out  the 
king.  Mil  and  his  people  fly,  and  after  endless  troubles  they 
land  in  Spain.  There  are  not  three  but  fifty- four  battles  now, 
for  Fresseno  7  for  Lonybardoib  7  Bachraih  7  rogahsat  Espain 
ar  d(jiu  7  rocumtaiged  catJiir  and  la  Breogund  mac  Bratha  .i. 
Brigancia  ainm  na  cathrach  7  tor  for  a  h-inchaih  7  is  on  tor  sin 
atcessa  Eriu  hi  fescur  gaimrid.    Atascondairc  Ith  mac  Bregoin. 

The  principal  differences  between  the  two  texts  may  be 
summed  up  thus: 

1.  In  Ba,  Féuius  does  not  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  himself, 
but  it  has  been  built  before  this  time.  This  is  a  con- 
sequence of  the  different  genealogies  of  Fénius  given  by 
A  and  Ba.    See  §  13. 

1)  I  use  the  earliest  form  of  the  name,  thoxigh  S  and  E  always  have 
Miled;  the  oldest  genealogical  poems  have  Mil. 


ox    I.EBOR    GABÁLA.  123 

2.  The  adventures  of  ilie  Guidels  in  E^^jpt  are  related  much 
more  circumstantially  in  Ba. 

3.  The  feuds  of  the  two  royal  races  of  Scythia  are  more 
detailed  in  A. 

•4.  Ba  has  a  second  visit  to  Egypt,  of  which  there  is  no 
mention  in  A. 

5.  In  A  the  Goidels  are  led  out  of  Scythia  by  Agnomen 
and  Láimfind.  and  in  Spain  by  Brath;  in  Ba  both  these 
acts  are  performed  by  Mil. 

6.  A  has  three.  Ba  fifty -four,  battles  in  Spain. 

In  order  to  trace  what  is  old  in  these  traditions,  we  must 
now  examine  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  saga  that  have  come 
down  to  us  fi'om  an  earliei-  period  than  any  version  of  LG. 
Among  these  there  are  three  whose  date  may  be  approximately 
fixed;  viz.,  the  account  in  Xennius'  Historia  Brittonum  (HB), 
Máilmuru  Othna"s  poem  Canam  hunadas  na  nGaedel  (MO),  and 
a  note  to  Fiace's  Hymn  (Thes.  Pal.  II  p.  316). 


§  9.   The  earliest  vestiges  of  the  story. 

It  may  be  useful  to  reprint  the  passage  from  HB  (sc.  §  16) 
once  more  in  extenso.  St  qiiis  scire  volnerit  quando  vcl  quo 
tempore  fuit  inlidb  Hob  ills  et  descrta  Hihernia,  sic  mihi  pcritissimi 
Scottorum  nunciaverimt.  Quando  vcncrunt  per  Marc  Ituhruiit  filii 
Israel,  Aegyptii  venerunt  et  sceuti  sunt  eos  et  demersi  sunt,  ut 
in  Lege  dicitur.  Erat  vir  nohilis  de  Scythia  cum  magna  familla 
apud  Aegyptios,  et  expídsus  est  a  regno  suo,  et  ihi  erat  quando 
Aegyptii  mersi  sunt,  et  non  perrexit  ad  sequendum  populum  Bei. 
Uli  autem,  qui  super faerant ,  inierunt  consilium  ut  expellerent 
ilium,  ne  regnum  illorum  ohsideret  et  occuparet,  quia  fratres 
illorum  demersi  erant  in  Itubrum  Mare,  et  expulsus  est.  At  ille 
per  quadraginta  et  duos  annas  amhulavit  pier  Afjricam;  et  venerunt 
ad  Aras  Fhilistinorum  per  lacum  Salinarum  et  venerunt  inter 
liusicadam  et  mantes  Azariae  et  venerunt  per  flumen  Malvam,  et 
transierunt  per  maritima  ad  Columnas  HercuUs,  et  navigaverunt 
Tyrrenwn  Mare,  et  pervenerunt  ad  Hispaniam  usque  et  ihi  halita- 
verunt  per  nmltos  annas  et  creverunt  et  multiplicati  sunt  niniis, 
et  gens   illorum    multiplicata  est  nimis.     Et  postea  venerunt  ad 


124  A.  G.  VAN    HAMEL. 

Hiberniam  i)Ost  male  et  duos  annos  postquam  mersi  sunt  Aegypt'd 
in  Faibrum  Mare,  ct  ad  regiones  Barieta  in  tempore  quo  regnabat 
Brutus  apud  Bomanos.  &c. 

The  other  early  allusion  to  LG.  in  a  note  to  vs.  35  of 
Fiacc's  Hymn  (Fatraic  pridchais  do  Scottaib)  is  as  follows:  Do 
Scottaib  0  Scotta  ingen  Foraind  rig  Egipt  nominantur,  ocus  is 
asso  roásdetar  (leg.  rodssatar)  :i.  Nél  mac  Goedil  Glais  meic 
Feniusa  Farsaid,  fer  foglama  he,  uoluit  scire  lingas.  Venit  a 
Scithis  ad  Campnim  Sennar  iibi  sunt  diuisce  lingce;  ^  ita  uenit  A. 
cum  Jxx.  duobus  tdris,  y  tnissit  eos  sub  regiones  mundi  ut  disce- 
rent  lingas;  unum  ad  unam  misit,  et  postea  uenerunt  ad  cum  cum 
peritia  omnium  lingarum.  y  habitaidt  in  Campo  Sennar  y  docxdt 
ibi  lingas.  Ft  auditdt  Farao  re:c  Fgipti  ilium  studiosum  esse,  et 
uocauit  eum  ad  se  ut  doceret  Egiptios  circa  lingas  7  dedit  ei  filiam 
suam  y  lionorem  maximum  y  ab  ilia  Scotti  nominati  sunt.  Góidil 
imtnorro  do  rad  dib  0  GoediulGlas,  mac  Feniusa  FarrsaidxmtreNiuil. 

The  above  two  Latin  accounts  belong-  to  quite  diííerent 
periods.  That  of  Xennius,  whether  it  already  existed  in  the  first 
recension  of  HB  or  did  not  come  in  until  the  second  stage,  takes 
us  back  at  least  to  the  end  of  the  8^''  century.  The  note  to 
Fiacc's  Hymn,  on  the  other  hand,  only  occurs  in  one  of  the 
MSS.  of  that  hymn,  and  was  written,  at  the  earliest,  towards  the 
end  of  the  11^''  century;  so  it  is  very  little  older  than  LL,  and 
later  even  than  X.  The  more  remarkable  is  the  fact  that  it 
represent.s  a  difierent  tradition.  P'or  here  Xél  is  not  GoideFs  father, 
but  his  .sun;  and  it  was  Xél,  not  Fénius,  who  taught  the  languages 
in  the  plain  of  Sennar.  So  even  at  this  late  period  there  was  no 
fixed  tradition  concerning  the  three  eponymous  ancestors  of  the 
Goidels.  This  will  prove  an  important  conclusion  in  estimating 
the  general  character  of  LG,  but  for  the  earlier  history  of  the 
text  it  has  no  significance. 

Xext  in  age  to  Xennius  is  Máilmuru  Othna.  As  this  poet 
died  in  887,  iiis  poem  must  be  placed  in  the  9^^  century.  In 
any  case  it  is  later  than  HB.  It  contains  the  following  tra- 
dition of  LG.  The  Goidels  descend  from  Jafeth  mac  Xoe.  When 
Xembrúth  has  built  the  Tower  of  Babel,  Fénius  leaves  Scythia 
and  goes  to  the  tower,  where  he  teaches  all  the  languages.  There 
his  son  Xél  is  born.  Pharaoh  sends  for  him.  and  gives  him  his 
daughter  Scota.  Their  son  is  Gaedel  Glas.  The  Goidels  do  not 
support  Pharaoh  against  the  Israelites,  and,  fearing  the  vengeance 


ON    LEROR    GABÁLA.  125 

of  tlie  Egyptians,  tliev  take  fliglit  in  the  king's  sliips.  Tlie^'  Avancier 
through  India,  Asia,  Scj'thia,  the  Caspian  Sea,  the  island  Coronis, 
Sliab  Riffl,  Golgatha!),  where  they  remain  two  hundred  j'ears, 
Creta,  and  Sicilj'  to  Spain.  Bregond  conciuers  Spain,  and  founds 
the  city  of  Brigantia.  There  he  erects  the  tower,  and  from  its 
summit  Ireland  is  discovered  by  Ith.  Tlien  the  story  of  the  Meic 
Miled  follows. 


§  10.   The  earliest  evolution  of  the  stor}'. 

We  shall  now  compare  HB  and  MO  with  A  and  Ba,  with 
special  reference  to  the  points  of  difference  between  the  two 
latter  MSS.  enumerated  on  p.  122  f. ;  for  such  a  comparison  will 
enable  us  to  make  out  which  of  the  two  has  least  diverged  from 
the  original  version. 

1.  HB  does  not  mention  the  Tower  of  Babel  at  all.  MO 
agrees  with  Ba:  Xembrúth  builds  the  tower,  and  Fenius 
visits  it  from  Scythia. 

2.  Both  HB  and  MO  relate  some  of  the  details  concerning 
the  stay  in  Egypt.  HB  relates  that  the  noble  Scythian 
in  Egypt  non  perrexit  ad  sequendum  populiim  Dei,  and 
that  the  Egyptians  turned  him  out  of  the  kingdom  for 
fear  that  he  should  occupy  it  himself.  In  the  same  way 
MO  tells  us  that  the  Goidels  did  not  take  arms  against 
the  Israelites.  A  has  none  of  these  particulars,  and  Ba 
dwells  with  preference  on  the  friendship  between  the 
Goidels  and  Israelites,  and  also  mentions  that  Esru  and 
Eber  Scot  Avere  expelled  by  the  Egyptians. 

3.  The  struggles  between  the  two  royal  races  in  Scythia, 
which  are  told  so  much  more  circumstantially  in  A  than 
in  Ba,  are  not  even  mentioned  in  HB  and  MO. 

4.  The  second  visit  to  Egypt,  being  known  only  to  Ba,  does 
not  figure  either  in  HB  or  MO. 

5.  Neither  HB  nor  MO  give  the  names  of  the  leaders  of 
the  expedition  to  Spain. 

G.  The  two  earliest  sources  do  not  speak  of  the  battles 
in  Spain. 


')   A  uiarvellous  corniptiim  of  the  Gaethlaig  Maeotecdal 


126  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL. 

Nos.  1  —  3  prove  that  Ba  preserves  old  traditions  which 
were  lost  in  A,  but  at  the  same  time  no.  4  shows  an  inclination 
on  the  part  of  Ba  to  add  to  the  original  text.  Still  it  will  not 
he  difficult,  following  HB  and  MO,  to  separate  from  the  hody  of 
LG  the  later  additions,  and  this  done,  we  possess  in  Ba  a  much 
more  perfect  text  than  A.  For  not  only  has  A  left  out  several 
important  episodes,  but  the  text  has  been  unreasonably  altered 
in  this  version :  for  instance,  it  was  an  unnecessary  innovation  of 
A  to  make  Fénius  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  himself.  Consequently 
the  superiority  of  Ba  is  now  established  once  for  all. 

A  careful  study  of  the  succeeding  accounts  of  HB,  MO  and 
Ba  makes  it  possible  to  trace  the  growth  of  the  earliest  traditions 
on  the  Goidels  throughout  the  9*^^  and  10^'^  centuries.  'J'he  original 
story,  existirg  in  800  A.  D.,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  HB,  was 
this :  A  noble  Scythian,  called  Miles  Hispaniae  or  Mil,  was  living 
in  Egypt  at  the  time  of  Moses.  He  was  expelled  by  the  Egyptians, 
and  fled  by  the  shortest  route,  through  Africa,  to  Spain.  There 
his  descendants  increased  in  number,  until  they  came  over  to 
Ireland.  This  happened  because  they  had  discovered  Ireland 
from  the  tower  at  Brigantiai). 

The  additions  which  were  introduced  gradually,  may  be 
classified  thus: 

0"'  century.  The  Scythian  chieftain  2)  becomes  Fenius  Far- 
saich,  a  teacher  of  the  seventy- two  languages  in  the  plain 
of  Shinar,  or  rather  his  son  Nél  Avho  visits  Egypt  in  order 
to  propagate  linguistic  knowledge  in  that  country,  and  is 
married  there  to  Pharaoh's  daughter  Scota.  She  gives 
birth  to  a  son,  Goedel  Glas  (MO).  After  being  expelled 
they  wander  through  India,  Asia  and  Scythia,  and  even 
remain  for  two  hundred  years  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  (MO). 
Their  adventui'es  in  Spain  are  related  with  more  details, 
for  Mil  has  now  to  fight  for  the  possession  of  the  country. 

10^''  century.  The  next  stage  is  X,  the  common  source  of 
A  and  Ba.  Here  a  biblical  preface  is  prefixed,  because 
of  the  opening  story  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.  —  Elaborate 

'J  That  this  is  an  original  trait  of  LG  may  be  inferred  from  the  occnr- 
rence  of  Brt'gond  in  a  Ttl'  century  genealogy,  see  §  13. 

-)    On  the  oUlest  genealogical  traditions  relating  to  this  person  see  §  13. 


ON    LEHOU   GARÁLA.  127 

genealogies  are  added  i).  see  §  13.  The  sta}'  in  Egypt 
is  elucidated  b}'  a  circumstantial  relation  of  the  Goedels' 
connections  with  the  Israelites.  But  the  most  important 
innovation  is  introduced  in  the  passage  relating  their 
journey  from  Egypt  to  Spain.  HB  does  |not  mention  at  all 
the  Goidels"  passing  through  Scythia,  in  MO  this  country 
figures  as  one  of  the  places  they  Aásit  on  their  way  to 
the  West,  but  of  a  prolonged  stay  there  is  no  mention. 
In  X  this  hurried  passage  through  had  'developed  into 
a  settling  for  many  generations.  For  in  Sa  we  find  the 
following  account,  which  is  not  even  so  elaborate  as  that 
of  LL.  Olid  ahnsir  shi  (sc.  the  coming  of  Eber  Scot  to 
Scj'thia)  CO  li- ahnsir  Befeloir  meic  Nema  y  3Iiled  mac 
Bile  A.  Galum  a  ainnt:  mor  do  cathaih  y  do  chongalaib 
7  do  cJioicthih  y  do  fmgalaib  roimirset  etorru  frissin  re 
sin  corrogon  Miled  mac  Bile  Befelair  mac  Nema  .xii. 
hliadna  ar  noe  ceiaih  rohui  in  cosnum  sin.  Dolnid  Miled 
for  longais  iar  sain  .iiii.  longa  doih  y  .v.  lanamna  dec  y 
amas  in  each  luing  dih.  As  has  been  said,  LL  goes  even 
farther  and  gives  the  names  of  the  kings  of  the  two 
races  who  killed  each  other  successively;  perhaps  these 
names  were  already  known  in  X  and  for  some  reason 
omitted  in  Sa.  When  the  Goidels  are  banished  from 
Scythia  they  have  to  wander  once  more  over  many  seas 
and  lands,  until  they  reach  Spain  at  last.  But  in  this 
last  section  of  their  adventures  A  and  Ba  diverge  so 
much  from  each  other  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
establish  the  original  tradition  of  X  without  first  examin- 
ing the  two  texts  separatel}'. 


§  11.   Version  A  (11^^^  or  early  12^1^  century). 

In  the  first  place  A  expands  the  biblical  preface  by  a  di- 
gression on  the  tribes  of  Europe  and  Asia  and  their  lineage.  In 
Ba  this  preface  begins  with  the  words  In  iirindcipio  fecid  dens 
ctlnm  et  terram.    JJorigline  dia  neam  y  talmain  ar  fus,  (tc.    Then 

')  The  genealogies  themselves  are,  of  course,  older,  but  there  is  no  reason 
tliat  tlipy  should  have  been  eiuboclied  in  LG  before  the  IC''  oentnry. 


128  A.  G.  VAN    HAMEL. 

follows  an  account  of  the  creation,  of  Lucifer,  of  tlie  first  sin.  and 
of  Noah  and  his  sous,  ending  in  a  short  poem.  After  this  Ba  goes 
on:  Cmn  tra  rogah  side  inn  Affraicc  y  deisscertleth  na  liAissia. 
Sem  for  medon  Aissia  o  srutli  Eofrait  co  tracld  airtkir  in  hethad. 
Is  lafeih  tra  tuaiscerileth  na  liAissia  7  lucM  na  liEorpa  uile  y 
dia  clainn  duinde  innar  nGaidelaib.  The  storj'  of  Fénius,  Nél 
and  Goidel  follows  immediatelj'.  A  has  a  much  longer  passage 
instead,  which  I  quote  from  a  text  of  Bb  (viz.  Lee  I),  practically 
identical  with  that  of  A,  and  where  it  has  been  better  preserved: 
0  tri  maccaib  Noe  tra  roUnait  tri  randa  an  tulman  A.  Eorpa  y 
Africa  7  Aissia.  Sem  mac  Nae  tra  rogah  i  nAisia  7  .vii.  cenela 
.XX.  uad  innte.  Cam  i  nAffraic  7  .xxx.  genela  uad.  lafetli  i 
nEoraip  7  tuaiscert  Aissia.  Coic  genela  dec  uad  inntih,  de  qitihus 
Jioc  cairmen: 

Sent  rogah  in  Asia  n-ait,       Cam  cona  clainn  in  Afraic 

lafeth  nasal  is  a  meic,  it  e  roirehsat  Eoraip. 
Tricha  chenel,  comol  ngle,        cinset  0  Cam  mac  Noe, 
A  odd  fichct  uad  0  Sem,        a  coic  dec  ó  lafeth. 

0  lafeth  dano  int  airthertuaiscert,  Scithecdai  7  Armendai  7 
lucht  na  hAisia  Bice  7  ergahala  7  ciniuda  na  hEorpa  uili  co  lucht 
na  n-innsi  atait  fria  anes  7  atiiaith  7  aniar  otha  Slcbi  Ripe  alaaid 
CO  traig  hAespaine.  Ocht  meic  lafeih,  7  3Iagoch,  ha  se  ant  ocht- 
mad.  Da  mac  dano  la,  Magoc  :i  Baad  7  Ihad.  0  Ibad  iarum 
rig  Boman.  Mac  dano  la  Baad  Fenius  larsaich  0  fuil  Scithecdai 
7  is  dia  sil  Gaidil.  0  Ibad  Frainc  7  Bomain  7  Saxain  7  Bretain 
7  Albanda.  0  Magoch  mac  lafeth  na  tuatha  rogabsat  Erinn  ria 
nGaidilaib.  Partolon  mac  Soera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Bramin 
mic  Fathecht  mic  Baaid  mic  Magoicli  mic  lafeth  mic  Noe.  Nemed 
mac  Agnomain  mic  Phaim  mic  Tait  mic  Sera  mic  Zru  7  clanna 
Nemid  .i.  Gaileoin  7  Fir  Bole  7  Fir  Domnann.  De  quihiis  hoc 
carmen  cZicitur  Finntan. 

Magoch  mac  an  lafeth        ataseinnte ')  a  thlann 
dib  Partolon  Banba        roba  chalma  a  bann. 
Ba  dib  Nemid  noethech        mac  Agnomain  oen, 
Gann  dih,  Gcenann        Sengann,  Slaine  soer. 
Clanna  Elatha  imdha        \ba  dih^  Br  es  cen  hreic 
mac  Elathain  felgaith        mic  Delbceth  mic  Neit, 

')    Sic.  at  aichi)Uc  R,   ata  chili  F. 


ON    LEBOR    GABÁT.A.   ,  129 

3Iic  Inndiii  mic  Alldui,  Alldui  ha  mac  Tait 

mic  Tabuirnn  mic  Ceno  mic  Baaid  mic  Ibuith  aitt. 

BetliacJi  ha  mac  larhoncol        mic  JSfemid  hui  Paim 

PaitH  mac  Tait  mic  Sera  Zru  mac  Ezru  Briaim  hain  [sic]. 

Briamain  ha  mac  Fateclit        mic  3Iagoch,  mor  hlad, 

rohassa  riana  n-aimsir  co  taihsin  rUi  magJi.         M. 

Atherat  araile  comhad  Baad  mac  Ihaid  meic  Goimeir  meic 
lafeth  et  is  uad  Gaidil  y  fir  na  Scithia  y  mac  do  Fen/us  Farsaich. 

Here  we  find  the  first  significant  interpolation  in  A.  Though 
the  tendency  of  A  as  a  rule  is  rather  to  abridge  the  text  as  it 
existed  in  X,  it  sometimes  borrows  illustrations  from  other  sources. 
and  inserts  them  in  extenso  in  the  text.  The  reason  of  the  present 
interpolation  is  obvious.  As  appears  from  Ba,  a  connection  had 
already  been  established  in  X  between  the  biblical  preface  and 
the  history  of  the  Goidels  through  the  statement  that  the  Irish 
were  descended  from  Jafeth  mac  Xoe  (see  the  sentence  quoted 
on  p.  128),  the  genealogies  serving  also  for  the  same  purpose;  and 
even  in  MO  Jafeth  had  been  indicated  as  the  ancestor  of  the 
Goidels.  So  it  was  but  natural  for  A  to  make  a  digression  on 
this  subject,  if  there  existed  a  special  Irisli  work  dealing  with  it. 

In  the  Irish  Liber  Sex  Aetatum  (LS A),  in  the  Secunda 
Aetas,  there  is  a  tract  on  the  descent  of  the  'Clanna  lafeth',  Avhich 
w^e  possess  in  a  very  old  recension  (Lebor  na  hUidre,  fol.  1),  al- 
though Eawl.  B.  502,  fol.  69  (facs.)  contains  a  better  text  i).  It  runs 
thus:  Da  mac  Magog  mic  lafeth  mic  Not .?'.  Baatli  y  Ihath.  Baatli 
mac  do  side  Fenius  Farsald  a  quo  sunt  ScitJu  et  Gothi  .i.  Fenius 
mac  Baatli  mic  Magog  mic  lafetJi  mic  Noi  yrl.  Ibad  dano  in  mac 
ailc  do  Magog,  mac  do  side  Elonius  no  Alaniiis.  Tri  meic  aid 
side  A.  Armon,  Negiia,  liisicon.  Coic  meic  ic  Armon  :i.  Gothus, 
Uolegothus ,  Cehidiis,  Burgandus,  Longuhardns.  Negua  dano  .Hi. 
meic  les  .i.  Uandalus,  Saxus,  Bogardus.  Hisicon  dano  .iiii.  meic 
aice  .i.  Francus,  Bomanus,  AJhanus  ota  ind  Alhain  airtherach 
isind  Asia  Mor,  Britus  o  rater  Inis  Bretan.  Is  andsin  rorran- 
naid  in  domun  i  tri  rannaih  .i.  Eoraip,  Afraic,  Asia  .i.  Sem  i 
uAsia,  Cam  i  n  Afraic,  la  fed  i  nEoraip.  y  is  v  céthfher  de  sil 
lafeth   tánic   i  nEoraip   .i.   Alanius  mac  Ihath  mic  Magog  mic 


1)   According   to   LU  there  are  44  tribes  claimiug-   tlieir   descent  from 
Cam,  while  Rawl.  B.  502  has  27,  like  LG. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  IMiilologie  X.  9 


130  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL. 

lafetli  mic  Noi.  Is  amlaicl  tdnic  Alan'ms  y  a  tri  meic  las  A. 
Armon  7  Negiia  y  Hisicon  conid  i  fns  rochlannaigset  na  maccn 
atclmadamar.  Saxus  mac  Negua  mic  Alanii  mic  Ibath  mic  Magog 
mic  lafeth  mic  Not,  is  uad  atat  Saxain.  laban  dano  mac  lafetJi 
mic  Koe  .iiii.  meic  aca  side  .i.  Elisa,  Tarsis,  Cethrim,  Bodanim. 
Tarsis  is  uad  7  Cilecdai.  Cethrim  is  uad  Cethri,  tiadih  side  ainm- 
nigther  catJiir  na  Ciprecda  .i.  Citheum.  Bodanim  dano  uad  side 
Bodii.  Is  uadib  sidi  rofodlait  inse  Mara  Tirritce  frisin  abhertar 
Muir  Torren  cona  cenelaih  écsamlaib  y  cona  mberlaib.  Is  iat  sain 
.XV.  primchenela  clainni  la  fed  cona  fochenelaib  roselbsat  feranna 
imda  isin  nAsia  0  Sleib  Imai  7  0  Sleib  Tuir  co  sriith  Tanai  7 
connici  in  Scithia  7  roshelbsat  inn  Eortiip  idi  connici  inn  ocian 
muridi  ftiineta,  insi  Bretan  7  inn  Espain  co  h-nilinn  talman^). 

Tlie  whole  interpolation  in  A.  except  the  poem,  must  have 
been  derived  from  LSA  doAvn  to  the  words  0  Magoch  mac  lafeth 
na  tuatha  rogabsat  Erinn  ria  nGaidilaib.  It  is  nothing  but  an 
abridgment  of  the  above  passage  in  LSA.  It  begins  with  the 
limits  of  Jafeth's  race,  given  at  the  end  of  the  tract  in  LSA. 
Here  LL  mentions  the  Armenians  as  belonging  to  the  'clanna 
lafeth',  a  name  not  occurring  in  LSA.  But  the  SUab  Imai  of 
Rawl.  B.  502,  or  rather  SUab  Imari  as  it  is  called  in  LU  stands  for 
Armenia:  Cinel  fd  i  Sleib  Armenia  .i.  Hibiri  a  slonnud,  says  a 
separate  tract  in  Ba.  For  the  rest  our  interpolation  down  to  the 
sentence  quoted  is  identical  with  LSA,  but  all  that  does  not 
concern  the  Goidels  is  omitted.  What  follows  then  was  added  by 
the  scribe  himself  on  his  o\mi  initiative :  it  Avas  necessary  for  him 
to  give  a  survey  of  the  invaders'  genealogies,  as  he  had  to  make 
them  conform  to  the  preceding  interpolation.    See  §  13. 

It  may  be  inferred  from  the  above  that  although  the  author 
of  LSA  was  no  doubt  acquainted  with  the  saga  of  LG  (he  mentions 
'Fenius  Farsaid'),  there  was  no  connection  whatever  established 
between  the  two  works,  until  the  preface  of  A  was  amplified  by 
materials  from  LSA.  The  accounts  of  the  Invasions  of  Ireland 
in  HB,  ]VtO  and  Ba  bear  no  ti-ace  of  having  been  influenced  by 
LSA.  So  Zimmer  was  certainly  wrong  in  supposing  that  'die 
Abhandlung  über  die  Sex  aetates  mundi  und  der  Lebor  Gabala 
eng    zusammengehören,    erstere   gewissermafsen   als   allgemeine 


')    LU  has  in  Espain  ulide.   The  variant  from  Raw).  B.  shows  the  real 
meaning  of  the  nsnal  epithet  for  Spain  in  Irish  poetrj-. 


ON    LEBOIi    GABÁLA.  131 

Einleitung  galt'  (Nenn.  Vind.,  p.  226).  He  consulted  only  LL  and 
LB,  tlie  two  principal  representatives  of  the  versions  interpolated 
from  LS  A,  which  never  until  the  redaction  of  A  formed  a  part 
of  LG. 

In  addition  to  the  interpolation  on  the  descendants  of  Jafeth 
from  LS  A.  there  is  another  section  in  A  that  does  not  appear  to 
have  belonged  to  the  original  LG.  there  being  no  trace  of  it  either 
in  MO  or  Ba.  It  is  the  list  of  the  seventy -two  languages,  out  of 
which  Goidel  Glas  formed  the  Gaelic  language.  There  is  nothing 
unnatural  in  its  having  been  introduced  into  LG  after  Fenius  and 
Nél  had  become  teachers  on  the  plain  of  Shinar  and  in  Egypt. 
There  undoubtedly  existed  lists  of  these  languages  in  a  metrical 
form  at  a  ^ery  early  period.  Consequently  the  poem  on  them  in 
LG  is  likely  older  than  the  prose-paraphrase,  given  in  LL ;  besides, 
Lee  lb  and  Eb  have  only  the  poem.  I  give  it  here  from  Lee  lb, 
Avhich  seems  to  be  the  better  text. 

Berla  in  domain  decJiaid  lib:        Betliin,  Scethin,  Scill,  ScartJiain, 
Goith,  Grec,  Goill,  Germain  co  ngrain,        Poimp,  Frigia,  Dal- 

[mait,  Bardain, 
Paimpil,  Morinn,  Lignirn  lir,         Ogu,  Creit,  Coirsic,  Cipir, 
Tesail,  Caspia,  Armen  ain,        Beit,  Sicil,  Sarait,  Sardain, 
Belgait,  Boet,  Britain  himi,        JEspania,  Romain,  Bugind, 
Huminn,  Innia,  Araih  oir,        Magoic,  Moesic,  3Iaicidoin. 
Parthia,  Calldia,  Siria,  Sax,        Acliain,  Achait,  Alban  cass, 
Ehra,  Ardain,  Galait  glain,        Troia,  Tesalia  co  laich, 
Moessia,  Media,  Fairne,  Frainc,        Grinni,  Laicdemoin^  Long- 

[baird, 
Tracia,  Numia,  Achdid,  Eisil  eirc,      Uircain  aird,  EtJioip,  Egipt. 
Acsain  lin  mberla  cen  meirg        as  roteip  Goedel  Gaidilc, 
Aichnid  do  ara  n-ergna        an  aicme  na  n-ilberla.        Berla. 

In  this  form  the  poem  is  certainly  corrupt.  Some  of  the 
names  are  unintelligible,  others  are  given  tAvice  over  (1.  4 
Tesail  —  1.  8  Tesalia,  1.  6  Moesic  —  1.  9  Moessia).  1.  10  is  too 
long  owing  to  the  repetition  of  Acliaid  (=  Achait  1.  7),  and, 
moreover,  there  are  not  72  names.  Still  it  is  a  most  interesting 
fragment  of  Irish  literature,  as  the  list  of  languages  (or  names 
of  places,  as  they  mostly  are)  diverges  considerably  from  the 
various  lists  which  have  come  down  to  us  from  earlier  writers. 

9* 


132  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

all  of  them  modelled  on  the  hat  J laiuíjíoi/ó-:  Isid.  Etym.IX,  Ex- 
ceriüa  latina  Barhari,  Liber  Generationis  (MGH  Auct.  Ant.  IX), 
Several  oriental  nations  have  been  snpplanted  bj'  Teutonic  ones, 
what  makes  it  probable  that  the  same  Frankish  list  of  nations 
Avas  used  in  the  composition  of  the  poem  that  is  also  embodied 
in  LSA  (see  Zimmer,  Nenn,  Vind.,  p.  231), 

Fortunately,  however,  we  possess  this  poem  in  a  much  older 
form.  In  his  'Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung'  (Kgl.  Preufs. 
Akademie  d.  Wiss.,  Berlin  1913,  pp.  26  and  51)  Professor  Kuno 
Meyer  includes  two  poems  in  rhythmical  alliterative  form,  In 
Fursimdud  aile  Ladcinn  and  Luccretli  mocu  Chiara  .cc,  Avith 
genealogies  of  the  kings  Enna  Cennselach  and  Cu-cen-Mathair 
backto  Jafeth.  The  couplets  41  —  50,  or  23  —  31,  contain  an 
alliterating  list  of  64  or  56  languages,  and  Professor  Meyer 
suggests  that  one  or  two  couplets  may  have  been  omitted.  It 
cannot  be  a  mere  accident  that  this  list  also  begins: 

Bethin,  Scithin,        Scuit,  Scill, 

Scarthaig  (Scarthin),  Greic,        Gothia  {Giiitli),  Gaul. 

Of  course,  the  scribe  who  modernised  the  form  of  this  poem, 
and  made  it  conform  to  the  rules  of  syllabic  poetrj»^,  was  obliged 
sometimes  to  upset  the  order  of  the  names,  but  wherever  possible 
he  left  it  as  it  was.  So  in  both  versions  Dahnait  and  Dardain, 
Croit  and  Coirsic,  Atliain  and  Achait  are  brought  together.  This 
shows  that  the  alliterating  list,  which  is  placed  by  Professor 
Meyer  in  the  first  half  of  the  7*^*'  century,  was  the  source  of  the 
poem  we  find  in  A  and  Bb,  There  are  slight  differences  between 
the  two,  and  in  each  are  found  names  unknown  to  the  other, 
but  neither  of  the  two  is  free  from  corruptions  or  even  complete. 
AVe  can  even  make  out  which  of  the  two  alliterating  poems 
is  nearest  to  the  later  S3'llabic  one.  Ladcenn  has  Scarthaig, 
Gothia,  Point,  Nonihithi,  Bethain,  where  Luccretli  has  Scarthin, 
Giiith,  Poimp,  Numin,  Boet;  thus  the  poem  in  LG  agrees  with 
the  latter.  A  conclusive  proof  that  this  alliterating  list  really 
was  the  source,  is  furnished  by  the  words  ijrinne  fairne,  trans- 
lated by  Professor  Meyer  as  "ein  Bündel  von  einem  Volk,  d.  h. 
eine  Völkergemeinschaft':  the  redactor  of  A  has  misunderstood 
them,  taking  them  for  names  of  nations,  and  separated  them 
accordingly. 


ON    LEBOR   GABALA. 


133 


So  far  tlie  additions  in  A.  For  the  rest  this  version  is 
identical  with  that  of  MO :  the  poem  Canam  hunadas  na  nGaedel 
is  based  on  exacth'  tlie  same  recension  of  LG  as  A.  As  A  pre- 
serves more  details  than  MO,  it  is  impossible  that  this  poem 
could  be  the  only  source  of  A:  a  prose  version  underlies  both. 
Yet  A  kneAV  the  poem,  for  it  quotes  two  lines  from  it: 


Fctii  0  Feniiis  asamhertar, 
Gaedil  ó  Gosdiiil  Glas  garfa, 


du  cen  dochta, 
Scuitt  0  Scotia. 


This  quotation  was  not  introduced  into  A  until  a  very  late 
period,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  scribe  of  LL,  for  Bb,  the  text  most 
closely  akin  to  A.  has  not  g-ot  it.  It  will  be  our  present  task  to 
examine  Ba  in  the  same  way,  and  to  establish  its  relation  also 
with  X.  The  problem  that  will  most  claim  our  attention  is  this: 
did  Ba.  too.  add  some  new  matter  to  the  text,  or  leave  it  just  as 
it  was  before? 

As  to  Bb.  this  version  differs  in  no  way  from  A  save  for 
one  very  curious  addition.  In  Bb  the  intercalation  of  a  poem  on 
the  72  languages  has  caused  another  interpolation  on  the  division 
of  the  Gaelic  language  and  its  names.  It  is  a  tract  not  found 
elsewhere;  and  it  is  difficult  to  make  out  the  exact  meaning.  I 
give  the  text  from  Rb  with  variants  from  Lee  lb : 

Ceithri  ranna  dano  ac  lucid  an  eohisa  fovsin  nGoidilc  sc 
rotcip  Goidil  7  ceithri  anmann  fovaib.  Sench'ds  mor  y  hretha 
nemed,  ai  Cermna  y  na  cane  in  cethrumad  ^) ,  y  canoin  an  rann 
sin  7  a  ainm-)  ar  imat  a  fir  y  a  roscad.  Tri  coecait  ogam  y  na 
remenn''')  y  rem  n-ena*)  y  na  duili  feda  y  in  as  dir  doih  inn 
rami  tanaise  y  gramatach  a  ainm,  ar  imat  a  sois,  av  is  i  sdinir'") 
eolvLsa  in  lahartha  cirt.  Na  fesa  i?/diu  y  na  foirhesa  y  na  togla 
7  na  triclia  sccl  y  in  .xl.^)  roger  y  in  as  dir  doih  /^ed  in  tres  rann 
7  a  stair  a  ainm  ar  isinnte  hiaiter  scela  y  coimgneda.  BretJia 
Cae  immoYi'o  cona  n-imtegar')  in  cethram&á  rann  y  rim  a  h-ainm. 
De  quibiis  dicitiir : 


1)  na  chan  in  cetran. 

2)  om.  7  na  revienn. 

^)  ar  as  i  a  stiair  (?). 

'•)  n-imiecor. 


-)    a  h-ainm,  na  rinde  sin. 
*)   remenna. 
'')    .Ir. 


134  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL. 

Ceiliri  rauna  raiter  de         for  suidiu^)  na  Gaidilce: 

canoin,  gramatach  7  staii-        7  rim  cona  rogail'-). 

Is  i  an  canoin,  ni  celeh^),        senchSiS  mór,  bretha  nemed 

nochasderna  ^)  dui  de        at  cane  y  na  cermna  •'>). 

Is  in  ait  gramatach^)        na  tri  coecait  craohogam, 

na  remend'')  reim  n-ena        7  na  duill  dagfheda. 

Is  i  an  sdair  rosdiuir  mesa        na  fessa,  na  forhessa, 

togla,  tana^)  tricha  seel        7  tvi  fichii  roger. 

Is  i  an  rim  nochasrecah  ■')        hreth  Cai  con  n-imtecar 

his  Qsba  a  secJma  sona  ^^),        cnesda  na  ceitri  ranna.        C. 

Ceithire  anmann  dawQ  for  an  Goidilc  fo  rainne^^)  no 
conad  ainm  cecli  priiuberla  dona  trih  primherlaib  .i.  Ebra. 
7  Gvec  7  Latin  7  a  h-ainm  diles  0  Gaidil.  Ticcolatha  ainm 
Ebra.,  Maloth  ainm  Grecda,  Legulas^-)  a  Laitin,  TinoHtech 
a  Gaidilc  la  Gaidel  rostoba  ^^).  Be  qnibns  lioc  cairmen  d\- 
citur  ; 

In  berla  tobaide  trie        rolesaig  Goidel  glahigllcc 
hiiathsiá  ^■^)   do  sil  Gaidil  gairb        duine  ga  mheith  a  firainm. 
Gaidilc  atberas^'")  som  fris        in  lucht  aineolach^^) 
ni  nesa  do  Gaidil^')  glic        indas  da  cech  ni  as  air  dire. 
Mad  ail  dam  a  rddh  fri  each        coraib  co  falhis  in  fath 
atat  sunn   cen  gnimradh  ngae  ^^)        ceithri  anmae   in  berloj. 

In  bev\-A. 

Tteolad  a  Ebvd  ard        3Ialoth  a  Grec  glegarc 
LegulsiS  a  Lait'm  le        TinoiUecJt  a  re  fcne. 
Gebe  bes  or  aniar  air        etir  dascair^'->)  is  diamair 
Is  col  dam  ecu  time  tra        anmanmi  binnc  an  berla. 

In  berla. 


1)  suithe.  ■■')  robail. 

=')  ceiledh.  *)  nochon  as  dernai. 

■•')  ai  cermna  7  ai  chanai.  ^)  gramatach  na  nglonn. 

')  remenna.  **)  tana  togla. 

•')  nocliorcobh.  '")  so. 

")  fo  comniumir  n  rainne.  '-)  Uynlxis. 

1^)  rodostoba.  '*j  0  uathad. 

^*)  Gaidel  getbsvat.  '»)  aineolach  ainbßss. 

i')  Gaideleg.  •■■*)  ngle. 

^")  descair. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  135 

§  12.   The  version  Ba. 

Leaving  the  question  of  the  genealogies  over  for  the  next 
paragraph,  we  have  now  to  fix  the  amount  of  work  done  by  the 
redactor  of  Ba  for  the  evolution  of  LG.  Did  he  import  any 
passages  from  other  known  works,  as  for  instance  the  scribe  of 
A?    Did  he  alter  the  aspect  of  the  saga  in  any  other  way? 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  those  portions  of  the 
Introduction  bearing  on  biblical  history  are  related  quite  circum- 
stantiallj-  in  Ba.  and  it  is  uncertain  how  much  is  genuine  in 
these  biblical  passages.  But  the  germ  of  them  is  very  old.  The 
long  preface  on  the  creation  ác.  recurs  in  A,  though  in  a  much 
more  concise  form.  All  that  is  lacking  in  A  need  not  be  an 
addition  in  Ba,  for  A  abridged  as  much  as  possible;  and  Maol- 
niuru  Othna,  who  was  celebrating  the  origin  of  the  Goidels, 
left  out  the  biblical  stories  simply  because  they  did  not  refer 
to  his  subject.  In  any  case  A  shows  conclusively  that  there 
was  a  biblical  preface  in  X,  and  all  that  Ba  may  be  accused  of, 
is  to  have  amplified  it  a  little.  In  the  same  way  HB  proves 
that  the  relations  between  the  Jews  and  the  Goidels  in  Egypt 
—  which  Ba  dwells  upon  with  evident  satisfaction  —  were 
known  already  in  the  8^^^  century.  Here,  too,  it  is  only  a  possi- 
bility that  Ba  embellished  the  tale  by  a  few  digressions  on  this 
point.  And  even  in  assuming  this  we  should  be  on  our  guard; 
for  the  epithet  of  Glas  applied  to  Goidel  which  occurs  as  early 
as  MO,  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  snake's  bite,  which 
made  him  blue  in  appearance  until  Moses  cured  him:  and  this 
story  of  Goidel  and  the  snake  is  found  only  in  Ba.  And  even  if 
the  biblical  passages  did  assume  somewhat  larger  proportions  in 
Ba  than  in  a  previous  stage  of  the  text,  this  is  of  no  great 
importance,  for  it  does  not  affect  the  subject  matter  of  the  saga 
to  any  extent.  So  if  we  want  to  characterize  the  part  played  by 
Ba  in  the  evolution  of  LG,  we  must  not  look  for  salient  points 
in  those  biblical  portions. 

As  to  the  adventures  of  the  Goidels  themselves,  Ba  is 
identical  with  MO  in  the  beginning.  Fenius  comes  to  the 
Tower  of  Babel  after  it  has  been  built,  his  son  Nél  goes  to 
Egypt,  where  he  marries  Pharaoh's  daughter.  His  descendants 
Esru  and  Eber  Scot  have  to  leave  the  country,  being  expelled 
by    the   Egyptians.     They    fiy    to   Scythia,    where    iheir    race 


136  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL. 

lives  ill  endless  strugg-les  "vvitli  their  kinsmen,  until  they  are 
driven  out.  So  far  Ba  does  not  deviate  in  an}'  respect  from 
Xj  being  virtually  identical  with  A.  notwithstanding  its  greater 
length. 

But  now  the  agreement  ends.  The  journey  to  Spain  by 
the  'Muinchend  Mara  Caisp,  Mnir  Libis,  Sliab  Riffe,  Gsethlaige 
Meotecda,  Creit,  Sicil,  Colomna  Hercuil'.  as  it  is  given  with  slight 
variations  in  MO,  A  and  Bb,  turns  into  something  quite  different. 
Another  visit  to  Egypt  is  introduced,  and  an  entirely  new  tradition 
is  formed.  It  is  no  longer  Agnoman  and  Láimfind  who  leave 
Scythia,  but  Mili)  mac  Bile  with  four  ships.  He  and  his  companions 
Avander  through  'Aissia  sairdess"  and  'Inis  Deprofane",  where  they 
remain  for  three  months,  and  only  reach  Egypt  after  another  three 
months'  wandering  on  the  sea.  There  they  are  received  by  Pharaoh 
Nectinebus,  the  35*''  or  the  15*'^  king  after  Cincris.  Nectinebus 
gives  his  daughter  Scota  in  marriage  to  Mil;  he  remains  in  Egypt, 
until  his  father-in-law  is  expelled  by  Alexander  the  Great,  Avho 
occupies  the  whole  kingdom  and  founds  the  city  of  Alexandria. 
Mil's  companions  had  learned  the  principal  arts  (na  prímdána)  in 
Egypt.  Mil  does  not  remain  in  Egypt  after  the  expulsion  of 
Nectinebus.  He  leaves  the  country  with  his  wife  and  his  com- 
panions. On  his  wanderings  he  has  the  same  adventure  with  the 
mermaids  as  Agnoman  and  Láimfind  had,  Caicher  having  to  save 
him  and  his  people  from  their  advances  by  putting  wax  in  their 
ears.  At  length  they  come  to  Spain  and  occupy  the  country  after 
fifty-four  battles.    The  city  of  Brigantia  is  then  founded. 

What  have  we  to  think  of  this  passage?  Obviousl}-  it  is 
an  interpolation,  for  none  of  the  older  versions  has  it.  It  bears 
a  general  likeness  to  some  of  the  older  traits  of  the  saga:  e.  g. 
NéTs  first  visit  to  Egj^pt  and  Agnoman's  travels  from  Scythia  to 
Spain.  We  have  noticed  that  there  existed  a  tendency  to  prolong 
the  Journey  from  Egypt  into  Spain:  MO  inserted  a  second  visit  to 
Scythia,  which  X  elaborated  into  a  settlement  of  many  generations. 
Did  Ba  but  follow  this  same  tendency  by  introducing  the  second 
visit  to  Egypt,  borrowing  its  characteristics  from  the  first?  This 
supposition  is  only  partially  true.  There  Avas  a  still  better  reason 
for  the  interpolation. 

')  The  oldest  form  of  the  name  is  Mil,  cf.  the  genealogical  poems  qnotecl 
on  p.  132.     In  the  prose  texts  we  ahvaj's  find  Miled. 


ON   LEBOR   GABXlA.  1^7 

In  the  Invasion  of  the  Meic  Miled,  midway.  Ba  lias  a  curious 
tract.  It  does  not  occur  in  other  versions,  and  spoils  the  context. 
After  the  account  of  Ith"s  expedition  to  Ireland,  which  ended  with 
his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  and  the  enumer- 
ation of  the  sons  of  Mil  and  Bregon  Avho  determined  to  avenge 
their  former  companion,  we  should  expect  to  find  something  on 
the  Milesians"  coming  to  Ireland.  And  there  is,  in  fact,  a  passage 
beginning  0  dodeochatar  morlonyais  mac  3Iücd  do  gahail  in  ninher 
Sla'me  to,.  But  first  comes  another  stor}',  which  seems  to  be  quite 
out  of  place  here. 

Here  it  is.  Ceist:  caHl  tairfhind  fir  mac  Milcd'^  iS7ansa. 
Cinel  fil  i  Slcil)  Armenia  .?'.  Hibiri  a  slonnud.  Bai  ri  amra  occo 
.i.  Mile  mac  Bile  meic  Nemain.  Bui  sen  oc  cosnam  flaithiusa  fria 
hraihair  a  athar  fri  Beflair  mac  Nema[i.n].  Dolluld  .iiii.  harca 
for  longais  y  .v.  lanamna  dec  cecha  hairci  7  <ü)ias  forcraidh  cen 
mnai.  Ba  tuisecJi  amra  occa  .?'.  Uca  7  Occe.  Lotar  for  Muir  Cais}) 
amach  for  inn  ocian  n-imechtracli.  Dollotar  timclnd  na  liAisia 
sairdes  co  hinis  Beprofane  .Hi.  mis  doih  iidi  .Hi.  mis  aili  for  fairci 
CO  riaclitatar  co  liEyipt  fodeoid  i  cimi  .iiii.  mhliadan  .1.  ar.  ccc. 
ar  mili  0  cdyahail  liErenn  do  Bartolon.  I  cinn  .iiii.  mhliadan  .x. 
ar  .dcccc.  iar  mhadud  Forainn  for  Muir  Buad  rosiacldatar  Egipt. 
Paro  Nectonihiis  ha  ri  Egepte  an  inbaid  sin  7  is  c  sÍ7i  in  coiccd 
ri  .xl.  iar  For  ami  Cingcris  rohaided  i  Muir  Buad;  odd  mbliad- 
na  do  for  Egipt  co  rohaided.  Baro  Ceres  ba  ri  ina  diaid  .xv. 
bliadna.  Is  coir  a  fis  conid  Forann  ainni  cech  rig  i  nEgipt  amail 
ash  c  rar  Cesair  da  cech  rig  i  Bo  im  7  Ptolomcus  da  cecli  rig  i 
nAlaxandria.  Armadis  iarum  .v.h.  Bamesses  post  .Ix.  Amenoscs 
.xl.  Amenemes  .xxviii.  Tures  .vii.h.  Is  ria  lind  side  rotoglad  Troi 
7  is  cuici  rosiacJd  Menelaus  7  Elena  iarsin  togail.  Brcmendis 
.iii.b.  XX.  Psenres  .xl.  Thusthus  .ix.h.  Oscorus  .vii.  mbl.  Psinaclius 
:ix.b.  Bsusencs  .v.  bliadna  flehet.  Sessoncltos  .xxi.  Bsamus  ..rl.b. 
Bachor  .xlvii.  Is  re  lind  rolabar  an  t-uan  i  nEgipt.  Etliops  .xii. 
Sibiccus  .vx.  EtJiiops  .xx.  Etiops  Nemes  .xii.b.  Stabantes  .vii.h. 
Encepros  .vii.h.  Ncchdo  .riii.h.  Psanet  .x.  Nechod  .vi.  P.samotcs  .xii. 
Hufripis  .xxx.h.  Amiris  .xlii.  Amarteres  .vi.h.  Nefrites  .vi.  Anchoris 
.xii.  Muteis  .l.b.  Xectonihus  Faro  .xviii.  Is  é  ba  ri  Egipte  ar  cinn 
Mili  meic  Bile  cona  longais  7  fuair  failte  oca  fri  re  .viii.  mhliadan 
7  dobeir  a  ingen  Scota  do.  Et  ba  si  sin  aimsir  dolluid  Alaxandair 
Mor  mac  Pilip  isin  Aisia  7  rotairhir  an  Egipt  fo  reir  7  roinnarb 
Faro  Ncclonibus  a  Egipt  asin  Etheoip  7  rondichuir  Arfarxerxes 


138  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

ar  tus  fccid  n-aili  i  uEgqH.  Cumdaigther  iarmn  catliir  la  Alaxan- 
dair  i  nEgipt  .i.  Alaxandria  a  li-ainm.  Et  discailtcr  flaithnis 
diles  a  nEgipt  ann  sin  7  gahais  Grec  foriamlas  indti  7  ic  Greic 
Alaxandair  rohai  fJaitldus  ind  Egipt  0  sein  amach,  conid  and  sin 
tanaic  Mili  a  Egipt  doclmm  a  cinil  fein^).     Finit. 

The  initial  Ceist  and  the  concluding-  Finit  give  tliis  tract 
the  character  of  a  separate  tradition,  not  belonging  to  the  body 
of  LG  as  we  found  it  in  MO  and  X.  The  passage  quoted  on 
p.  124  from  a  note  to  Fiacc's  Hymn  shows  that  there  were  such 
separate  traditions  current  as  late  as  the  end  of  the  ll*'^  centmy. 
For  the  redactor  of  Ba,  whose  aim  was  to  include  every  detail 
available,  it  was  but  natural  to  bring-  this  tradition  into  his 
version  of  LG.  Its  contents  are  quite  simple.  There  was  an 
Armenian  king  who  was  expelled-  from  his  country  because  he 
had  opposed  his  uncle.  He  comes  to  Egypt,  where  he  marries 
Scota,  Pharaoh's  daughter.  Afterwards  he  leaves  the  country,  and 
reaches  Ireland.  For  the  rest  it  consists  of  chronological  and 
historical  allusions.  The  reason  Mil  had  to  leave  Egypt  is  that 
the  country  was  conquered  by  Alexander,  So  Mil's  father-in-law 
must  be  identified  with  Nectonibus,  who  according  to  Eusebius 
was  the  last  Egyptian  Pharaoh.  From  this  it  follows  that  the 
whole  list  of  Pharaoh's  was  introduced  from  Eusebius.  The 
mention  of  Pharaoh  Cingcris  (AkhenJcheres  annis  .xui ;  sub  hoc 
Moses  ludaeonim  ex  Egipto  egressus  dux  fuit.  Euseb.  ed.  Arevalo 
I  145)  in  the  beginning  makes  no  allusion  to  any  visit  of  the 
Goidels  to  Egypt  during  the  reign  of  that  king,  nor  does  it  prove 
that  such  a  visit  once  was  part  of  this  tradition.  On  the  contrary, 
if  it  had  been  so,  there  certainly  would  have  been  an  allusion 
to  it  in  this  tract,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  liasard  the  hypo- 
thesis, that  this  earlier  visit  never  was  a  part  of  this  tradition 
at  all.  Consequently  we  have  here  a  tradition  parallel  to  that 
of  MO  and  A:  both  speak  of  a  Scythian  king  who  came  to  Egypt, 
who  married  the  king's  daughter  Scota,  and  afterwards  left  the 
country  2). 


')  i.  e.  to  tlie  Tuatlici  De  Dauaim,  ar  ba  do  doinn  Rifaith  Scuit  doib 
dib  liniiib  as  Ba  says  previonsly.  The  common  descent  of  all  the  subsequent 
populations  of  Ireland  from  Rifath  Scot  is  one  of  Ba's  favourite  tenets.   See  §  13. 

'^)  Another  intei'esting  detail  is  that  both  speak  of  the  two  leaders  Ucee 
and  Occe. 


ON   LEÍBOR   GABÁLA.  139 

Along-  with  the  version  of  MO  and  A  we  have  traced  now 
another  tradition  preserved  in  Ba.  I'he  heroes  of  the  former  are 
Nél,  Goidel  Glas  and  Agnoman,  the  latter  mentions  only  Mil.  Neither 
has  a  claim  to  priority.  Zimmer  (Nenn.  Yind  p.  220)  was  the  first 
to  discover  the  existence  of  this  second  tradition.  But  he  did  not 
draw  the  right  conclusion  from  it.  For  lie  identified  it  with  the 
tradition  in  HB,  and  if  this  were  right,  it  would  prove  that  the 
tradition  of  Nectinebus  and  Mil  existed  before  that  of  Cingcris  and 
Nél.  But  as  HB  states  that  the  vir  nohills  de  Scytliia  wlio  resided 
in  Egypt  non  perrexit  ad  sequendum  poimlnm  Bei,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Nennius  was  thinking  of  the  tradition  we  find  in 
MO  and  X,  and  not  of  Nectonibus  and  Mil.  This  is  a  very  im- 
portant fact,  for  it  implies  that  Zimmer's  theoiy  as  to  tlie  relation 
of  HB  and  LG  cannot  be  upheld. 

We  can  now  go  back  even  a  step  farther.  From  the  two 
parallel  versions  may  be  reconstructed  their  common  original 
which  existed  even  before  HB  was  written.  It  was  the  history 
of  a  noble  Scythian,  called  Mil  ur  ]\iiles,  who  lived  in  Egypt 
at  an  indefinite  period,  and  who  was  married  to  some  Pharaoh's 
daughter  Scota.  Afterwards  he  left  that  country,  without  any 
stated  reason,  for  Spain.  From  thence  Ireland  was  discovered.  All 
chronological  connections,  either  with  Cingcris  or  Nectinebus, 
have  come  in  later,  for  this  is  the  point  at  Avhich  the  two  traditions 
diverge.  Each  version  established  a  chronology  of  its  own,  and 
this  involved  divergent  reasonings  as  to  the  cause  of  the  Goidels' 
fiight  from  Egypt.  See  on  this  §  22.  A  comparison  of  the  original 
tale,  as  it  has  been  retraced  noAV,  with  the  7^^'  century  genea- 
logical poems  treated  in  §  13,  will  show  that  only  one  additional 
element  may  be  pointed  out  as  an  essential  trait  of  the  original 
story,  namely  the  discovery  of  Ireland  from  the  tower  of 
Brigantia  (see  p.  12G).  This  reconstruction  of  the  introduction 
in  its  germ  will  prove  of  no  small  help  in  retracing  the  origin 
of  LG. 

Now  let  us  return  tu  the  Introduction  of  Ba  and  compare 
the  account  of  the  Goidels'  second  stay  in  Egypt  with  the  new- 
found parallel  version  on  Mil.  In  both  Mil  is  the  hero,  in  both  the 
route  of  his  journey  to  Scytliia  is  exactly  the  same.  Nectinebus 
and  Alexander  occur  in  the  same  connection  in  the  two  versions. 
Ba  evidently  interpolated  the  loose  tradition  concerning  Mil  into 
the  text  of  LG.    The  scribe  Avho  found  the  tract  did  not  know 


M()  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL 


wliat  to  do  with  it;  he  did  not  understand  tliat  it  was  but  a 
variant  of  the  other  tale,  and  finding  a  later  chronological  refer- 
ence in  it,  inserted  it  in  its  place.  It  was  a  verj^  easy  task 
to  accomplish  this.  Tlie  return  to  Scythia  and  the  long  struggles 
between  the  two  royal  races,  which  had  entered  in  X,  afforded  the 
necessary  lapse  of  time  to  bring  the  history  down  from  Cingcris  to 
Nectonibus.  Nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  tlie  redactor 
of  Ba  should  think  the  second  tradition  referred  to  the  journey 
of  the  Goidels  after  this  repeated  visit  to  their  native  country. 
Therefore  he  left  out  the  end  of  the  story  as  it  occurred 
in  X,  and  put  instead  of  it  the  whole  second  tradition.  This 
manipulation  did  not  involve  any  insuperable  difficulties,  for 
the  interpolation  fitted  in  quite  well  with  the  rest  of 
the  story. 

There  are  still  a  few  particulars  in  tlie  passage  introduced 
into  Ba  that  (dairn  our  attention.  The  end  of  the  Introduction  in 
this  version  does  not  agree  in  every  respect  with  the  isolated  tract 
quoted  above.  In  the  first  place  the  Introduction  speaks  of  Nectine- 
bus'  daughter  Scota,  who  is  not  named  in  the  separate  tract ;  nor 
does  the  tract  say  anything  of  Mil's  expedition  from  Egypt  to 
Spain  and  from  thence  to  Ireland,  whereas  the  Introduction 
treats  this  in  a  very  circumstantial  way.  It  might  be  suggested 
that  these  latter  details  were  borrowed  over  again  from  the 
original  narrative  in  X  that  had  been  done  away  with.  But  this 
seems  scarcely  probable.  Of  course,  so  far  as  the  introduction  of 
a  second  Scota  is  concerned,  there  could  be  no  objections  against 
tlie  supposition.  But  with  the  rest  it  is  otherwise.  Although  both 
have  the  same  story  of  Caicher  protecting  his  companions  from 
the  mermaids,  Ba  hasn't  the  account  of  Caicher's  prophecy. 
Moreover,  the  localities  belong  to  different  spheres.  Whereas  X 
made  the  Goidels  pass  by  Sliab  Rife,  the  Maeotic  marshes,  the 
Tyrrhenian  Sea,  Crete  and  Sicily,  Ba  speaks  of  Inis  Deprofane 
(=  Ceylon),  India,  Asia,  Scythia,  the  Indian  Sea,  &g.  These,  in 
fact,  are  the  localities  of  the  second  tradition,  where  India  and 
Asia  are  also  found.  Then,  after  the  arrival  in  Spain  there  are 
not  three  but  flft3'-four  battles  for  Fresseno  7  for  Lonyhardaib  7 
Bacliraih.  All  this  cannot  have  been  taken  over  from  X,  for  it 
difl'ers  too  much  from  the  tradition  of  MO  and  A.  There  is  but 
one  possible  explanation  left,  namely  tliat  these  details  also  all 
belong  to  the  second  tradition. 


ON  LEBOR   GABÁLA.  141 

The  separate  tract,  (luoted  on  p.  137  must  originally  have 
contained  more  than  in  its  present  form.  Scota  must  have 
figured  in  it  as  well  as  Mil's  companions  who  learned  the  principal 
arts  in  Egypt;  and  it  must  have  ended  with  an  account  of  Mil's 
wanderings  from  Egypt  to  Spain  and  the  building  of  Brigantia  — 
everything  in  accordance  with  the  end  of  the  Introduction  in  Bai). 
Why  then  was  all  this  omitted  by  the  scribe  of  that  version? 
Because  he  had  already  given  it  once.  He  had  already  embodied 
the  whole  story  in  the  Introduction:  vvhy  then  copy  it  once  more 
in  its  unabridged  form?  There  was  no  sufficient  reason  for  this. 
It  is  fortunate  enough  that  the  isolated  tract  w^as  preserved  at 
all,  and  we  probably  are  indebted  for  this  happy  circumstance  to 
the  list  of  the  Pharaohs  that  had  been  incorporated  in  it.  This 
list  seems  to  have  aroused  the  chronological  interest  of  our 
scribe  so  that  he  determined  to  give  it  a  place  in  his  version 
of  LG,  leaving-  the  framework  of  the  tract,  in  a  shorter  form, 
around  it.  But  if  we  wish  to  know  its  original  contents,  we  must 
refer  back  to  the  Introduction  on  the  Goidels  in  Ba,  where  we  find 
it  unimpaired  without  omissions.  It  would  be  difficult  to  over- 
estimate the  importance  of  this  fact;  for  now^  we  possess  a 
variant  of  the  other  tradition,  preserved  by  HB,  MO  and  X.  It 
looks  very  old,  being  quite  simple:  Mil,  a  chieftain  fi'om  Armenia 
or  Scythia,  is  expelled  from  his  country;  he  flies  to  Egj'-pt; 
afterwards  he  leaves  this  country  and  settles  in  Spain.  In  fact, 
this  version  is  very  near  akin  to  HB.  Zimmer  was  wrong  doubt- 
less in  identifying  the  two  (see  p.  139),  for  HB  manifestly  contains 
the  tradition  of  MO  and  A  in  its  germ,  though  they  have  much 
the  same  aspect.  Only  the  difference  in  the  chronological  refer- 
ences stamps  them  as  two  distinct  variants.  A  comparison  of 
these  two  variants  brings  us  nearer  to  a  solution  of  the  problem 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  saga.    See  on  this  chapt.  lY. 


1)  As  I  bave  shown  ou  p.  189  that  this  traditiou  diverged  from  that 
preserved  in  HB  at  a  very  early  period,  even  before  Nennius,  it  is  impossible 
that  the  details  both  have  in  common  —  snch  as  the  story  of  Caicher  drni  — 
could  have  already  been  present  in  the  original  version  from  which  these  both 
arose.  Therefore  we  must  assume  that  the  close  relation  between  them  Avas 
never  wholly  forgotten:  when  a  new  element  was  adopted  in  one  it  was  liable 
to  be  introduced  into  the  other  version  too.  Rut  in  other  instances  each 
went  its  own  way. 


142  A.  ft.  VAN    HAMEL. 

§  13.   The  genealogies. 

The  most  salient  divergence  of  A  (and  Bb)  and  Ba  lies  in  the 
g-enealogies.  The  first  traces  of  the  tale  of  the  coming  of  tlie  Goidels 
to  Ireland  must  have  arisen  in  a  period  when  classical  and  biblical 
studies  were  already  flourishing-  in  Ireland;  this  appears  from 
the  allusion  to  Egypt  and  the  Israelites.  Avhich  occurs  as  early 
as  HB.  So  no  wonder  that  the  Irish  wanted  to  establish  a  genea- 
logical connection  between  themselves  and  Noah,  the  common 
ancestor  of  the  human  race.  According  to  all  the  versions  of  LG 
it  was  Sru  mac  Esru  mic  Goidil  who  brought  the  Goidels  fi'om 
Egypt  to  Scythia.  We  have  now  to  examine  every  single  version 
as  to  the  descent  of  Goidel  Glas  from  Noah.  We  can  distinguish 
three  versions: 

a)  The  first  version  of  A  and  Bb:  'Goidel  son  of  Nél  son 
of  Fenius  Farsaich  son  of  Baad  son  of  Magoch  son  of 
Jafeth'. 

b)  The  second  version  of  A  and  Bb:  Atherat  araile  comhad 
Baad  mac  Ibaid  meic  Goimeir  meic  lafeth  (thus  Bb ;  in 
LL  the  initial  words  atherat  araile  have  been  omitted). 

c)  The  version  of  Ba:  Gaidcl  Glass  ar  senathair.  Mac 
side  Niiiil  meic  Feniusa  Farrsaidli  meic  Eogein  meic 
Glunfmd  meic  Lamfhind  meic  Etheoir  meic  Thóe  meic 
Boidb  meic  Sein  meic  Mair  meic  Aurtliacht  meic  Ahuitli 
meic  Ara  meic  lava  meic  Sru  meic  Esru  meic  Baaith 
meic  Rifaith  Scuit.  According  to  Gen.  X  3  Rifath  is  a 
son  of  Gomer. 

Among  the  sons  of  Jafeth  there  are  two  from  whom  the 
Goidels  claimed  their  descent,  Magoch  and  Rifath.  The  reason 
is  obvious,  for  from  these  two  the  Gauls  and  the  Scythians 
descended.  Cf.  Isid.  Etjin.  IX  1,  26  —  27:  Filii  lafeth  septem 
nominaniur:  Gomer,  ex  quo  Galatae  id  est  Galli;  Magog  a  quo 
qiiidem  arhitrantur  Scythas  et  Gothos  traxisse  originem.  Two 
(luestions  arise:  is  a  or  h  the  primary  version  of  A,  and  does  A 
or  Ba  preserve  the  original  tradition  of  LG?  So  far  as  the  first 
question  is  concerned,  we  have  a  clue  to  its  solution  in  the  text 
of  A  (and  Bb)  itself.  In  the  genealogical  poem  quoted  on  p.  129 
we   read  in  1.  8:  mic  Baaid  mic  Ibaith  (Lee  lb)  or  mic  Baaid 


ON   LEBOR    GABÁLA.  143 

mic  EhaWt  (J Am  F).  while  Eb  lias  mic  Baa'id  mic  Ilagoicli.  In 
1.11  Rb  and  LL  have  mac  Baaith  mic  Magoch^).  The  prose, 
however,  always  makes  Baad  the  son  of  Magoch.  So  the  poem 
belongs  to  a  different  tradition  than  the  prose;  Kb  felt  the 
anomalj",  and  altered  the  poem  accordinglj'.  On  p.  130  I  have 
shown  that  the  prose  preceding  the  poem  is  an  interpolation 
from  LSA.  This  work  mentions  Baath  as  the  son  of  Magocli, 
and  hence  after  the  prose  interpolation,  Magoch  was  put  instead 
of  Ibath  in  the  poem  also.  Fortunately  Lee  lb  and  LL  did  it 
rather  carelessly,  so  tliat  in  1.  8  Ibath  was  overlooked.  Here  we 
have  a  proof  that  Ibath  was  the  original  ancestor  in  A,  whereas 
Magoch  did  not  come  in  until  the  adoption  of  the  genealogical 
theory  of  LSA. 

In  fact,  LSA  attributes  two  sons  to  Magoch,  namely  Baath 
and  Ibath;  Fenius  Farsaich  is  a  son  of  Baath.  So  a  was  taken 
from  LSA  at  the  same  time  that  the  passage  on  the  division 
of  the  world  was  interpolated  from  that  work.  Consequently  h 
represents  the  old  tradition  of  A;  it  has  been  preserved  in  the 
sentence  beginning  with  atherat  araile. 

Xow  the  other  question  remains:  is  ?>  or  c  the  original 
version?  There  are  two  salient  differences  between  h  and  c: 
they  make  Baad  descend  from  different  sons  of  Gomer  (Ibad 
and  Rifatli),  and  h  hasn't  the  fourteen  intermediate  links  bet- 
ween Baad  and  Fenius,  figuring  in  c;  for  tlie  rest  the  two 
are  identical. 

Among  the  ancestors  of  the  Goidels  there  are  three  eponym- 
ous heroes:  Fenius,  Nél  and  Goidel  Glas;  Scota,  NéPs  wife,  is 
closely  connected  with  them.    As  Maolmuru  Othna  puts  it: 

Féni  0  Fenius  asamhertar,        clu  cen  dochta, 
Gaedil  ó  Gceduil  Glas  garfa,        Scuiit  o  Scotta. 

As  to  Nél.  I  take  his  name  to  be  derived  from  the  glorious 
royal  family  of  the  Ui  Néill  (perhaps  in  connection  with  that  of 
the  Nile?  Nél  lived  in  Eg^-pt).  These  eponj'mous  heroes  do  not 
occur  in  the  oldest  sources.  Nennius,  who  in  §  17  gives  a  long 
pedigree  from  Noah  downwards,  does  not  name  them  at  all, 
while  they  are  also  unknown  in  the  'second  tradition'  of  Ba, 
see  p.  137.    In  some  later  genealogies  thej'  come  in  at  a  quite 

')   Here  Lee  lb  deviates  by  saying-  mac  Fatecht  mic  Magocli. 


144  AG.  VAN  HAMEL. 

dift'ereiit  point.  In  'Fianaigeclif.  p.  28.  30.  there  is  a  list  be- 
ginning- Avith  Jafetli,  in  wliich  Glas  and  Scot  figure  as  the  son 
and  grandson  of  Lámfhind.  while  Nél  is  made  the  son  of  Mil! 
And  in  the  note  to  Fiacc's  Hymn  (see  p.  124)  Xél  is  the  son,  not 
the  father,  of  Goidel  Glas,  who  is  himself  a  son  of  Fenius.  What 
results  from  these  contradictions  is  this:  Fenius,  Nél  and  Goidel 
did  not  originall}'  belong-  to  the  tradition  of  LG  but  were  in- 
vented by  the  Irish  as  their  eponymous  heroes  after  the  example 
of  Britus,  Saxus,  Sec.  Xow  they  had  to  get  a  position  in  the 
genealogy  of  LG  also,  but  were  by  different  scribes  put  in  at 
different  places.  Wherever  Fenius  was  made  the  son  of  Baad, 
and  the  grandson  or  great-grandson  of  Jafeth,  he  was  supposed 
to  have  lived  at  the  period  of  the  ToAver  of  Babel;  for  Cham's 
grandson  Nimrod  and  Senrs  great-grandson  Phaleg  assisted  at 
its  building  and  undoing.  Thus  arose  the  legend  of  Fenius' 
adventures  at  the  ToAver.  It  cannot  therefore  belong  to  the  old 
stock  of  LG. 

Who  then  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Goidels,  living  at  the 
time  of  the  Tower  of  Babel?  This  Avas  another  grandson  of 
Jafeth:  Eifath  son  of  Gomer.  Gomer.  as  Ave  have  seen,  Avas 
made  an  ancestor  of  the  Goidels,  because,  according  to  Isidorus, 
the  Gauls  descended  from  him.  His  son  Eifath  seems  to  have 
been  chosen  as  the  next  link  because  of  the  similarity  of  his 
name  Avith  that  of  Sliab  Eife.  the  range  of  mountains  enclosing 
Scythiai).  And  now  there  is  a  passage  in  Ba  —  Avhicli  has 
preserved  so  many  genuine  traditi  ns  —  shoAving  that  originallA' 
it  Avas  Eifath  and  not  Fenius.  Avho  assisted  at  the  building  of 
the  ToAver  of  Babel.  It  seems  that  the  redactor  of  Ba  kneAV 
the  innovation  of  A,  for  at  the  end  of  the  genealogy,  Avhere  he 
makes  Goidel  Glas  descend  from  Eifath  Scot,  he  states:  use  Ilifath 
Scot  luce  tuccasiar  (sic)  Scotic  on  tur  ar  ha  se  in  sesed  primtuisech 
roha  ic  cumtach  in  itiir  Nemruaid.  la  follus  desin  nach  raihe 
Fenius  id  cumtach  in  tiiir  mar  atberat  na  senchaide  cen  comshiniud 
comhaiseraid.  Is  aire  so  on,  ar  isse  Foenius  Farsaich  in  seissed 
fer  dec  do  sil  Pdafaid  tue  Scotic  on  tur  .  .  .  .xl.  bliadna  o  scailiud 
in  tuir  CO  tanic  Fenius  Farsaidh  attiaidh  asin  Sciihia  cona  scoil 


1)  The  same  counectiou  is  made  b^'  LS  A:  Paplagoni  gens,  doini  filet 
i  Slebib  Riphi  qui  et  Colchi  aunt;  cf.  Isid.  Etj'm.  IX  1.  33:  Rifath  a  quo 
Paphlagones. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  145 

do  iaraidh  na  mherla.  Here  Ba  evidentlj'  defends  the  old  tradition 
against  a  later  one.  Fenius  originally  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
building  of  the  Tower,  he  only  had  a  school  where  the  languages 
were  taught.  But  in  A  Eifath  had  to  make  place  for  Magoch, 
who  came  in  from  LSA,  and  consequently  Fenius  took  the  part 
of  Eifath  at  the  erection  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.  His  son  Nél 
was  in  Egypt  when  Pharaoh  and  his  host  were  drowned  in  the 
Red  Sea.  In  HB  the  Scythian  living  in  Egypt  was  still  a  name- 
less hero;  now  the  eponymous  hero  Nél  had  also  to  get  an 
occupation,  and  probably  the  one  in  Egypt  was  reserved  for  him 
because  of  the  general  likeness  of  his  name  to  that  of  the  river 
Nile.  But  these  changes  involved  a  complete  upsetting  of  the 
chronology :  Fenius  lived  when  the  Tower  of  Babel  was  built,  Nél 
in  the  time  of  Moses!  It  is  clear  that  in  another  respect,  too, 
Ba  preserves  a  better  tradition  than  A:  there  are  some  fourteen 
generations  wanted  between  those  two  episodes  of  biblical  history, 
which  fortunately  Ba  has  preserved.  A  priori  it  is  highly  probable 
that  the  fourteen  names  given  in  c  (see  p.  142)  are  old.  This 
supposition  is  confirmed  by  the  second  genealogical  poem  edited 
by  Professor  Kuno  Meyer  in  his  'Über  die  älteste  irische 
Dichtung'  (see  p.  132),  where  an  almost  identical  genealogy 
occurs  (cf.  vs.  36  —  39) : 

Gablach  gliad        Agni  an, 
art  glonn         Glunfind  Ian. 
Läfiifind,  Fether,        Agnoman,  Tai, 
Bodb,  Sem,  Mäir,        mö  each  ái. 
Ethecht,  Aurthecht,        Ahoth,  Aur, 
Ara,  lara,        cäinem  caur. 
Cäin-SrU,  EsrU,        airir  han, 
Boad,  Rifad,        Gomer  glan. 

Eogan  must  be  a  corruption  of  Agni,  and  Ether  of  Fether, 
whereas  Agnoman,  Ethecht  and  Aur  were  omitted ;  for  the  rest  the 
two  lists  are  the  same.  The  two  next  poems  in  Professor  Meyer's 
collection  contain  the  same  genealogy.  The  poems  are  dated  by 
him  as  early  as  the  7^^  century.  They  prove  conclusively  that 
c  preserves  the  oldest  tradition  of  LG  as  to  the  genealogies.  As 
father  of  Agni  (=  Eogan)  the  poem  names  Eber  Glass;  instead 
of  him  c  put  Goidel  Glas,  and  with  him  Nél  and  Fenius  came 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  -[Q 


146  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

in.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  genealogical  poems,  too, 
were  subject  to  the  tendency  to  introduce  these  eponymous  heroes, 
for  one  of  the  MSS.  has  instead  of  vs.  36:  gaUach  gliad,  Nel  fri 
Mg,  an  fer  Foenhis,  Ghinfincl  bar.  As  to  the  origin  of  all  these 
strange  names  I  can  offer  no  suggestion  whatever.  There  existed 
variants,  however,  as  appears  from  a  comparison  of  the  lists  in 
'Fianaigecht'  p.  28,  30  and  HB  §  17.  When  Fénius  Farsaich  in 
A  took  the  part  that  was  originally  assigned  to  Rifath,  namely 
the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel,  all  the  intermediate  links 
were  left  out. 

Still,  A  also  has  preserved  a  portion  of  the  old  genealogy. 
As  we  have  seen,  in  the  oldest  form  of  the  saga,  as  preserved 
in  the  'second  tradition'  of  Ba,  it  was  Mil  who  led  the  Goidels 
from  Scythia  to  Spain.  When,  however,  the  settlement  for 
several  generations  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  was  introduced  into 
this  story,  as  was  done  in  A,  the  chief  who  left  Scythia  with 
them  could  no  longer  be  Mil,  since  he  had  to  conquer  Spain  for 
them.  Then  A  assigned  the  former  task  to  Glunfind  and  Laimfind, 
who  took  the  Goidels  down  to  the  Maeotic  marshes;  their  descend- 
ant Brath  afterwards  found  the  way  to  Spain  for  them.  A  (and 
Bb)  gives  this  genealogy  of  Brath:  Brath  mac  Death  m.  Erchada 
m.  Alloit  m.  Nuadat  ni.  Nenuaill  m.  JEbir  Glais  m.  Agni  m.  Ehir 
Glunfind  m.  Laimfind  m.  Tait  m.  Ogamain  m.  JBeomain  m.  Ehir 
Scuit.  In  Lee  lb  the  end  is  different:  Glunfind  m.  Agnomain 
m.  Thaitt  &c.  So  the  original  reading  might  be:  Glunfind  m. 
Laimfind  m.  Agnomain  m.  Tait  m.  Ogamain  &c.  Cf.  again:  'Über 
die  älteste  irische  Dichtung'  II  33 — 37: 

Bräth 
batar  flaiihi        fedma  fäth. 
Art  fri  duir        ndorair  ndeirgg 
Beüith  mar        mandras  Eilgg. 
Aireid,  Alldoit,        nöidiu  nass, 
Nüadu,  Nöenal,        Eber  Glass. 

&c.,  see  p.  145. 

If  Tait  =  Tai,  the  two  genealogies  are  identical  save  for 
Ogaman,  Beoman  and  Eber  Scot  in  A;  these  innovations  were 
probably  introduced,  because  A  had  to  establish  a  connection 
with  Goedel  Glas,  who  did  not  occur  in  the  poem.    A  evidently 


ON  LEBOR  GABÁLA.  147 

used  the  old  genealogy  to  fill  up  the  gap  between  the  leaving 
of  Scythia  and  the  conquest  of  Spain.  And  so  Ba  and  A  together 
furnish  the  proof,  that  LG  once  had  exactly  the  same  chronology 
as  the  7*^  century  poems. 

There  is  one  question  left.  What  have  we  to  think  of 
Ibad,  who  according  to  b  was  the  son  of  Gomer,  from  whom 
Baad  descended  ?  He  takes  the  place  of  Eifath  in  c.  I  think  the 
passage  quoted  from  Ba  on  p.  144  shows  that  Eifath  was 
the  real  ancestor  of  the  Goidels  in  LG.  Still,  Ibad  seems 
to  be  an  old  variant  of  Eifath.  While  nos.  II  and  IV  in 
Professor  Meyer's  collection  give  Eifath  as  the  father  of  Baad, 
in  has  Ibath,  son  of  Gomer.  In  LSA  Ibad  is  a  son  of  Magoch, 
and  HB  §  17  mentions  Jobaath  son  of  Jovan  (Javan).  So  this 
personage  figures  subsequently  as  the  son  of  three  different  sons 
of  Jafeth,  and  he  was  probably  nothing  but  a  kind  of  passe- 
partout that  could  be  employed  everywhere.  In  LSA  he  is  not 
even  an  ancestor  of  the  Goidels  but  of  the  Eomans.  Nor  does 
Nennius  regard  him  as  such,  for  the  genealogy  he  gives  in  HB  §  17, 
though  it  corresponds  in  many  respects  with  that  of  LG,  is  one 
of  Alanus,  a  progenitor  of  Teutonic  tribes.  Therefore  Ibad's 
occurring  in  some  traditions  of  LG  also  must  have  been  caused  by 
mistake  or  carelessness;  possibly  on  account  of  the  resemblance 
of  his  name  to  that  of  Eifath. 

There  are  a  few  other  genealogies  in  the  Introduction  of 
LG.  As  least  in  version  A  (and  Bb):  that  of  Eefloii'  (Eefelair), 
descendant  of  Noenual,  second  son  of  Fenius:  of  Occe  and  Uicce; 
of  Caicher  and  Mantan.  They  must  all  have  been  newly 
compiled,  as  they  refer  to  episodes  that  were  added  in  A. 
For  the  most  part  they  consist  of  names  taken  from  the 
old  genealogy  preserved  in  Ba:  Noenual,  Alloit,  Ogaman,  &c. 
Perhaps  the  other  names  too  will  be  found  in  old  genealogical 
poems.  In  any  case  these  genealogies  are  of  no  further  im- 
portance. 

The  comparison  of  the  genealogies  in  the  different  versions 
of  LG  appears  to  be  of  the  highest  significance.  It  confirms 
what  has  been  stated  in  §§  8  —  12:  Ba  is  the  only  version  pre- 
serving the  genuine  traditions.  A  modifies  the  text  after  the 
model  of  other  authorities,  especially  LSA,  fi'om  which  source  A 
has  taken  not  only  the  preface  on  the  population  of  the  world 
(see  §  11)  but  also  its  entire  genealogical  system. 

10* 


148  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

§  14.   The  versions  C  and  D 

(14*^  and  Ib^^  century). 

The  versions  C  and  D  represent  a  further  stage  of  evolution 
of  the  saga :  that  of  compilation.  We  shall  recognize  almost  every 
portion  in  these  versions  as  one  originally  belonging  to  A,  Ba 
or  Bb.  For  the  rest  some  details  were  added  independentlj^  and 
the  scribes,  for  example,  were  in  the  habit  of  adding  in  the 
accounts  of  the  routes  from  Egypt  to  Scythia  &c.  all  the  geo- 
graphical names  they  could  lay  hold  of.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
point  out  all  these  insignificant  additions  here. 

In  LB  and  Lee  II  we  find  the  biblical  preface,  the  story  of 
Nectinebus  and  Mil  &c.,  based  upon  Ba ;  the  descent  from  Magoch, 
the  aid  given  by  Fenius  at  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  &c., 
all  borrowed  from  A;  the  tract  on  the  division  of  the  Gaelic 
language  and  its  names  clearly  points  to  BC.  There  is  but  one 
thing  interesting  in  the  composition  of  C:  the  way  it  brought  together 
the  traditions  of  both  A  and  Ba  on  the  relations  of  the  Scythians 
with  the  Egyptians.  As  we  have  seen,  in  A  Sru  and  Eber  Scot  lead 
the  Goidels  from  Egypt  to  Scythia,  where  they  struggle  with  their 
royal  kinsmen  for  many  generations,  until  Lamfind  and  Glunflnd 
lead  them  from  Scythia  to  the  Maeotic  marshes,  and  a  few  centuries 
later  Brath  takes  them  from  thence  to  Spain.  In  Ba  Mil  guides  them 
from  Scythia  to  Egypt,  where  he  is  married  to  Scota,  daughter 
of  Nectinebus;  afterwards  Mil  brings  them  to  Spain.  In  C  Sru 
and  Eber  Scot  arrive  with  their  companions  in  Scythia,  where 
they  and  their  descendants  also  have  to  fight  for  the  supremacy 
with  the  ruling  rate.i)  At  last  Mil,  though  his  wife,  Seng,  is  one 
of  the  rival  family  (a  new  episode),  has  to  leave  Scythia.  Then 
follows  the  entire  tradition  of  Ba :  they  go  to  Eg3"pt,  Nectinebus, 
Scota  and  Alexander  are  mentioned,  and  Mil  takes  the  Goidels 
to  Spain 2).  There  they  fight  54  battles;  Brigantia  has  no  longer 
to  be  founded,  for  it  existed  already,  but  fa  falam  siden  ara 
cionn.  This  last  sentence  contains  the  first  deviation  from  Ba. 
The  reason  is  obvious,  for  the  text  runs  on:   atbearat  araile  do 


^)  These  strug-gles  are  not  described  in  the  same  way  as  in  A.  In  Ba 
they  were  only  mentioned  incidentally. 

^)  In  Mil's  travels  an  interesting  episode  is  interpolated  on  a  meeting 
of  the  Goidels  with  the  Picts  in  Germania. 


ON    LEBOK    GABÁLA.  149 

eolchaib  is  i  seo  gnathsliged  na  nGceideaJ,  uair  is  ac  Ogamain  ro 
facsamar  7  ge  roleanamar  do  Milig  cona  muinter  is  Jind  impod 
CO  hOgamaiyi  torisi  (sic).  Now  we  are  told  that  jome  of  the  Goidels 
had  remained  in  Scythia  after  Mil;  to  them  belonged  Agnoman 
and  Lamfind.  and  thus  a  connection  with  A  is  established.  The 
whole  tradition  of  A  follows,  in  Spain  Breogon  founds  the  city  of 
Brigantia,  so  that  this  explains  why  Mil  found  it  ready  on  his 
arrival.  Thus  the  Introduction  affords  a  splendid  illustration  of 
the  way  version  C  was  compiled. 

In  version  D  (O'Clery)  we  also  find  A  and  Ba  reproduced, 
though  not  in  the  same  way-  as  in  C.  Here  the  tradition  of  A 
is  given  first :  the  Goidels  come  fi'om  Egypt  to  Scythia,  they  leave 
it  again  under  Lamfind,  and  reach  the  Maeotic  marshes;  afterwards 
Brath.  and  with  him  Occe  and  Uicce,  leads  them  to  Spain,  where 
Brigantia  is  built.  One  of  the  Goidels,  Galamh  (i.  e.  Mil),  has  a 
fancy  to  visit  his  relations  in  Scythia.  With  grandsons  of  Occe 
and  Uicce,  bearing  the  same  names,  he  goes  to  the  land  of  his 
fathers.  There  he  is  married  to  Seng,  but  notwithstanding 
this  he  has  to  leave  the  country  because  of  difficulties  with  his 
father-in-law,  Refloir.  He  flies  to  Egypt,  where  he  is  received 
by  Xectinebus.  who  gives  him  his  daughtei-  Scota  in  marriage. 
From  thence  he  goes  back  to  Spain,  as  in  Ba,  where  the  city 
of  Brigantia  has  been  destroyed  and  is  rebuilt  by  Galamh  or  Mil. 
The  reader  may  discover,  in  which  of  the  two  the  combination 
of  K  and  Ba  has  been  most  ingeniously  effected,  in  C  or  D. 


III.  The  invasions. 

§  15.    The  first  Invasion. 

The  earliest  Invasion,  before  the  Deluge,  is  in  the  principal 
MSS.  styled  that  of  Cesaii\  daughter  of  Xoah.  But  there  are 
other  traditions  too,  deviating  more  or  less  fi'om  that  of  A  and  Ba. 
There  is  one  in  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  a  lost  MS.  placed  by  Professor 
Thuraeysen  in  the  8*^  century,  and  another  has  been  preserved 
in  a  separate  section  in  Ba.  Moreover,  we  find  indications  that 
this  first  Invasion,  whatever  old  traditions  it  may  contain  and  in 
whatever  form  it  may  present  itself,  was  only  at  a  late  period 


150  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

prefixed  to  LG;  so  it  must  have  first  existed  as  a  separate 
legend. 

In  the  first  place  Cesair  (or  any  equivalent)  is  not  mentioned 
in  HB,  where  we  have  a  full  account  of  the  invasions  in  Ireland ; 
there  that  of  Partholon  is  the  first  one.  Besides,  Ba  ends  the 
tale  of  Cesair  with  the  following  words:  in  gabail  tra  Cessra 
nisgdbsat  araili  hi  son  gdbala,  acht  is  iat  fosfuair  Erind  ar  tiis. 

So  there  existed  at  least  one  version  of  LG  where  Cesair 
did  not  figure  at  all.  and  the  final  words  of  the  sentence  quoted 
sound  even  as  an  apologj^  of  some  scribe  who  had  inserted 
Gabál  Cesra  himself.  In  the  same  way  the  Tale  of  Tuan  mac 
Cairill  shows  that  the  first  invasion  does  not  belong  to  the  original 
body  of  LG.  This  is  the  story  of  the  only  man  among  Partholon's 
companions  who  survived  the  plague,  which  destroyed  ihem  all, 
and  all  the  subsequent  invasions,  in  order  that  he  might  preserve 
the  memory  of  them  to  later  generations  (LU  15« — 16^).  The 
ingenious  Irish  invented  this  story  as  a  necessary  commentary 
to  LG.  But  if  they  had  known  from  the  very  beginning  an 
earlier  invasion  than  that  of  Partholon,  they  never  would  have 
selected  a  man  of  his  people  to  transmit  Ireland's  oldest  'history', 
but  one  of  Cesair's.  The  tale  of  Tuan  mac  Cairill  must  have 
arisen  at  a  time  when  the  invasion  of  Cesair  formed  no  part  of  LG. 
Later  the  mistake  was  noticed  and  Fintan,  Cesair's  brother  or 
uncle  was  given  a  part  similar  to  that  of  Tuan.  Cf.  LL  12  a:  is  iat  so 
in  sessiur  ar  .xxx.  do  thoesechaih  amal  roscrib  Fbitan  mac  Bochra 
Ruaid  —  .vii.  mhliadna  rian  dilind  co  secht  mbliadnaih  do  fhlaith 
Diarmata  mac  Cerhaill  ha  sé  sen  a  shcegiil  Fhintain  —  for  glim 
Finnen  7  Coluim  Cille.  All  this  is  nothing  but  an  imitation  of 
the  Tale  of  Tuan,  who  also  related  his  adventures  to  Finnián 
and  Colum  Cille  1). 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Invasion  of  Cesair  had  already  been 
added  in  X,  for  both  A  and  Ba  have  got  it.  Cesair  was  a  daughter 
of  Noah  2),  who  forty  days  before  the  Deluge  came  from  the  island 
of  Meroen  3)  to  Ireland ;  she  had  three  men  and  fifty  maidens  with 
her.    The  three  men  were  Bith,  Ladru  and  Fintan.    They  came 


1)  InBaFintau  and  Tuau  are  identified;  cf.  Ra  fo.  84a2;  asberar  co  mba 
se  (sc.  Fintan)  Tua^i  mac  Cairill. 

2)  lu  other  sources  Cesair  is  a  daughter  of  Bith.     Cf.  Rennes  Dind- 
senchas  §  1  (RC  XV  p.  277):  0  aimsir  Cesra  ingine  Beatha. 

3)  The  town  Merom  in  Egypt  might  be  meant. 


ON    LEBOR    GABÁLA.  151 

to  a  place  called  Comar  na  tri  nUisce,  and  there  the  three  men 
divided  the  fifty  maidens.  Ladru  had  to  content  himself  with  only 
sixteen  of  them ;  but  obstinate  as  he  was,  he  left  his  companions 
and  died  in  Ard  Ladrann.  Then  Bith  and  Fintan  each  got 
twenty-five  maidens;  Bith  went  to  the  North  and  died  in  Sliab 
Betha.  Fintan  had  now  all  the  maidens;  he  left  Cesair  with 
them  and  fled  to  Tul  Tuinne  near  Loch  Dergderc.  Cesair  herself 
went  to  Cviil  Cesra  and  there  her  heart  broke  for  grief.  It  is 
obvious  that  all  the  personal  names  have  been  derived  from  names 
of  places.  This  points  also  to  a  comparatively  late  origin  of  the 
story.  Fortunately  we  can  catch  a  glimpse  of  an  older  form  of 
the  same  tale.  In  Ba,  after  the  introductory  phrase  of  Gabál 
Cesra,  we  read :  asberat  araile  cotnacl  Banba  ainm  na  hingine  sin 
rogab  Erind  ria  ndilind  7  comad  uaithi  nobeth  Banba  for  Erind. 
It  is  not  difficult  to  make  out  which  authority  is  meant  by  this 
araile,  for  LB  gives  a  note  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  that  Banba 
was  the  first  woman  who  occupied  Ireland,  together  with  Ladru, 
before  the  Deluge.  The  author  of  Ba  knew  the  Cin  Dromma  Snechta, 
cf.  p.  100,  so  he  probably  took  his  remark  on  Cesair  or  Banba  from 
that  book.  Originally  Banba  seems  to  have  been  the  heroine  of 
this  Invasion,  which  agrees  with  the  fact  that  in  Lee  II  Cesair 
is  glossed  by  Eriu  and  Fotla.  In  this  case  its  purport  is  clear 
enough:  it  was  intended  to  explain  the  poetical  names  of  Ireland 
and  other  topographical  particulars.  Afterwards  a  connection 
was  established  between  this  story  and  LG,  and  it  was  prefixed 
as  the  earliest  Invasion.  At  the  same  time  it  was  embellished  with 
biblical  ornaments:  Bith  (called  after  Sliab  Betha)  was  made  a 
son  of  Noah,  and  in  some  versions  he  was  no  longer  Cesair's  father, 
but  had  to  yield  this  position  to  Noah  himself.  These  biblical 
touches  point  to  the  same  period  of  the  evolution  of  LG  as  the 
elaborate  treatment  of  Nél's  connections  with  the  Israelites  in  the 
Introduction,  namely  theO'^^  century.  We  cannot  follow  the  evolution 
of  Gabál  Cesra  step  by  step  as  was  the  case  with  the  Introduction, 
all  the  versions  of  LG  being  practically  identical  on  this  subject, 
but  from  the  few  indications  that  may  be  found  in  the  text,  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  same  forces  were  operating  in  it. 

My  view  on  the  original  position  of  Gabál  Cesra,  viz.  that 
it  arose  from  a  separate  tale  of  Banba,  which  served  to  explain 
certain  names,  is  corroborated  by  the  coincidence  that  we  know 
another  similar  storj^,  which  was  never  officially  embodied  in  LG 


152  A  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

and  never  was  taken  hi  son  gahala.  It  has  been  preserved  in 
Ba,  which  was  not  subject  to  the  same  unifying  process  as  A, 
but  eagerly  assimilated  all  dispersed  traditions.  Before  the  tale  of 
Cesair,  Ba  says:  Asberat  araili  co  mbeitJi  gabdil  md-E>ind  ria 
Cesair.  Capa  7  Laigne  y  Luasat,  triar  iascaire  do  luclit  na 
JiEspaine  dochumlaisetar  co  JiErinn  co  facatar  a  suthaige,  co 
romidraiset  techt  ar  cula  ar  cenn  a  tri  mhan.  Oc  tinntiid  doth 
dosfarraid  an  diliu  co  roshaid  oc  Tiiaig  Inhir  y  ni  farcabsat  clanna. 
De  quihus  hoc  carmen:  Capa  is  Laigne  is  Luasat  grind  7  rl. 
A  lacks  this  episode,  so  it  need  not  have  belonged  to  X.  But 
the  redactor  of  Ba  found  it  in  some  older  authority.  It  was 
apparently  never  intended  as  a  part  of  LG,  for  it  represents 
a  separate  tale,  probably  a  local  tradition,  of  three  fishermen 
coming  from  Spain  to  Ireland.  It  never  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
find  a  place  among  the  official  Invasions,  but  just  on  this  account 
it  is  the  more  instructive.  It  provides  a  plain  proof  that  at  an  early 
period  there  were  isolated  traditions  on  men  coming  to  Ireland 
from  foreign  countries.  It  throws  a  light  on  the  composition  of  LG, 
but  it  never  influenced  the  growth  of  the  saga  in  any  way. 


§  16.  Partholon. 

The  Invasion  of  Partholon  was  already  a  part  of  LG  when 
that  of  Cesair  was  prefixed.  It  occurs  in  the  very  earliest 
account  of  the  saga  we  possess,  namely  in  that  of  Nennius.  As  is 
related  in  HB  §  13:  Primus  atiiem  venit  Partholomaeus  cum  mille 
hominibus,  tarn  de  vir  is  et  mulieribus,  et  creverunt  usque  ad 
quattuor  millia  hominum;  et  venit  mortalitas  super  eos  et  in  una 
septimana  omnes  perierunt,  et  non  remansit  ex  Ulis  etiam  unus. 
We  also  find  an  early  allusion  to  Partholon  in  Cin  Dromma 
Snechta,  preserved  in  LB,  as  appears  from  a  marginal  note  in 
that  MS.,  on  which  see  p.  119.  This  note,  however,  onty  concerns 
the  division  of  Ireland  among  Partholon's  sons,  and  does  not  tell 
anything  about  the  tradition  represented  by  the  Cin,  The  next 
mention  of  Gabál  Partholóin  is  that  in  Ba. 

According  to  Ba  Partholon  came  311  or  1002  years  after 
the  Deluge,  assin  Midi  Greic  by  Aladacia,  Gothia  and  Espain  to 
Ireland.  He  had  with  him  three  sons  and  four  women,  and  a 
great  retinue  besides.    Seven  years  after  his  arrival  he  won  a 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  153 

battle  over  the  Fomoraig  under  Cicul  Grigenchos;  it  was  a 
magic  battle  and  was  fought  against  men  with  one  foot,  one  hand 
and  one  eye.  Many  rivers,  lakes  and  plains  were  made  in  his 
age.  Partholon  lived  thirty  years  in  Ireland;  then  he  died  on 
Mag  Elta.  His  sons  divided  Ireland  into  four  parts,  and  this 
division  remained  until  five  hundred  years  after  Partholon's  death. 
For  then  all  his  descendants,  5000  men  and  4000  women,  died 
of  a  plague.  Three  poems  illustrate  the  story  of  Partholon: 
one  on  his  companions  (Robo  maith  in  muinter  nwr),  one  on  his 
arrival  (Partholon  canas  tdinic),  and  one  on  his  adventures  {A 
choemu  cldir  Cuind). 

In  A  the  narrative  does  not  deviate  from  that  in  Ba,  but 
it  is  much  shorter.  Now  one  might  suppose  that  A  represents 
the  version  of  X  in  a  purer  form,  while  Ba  may  have  expanded 
it  by  introducing  interpolations  from  elsewhere.  But.  at  least  in 
one  instance,  there  is  a  clear  indication  that,  here  also,  the 
redactor  of  A  was  abridging  in  his  usual  manner.  According  to  A 
Partholon  died  of  the  same  plague  as  his  muinter,  while  Ba 
records  an  interval  of  500  years  between  the  two  events.  Now 
the  poem  A  choemu  cldir  Cuind,  which  forms  part  of  both  versions, 
agrees  with  Ba,  so  that  here  A  makes  a  mistake  in  order  to  be 
brief.  This  makes  it  probable  that  in  other  instances,  too,  Ba 
represents  X  better  than  A.  In  A  the  battle  with  Cicul  Grigenchos 
is  left  out  as  well  as  the  passage  on  the  muinter  and  the  plague. 
Of  course,  omissions  of  this  kind  do  not  stamp  A  as  a  new  stage 
in  the  evolution  of  LG;  but  some  other  trifling  modifications  do. 

In  the  first  place  A  introduces  the  tale  of  Tuan  mac  Cairill 
(see  p.  150),  which  is  so  far  unknown  to  Ba.  As  1  have  already 
pointed  out,  its  earliest  version  occurs  in  a  fragment  in  LU,  and 
it  arose  from  a  reasonable  desire  to  explain  the  existence  of  sur- 
viving traditions  on  the  earliest  invasions,  after  the  people  who 
had  taken  part  in  them  had  perished.  Yet  it  cannot  be  ancient, 
as  Nennius  expressly  states  that  not  even  one  of  Partholon's 
companions  survived.  This  remark  of  Nennius  shows  that  here 
A  added  on  its  own  account.  Of  course  the  storj^  of  Tuan  itself 
may  be  much  older  than  its  interpolation  in  LG,  and  this  even 
must  be  so,  as  it  is  older  than  the  Invasion  of  Cesair  (see  p.  150), 
which  occurs  in  both  A  and  Ba.  Only  Ba  represents  an  older 
stage  of  LG,  where  it  had  not  yet  been  introduced  into  the  body 
of  the  saga. 


154  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

Of  even  more  importance  is  the  genealogical  connection.  As 
we  have  seen  in  §  13,  Ba  has  preserved  the  oldest  form  of  a 
genealogical  connection  between  the  Goidels  and  Jafeth  son  of 
Noah,  by  making  them  descend  from  Rif ath  mac  Gomer  meic  laf eth. 
A  on  the  other  hand,  does  away  with  the  original  genealogy  and 
adopts  that  of  LSA  by  giving  Magoch  and  his  son  Baad  the  place 
that  was  first  assigned  to  Gomer  and  Rifath.  Now  Partholon, 
according  to  Ba  is:  mac  Sera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Baaili  mic 
Mifaith  Scuit,  for,  as  it  is  expressed  in  Ba:  is  dann  Ri faith  Sciiit 
Cecil  gahail  rogah  Eri  acht  Cesair  y  ic  Sru  mac  Esru  cutric  cairdes 
Fartlioloin  ;■  Netnid.  7  Fer  niBolc  7  Tuath  nJDe  Danann  7  Milid 
Espain.  So  here  already  a  genealogical  connection  has  been  estab- 
lished between  Partholon  and  the  Goidels,  and  I  think  it  is  a 
genuine  element  of  Gabál  Partholóin,  cf.  §  23.  A  has  changed 
the  whole  matter,  according  to  the  principles  of  LSA:  Partholon 
mac  Sera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Briamin  mic  Fathecht  mic  Baaid 
mic  Magoich  mic  lafeth.  But  the  assimilation  to  the  new  genea- 
logical principle  of  A  was  accomplished  in  a  very  imperfect  way, 
for  in  the  Introduction  Esru  is  the  son  of  Goedel  Glas,  while 
here  an  older  tradition  still  peeps  through. 

So  far  the  innovations  of  A.  They  are  important  enough 
as  concerns  the  leading  forces  in  the  evolntion  of  LG,  especially 
the  character  of  A,  but  they  do  not  effect  a  great  change  in  the 
general  trend  of  the  story,  and  both  A  and  Ba,  but  for  A's  giving 
way  to  the  authority  of  LSA,  may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  well 
their  common  original  X.  Only  Ba  has  preserved  several  details 
more  carefully.  Nor  does  the  tale  seem  to  have  changed  much 
in  the  centuries  lying  between  HB  and  X.  For,  waiving  the 
possibility  that  so  many  details  were  not  known  in  Nennius' 
time  —  who  will  inform  us  ?  —  the  general  character  was  quite 
the  same  in  the  8*  century  and  in  the  11"\  Nennius  does  not 
speak  of  rivers  and  lakes  bursting  from  the  earth,  or  of  plains 
being  laid  down,  but  even  these  insignificant  details  may  have 
been  omitted  by  him  in  his  short  account.  In  any  case,  the 
Gabál  Partholóin  does  not  show  such  a  gradual  evolution  as 
the  Introduction. 

Nor  do  the  later  versions  bring  many  important  innovations. 
Yet  there  existed  isolated  traditions  of  Partholon,  too,  just  as  was 
the  case  with  the  first  Invasion.  We  find  some  of  them  in  the 
versions  C  and  D  but  not  in  LB,  which  is  entirely  based  on  Ba,  save 


ON    LEBOR    GABÁT.A.  155 

for  a  few  additions  from  A  (or  Bb),  but  in  Lee  II.  So  Lee  II  has 
another  tradition  of  Partholon's  death,  in  connection  with  the  battle 
of  Cicul  Grigenchos:  Mad  iar  n-aroile  slicht  is  re  mPaniholon 
domebaid  [so.  in  cath]  7  is  and  romarhad  Cicol  mac  Nil  y  tucad 
ara  nmintir  7  co  ngonad  ParrtJiolori  y  co  rob  do  gaih  cro  na  ngon 
si  fuair  has  iar  trill  mair  tar  eis  in  catha.  More  remarkable  is 
the  episode  on  the  first  jealousy  of  Partholon  (cét-ét  Erend), 
when  his  wife  Delgnad  or  Elgnad  was  taken  in  adultery  with  his 
servant  Topa.  It  is  entitled  Do  gahail  FarrthaJoin  heos  7  dia 
sligid  7  dia  imthechtaih  0  Meigind^)  co  liErinn,  and  makes  the 
impression  of  being  an  isolated  tract.  It  is  interspersed  with  short 
poems,  the  text  of  which  is  unfortunately  very  corrupt.  It  was  also 
adopted  by  O'Clery  in  his  cop}'.  The  intercalation  of  this  story 
of  the  first  jealousy  represents  the  last  episode  in  the  evolution 
of  Gabál  Partholóin,  for  neither  in  C  nor  in  D  were  any  other 
additions  made.  Therefore  no  more  details  on  this  Invasion  need 
be  given  now.    As  to  its  origin  see  §  23. 


§  17.   Nemed. 

The  third  Invasion  also,  was  first  mentioned  by  Nennius, 
HB  §  13:  Seciindus  ad  Eiherniam  venit  Nimeth,  filius  quidam 
Agnominis,  qui  fertur  navigasse  siqjer  mare  annum  et  dimidium, 
et  postea  tenuit  portum  in  Hibernia,  fractis  navibus  ejus,  et  mansit 
ibidem  per  mtdtos  annos,  et  iterum  navigavit  cum  suis  et  ad 
Hispaniam  reversus  est.  Et  postea  venerunt  tres  fdii  cujusdam 
militis  Hispaniae  cum  triginta  ciulis  apud  illos,  et  cum  triginta 
conjugibus  in  unaquaque  ciula,  et  manserunt  ihi  per  spacium  \mius 
anni.  Et  postea  conspiciunt  turrim  vitream  in  medio  mari,  et 
homines  conspiciebant  super  turrim  et  quaerébant  loqui  ad  illos 
et  nunquam  respondebant;  et  ipsi  uno  anno  ad  oppugnotionem 
turris  properaverunt  cum  omnibus  ciulis  suis,  et  cum  omnibus 
mulieribus,  excepta  una  ciula,  quae  confracta  est  naufragio,  in 
qua  erant  viri  triginta  totidemque  midieres.  Et  aliae  naves 
navigaverunt  ad  expugnandam  turrim;  et  dum  omnes  descenderent 
in  littore  quod  erat  circa  turrim,  operuit  illos  mare  et  demersi 
sunt,  et  nan  evasit  unus  ex  Ulis;  et  de  familia  illius  quae  relicta 


1)  C  has  Meigind  for  Midi  Greic  in  Ba.    According  to  A,  P.  came  de 
Grecaib  Scythia. 


156  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

est  propter  fractionem,  tota  Hihernia  impleta  est  usque  in  hodier- 
niini  diem.  Et  postea  venerimt  paulatim  a  partibus  Hispaniae  et 
tenuerunt  regiones  plurimas. 

The  next  allusion  to  Gabál  Nemid  is  that  in  Cin  Dromma 
Snechta,  but  this  does  not  throw  any  light  on  the  version  con- 
tained in  that  MS.,  for  LB  and  S  have  transmitted  nothing  from 
it  but  a  short  remark  belonging  to  the  last  portion  of  the  Invasion: 
gnídís  harca  doihh  dia  mboJgaihh  no  siad  libhearna  rig  Grec  dogad- 
sad  leo  do  theacht  i  nErinn,  amal  asheart  Cin  Dronia  Snechta. 

So  we  have  no  text  to  compare  with  HB  until  the  10*^^  century, 
namely  X.  In  order  to  fix  the  tradition  of  that  authoritj^,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  examine  Ba  and  A  first. 

After  the  pestilence  that  carried  of£  all  the  descendants 
of  Partholon's  colony,  Ireland  lay  waste  for  thirty  years.  Then 
Nemed  came  from  Scythia.  According  to  both  A  and  Ba  he  is 
a  son  of  Agnoman  and  a  descendant  of  Sru,  who  sprang  from 
the  race  of  Rifath  (Ba)  or  Magoch  (A).  He  brought  thirty-four 
boats  and  in  each  boat  there  were  thirty  men.  In  the  midst  of 
the  sea  they  found  a  golden  tower.  A  vehement  desire  for  the 
gold  seized  them,  so  that  tliey  did  not  perceive  the  rising  of  the  sea 
Avith  the  tide,  and  all  were  drowned  except  the  crew  of  one  boat. 
After  a  year  and  a  half  they  reached  Ireland.  The  story  of  the 
tower  and  the  long  wanderings  is  only  found  in  Ba.  Both  texts 
give  the  names  of  Nemed's  four  sons  (Ba  with  the  addition  of 
their  wives)  and  of  the  lakes,  plains  and  raths  that  were  made 
in  their  age,  as  well  as  of  the  battles  they  fought  against  the 
Fomoraig.  There  are  only  a  few  slight  differences  between  A 
and  Ba,  and  besides  A  omits  all  superfluous  details.  At  last 
Nemed  himself  dies  of  the  plague.  His  progeny  is  put  under  a 
heavy  tax  by  the  Fomoraig.  A  son  of  Nemed,  a  grandson,  and 
a  great-grandson,  Fergus  Lethderc,  Semeon  mac  larboueoil  Fatha 
and  Erglan  mac  Beoain  mic  Stairn,  lead  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men  against  the  oppressors.  They  attack  the  tower  of  Conang, 
king  of  the  Fomoraig,  and  they  are  about  to  conquer  it,  when  an- 
other Fomorian,  More,  comes  up  with  a  large  fleet.  At  the  same 
time  the  tide  comes  in  and  the  descendants  of  Nemed  are  all 
drowned  save  thirty  men.  Bethach,  son  of  larbonel  Faith, 
remains  in  Ireland  with  ten  men  and  their  wives,  but  they  all 
die  after  sixty  years.  Semeon  flies  to  Greece,  where  his  descend- 
ants are  enslaved  by  the  Greeks,  until  they  escape  and  return 


ON    LEBOK   GABÁLA.  157 

to  Ireland  as  Fir  Bolg.  Fergus  Lethderc  and  his  son  Britan  Maol 
go  to  Britain,  where  they  fill  the  country  with  their  progeny, 
together  with  the  race  of  Britus  mac  Isicoiu,  until  the  arrival 
of  the  Saxons.  The  descendants  of  Bethach  son  of  larbonel, 
at  last,  leave  Ireland  for  the  northern  islands  of  the  world, 
whence  they  return  later  as  Tuatha  De  Danann.  The  account 
of  the  struggle  with  the  Fomoraig  is  more  detailed  in  A,  while 
for  the  rest  the  two  texts  are  pretty  identical. 

As  we  may  assume  that  not  only  A  but  also  Ba  must  have 
abridged  the  text  in  some  respects,  there  results  but  one  important 
question  concerning  the  tradition  of  X  from  the  above  comparison 
of  A  and  Ba:  is  the  tale  of  the  golden  tower  in  the  sea  old,  or 
is  it  but  an  interpolation  in  Ba?  For  the  solution  of  this  problem 
we  have  to  go  back  to  the  passage  quoted  on  p.  155  from  HB. 
A  careful  reading  shows  that  it  is  somewhat  corrupt.  The  sentence 
on  the  tres  filii  cujusdam  militis  Hispaniae  does  not  fit  well  in 
the  context.  The  writer,  who  had  first  related  Xemed's  retiu-n 
to  Spain,  overlapped  the  rest  of  the  story  and  mentioned  Mil  and 
his  sons,  because  they  also  came  from  Spain.  Then  he  returns 
to  Nemed.  The  reason  of  the  introduction  of  a  sentence  i)  on 
Mil  lies  apparently  in  the  fact  that  the  end  of  Xemed's  invasion 
was  given  before  the  details  of  their  struggle  at  Conang's  tower. 
The  rest  of  Xennius'  description  of  the  battle  of  Tor  Couaing  agrees 
wonderfully  well  with  that  of  LG.  The  men  of  Xemed  besiege 
the  tower  in  the  sea  cum  omnibus  chdis  suis]  then  there  come 
aliae  naves  ad  expugnandam  turrim.  The  other  boats  cannot  have 
been  Xemed's  but  the  enemy's :  so  it  is  understood  that  Xemed  had 
conquered  the  tower,  for  the  enemy  wanted  to  attack  it  again. 
This  is  exactly  what  is  told  in  LG  and  the  aliae  naves  corres- 
pond to  Morc's  fleet  in  A  (so  this  represents  an  old  tradition 
though  it  is  not  mentioned  in  Ba).  Afterwards  they  were  all 
swallowed  up  by  the  sea,  except  the  crew  of  one  boat:  here,  too, 
we  find  again  the  tradition  of  A  and  Ba.  Xow  does  HB  contain 
a  trace  of  the  story  of  the  golden  tower,  visited  by  Xemed  before 


1)  I  think  this  sentence  was  misunderstood  by  Zimmer  (Nenn.  Yiud. 
p.  221).  HB  §  13  says  the  Meic  Miled  remained  in  Spain  per  spacium  imius 
anni,  while  §  15  has  per  imdtos  annos.  This  controversy  is  removed  if  we 
take  apud  illos  in  the  sentence  quoted  as  'with  the  descendants  of  Nemed': 
the  Meic  Miled  had  arrived  in  Spain  many  years  before,  but  they  did  not 
meet  theii'  kinsmen  until  then :  they  remained  together  in  Spain  for  another  year. 


158  A.  G.  VAN   HAMm.. 

he  reached  Ireland?  I  think  it  does.  The  words  tennit  porfutn 
in  Hibernia  fractis  navihus  ejus  cannot  have  any  other  meaning 
than  that  Nemed's  ships  were  wrecked  before  he  came  to  Ireland, 
and  the  story  of  the  golden  tower  is  the  only  means  to  explain 
it.  Consequently  the  fact  is  once  for  all  established  that  A  and 
Ba  represent  together  the  exact  tradition  of  X,  which  —  leaving 
aside  the  creation  of  plains,  lakes  &c..  a  usual  ornament  of  every 
invasion  —  had  not  changed  in  any  respect  since  HB. 

But  there  is  a  portion  of  Gabál  Xemid,  which  does  not 
properly  belong  to  it  at  all:  the  end,  containing  the  adventures  of 
Nemed's  descendants.  According  to  LG  some  of  them  went  to 
Britain,  others  to  Greece,  and  a  third  group  to  the  Northern 
Islands.  Of  all  this  HB  has  not  one  word;  in  §  13  it  is  under- 
stood that  Nemed  went  back  to  Spain  and  that  from  thence 
his  descendants  came  to  Ireland;  then  §  14  goes  on:  novissime 
venit  dam  hodor,  et  ihi  habitavit  cum  omni  genere  suo  usque  hodie. 
Istorith,  Istorini  films,  ttmrit  Dalrieta  cum  suis]  Builc  autem  cum 
suis  tenuit  Euboniam  insulam,  et  alias  circiter;  filii  Liethcm  ob- 
tinuerunt  in  regione  et  in  aliis  regionibus,  id  est  Guir  et  Ceigueli, 
donee  expulsi  sunt  a  Cuneda  et  a  fíliis  ejus  ab  omnibus  Brittanicis 
regionibus.  On  the  filii  Liethan,  who  do  not  concern  us  here,  see 
Nenn.  Vind.  p.  92.  Zimmer  has  made  it  probable  that  with  dam 
hoctor  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  are  meant  (Nenn.  Vind.  p.  222),  while 
Builc,  of  course,  is  a  designation  for  the  Fir  Bolg.  The  tradition  that 
they  populated  Man  and  other  islands  is  doubtless  genuine,  as 
appears  from  the  Gabál  Fer  mBolg:  co  ragaibset  i  nAraind  y  i 
nlle  7  a  Recliraind  y  a  nlnsib  Gall  7  a  n-arailib  innsib  olchena 
ut  dicitur  in  Britania^)  (Sa).  Nennius  evidently  knew  similar 
traditions  about  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  as  LG, 
but  he  made  them  come  from  Spain;  afterwards  LG  introduced 
an  innovation  by  designating  Greece  as  the  origin  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
—  probably  in  order  to  create  a  new  connection  between  the 
Irish  and  the  Greeks  — ,  and  the  northern  islands  as  that  of  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  on  account  of  their  magical  powers,  cf.  §  26. 
It  is  obvious  that  HB  represents  an  older  tradition,  as  it  agrees 
with  the  general  idea  of  LG  that  all  the  colonies  of  invaders 

')  Ut  dicitur  in  Britmiia  shows  that  this  passage  was  taken  in  Ba 
from  the  Irish  Nennius,  where  it  occurs  in  exactly  the  same  words.  So  the 
Irish  translator  of  B  did  not  draw  it  from  LG;  but  he  must  have  had  some 
other  Irish  source,  where  it  occurred. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  159 

came  over  from  Spain,  wliich  again  is  based  on  a  sentence  in 
Orosius'  'Adversus  Paganos'  (see  §  22).  Here  we  have  again 
an  indication  of  the  evolution  of  LG  in  the  earliest  centuries. 
As  to  the  Fir  Bolg,  we  are  even  able  to  establish  the  exact  time 
when  the  innovation  was  introduced.  For  LB  preserves  a  sentence 
from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  quoted  above  on  p.  156,  proving  that 
at  the  end  of  the  8*^^  century  the  two  traditions  existed  alongside 
of  each  other.  Probably  the  one  current  in  Britain  at  the  time 
was  somewhat  older  than  the  one  in  Ireland,  but  there  cannot 
be  a  long  interval  between  them,  and  we  may  take  the  second 
half  of  the  8^^  century  as  the  period  when  the  Greek  origin  of 
the  Fir  Bolg  was  established. 

These  details  on  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
bring  us  to  the  two  following  invasions.  Are  the  short  phrases  on 
da?n  hoctor  and  Builc  cum  suis  in  §  14  the  survivals  of  Gabál 
Fer  mBolg  and  Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann  in  LG?  It  is  hardly 
possible.  Of  Partholon  and  Nemed  HB  gives  a  full  account,  why 
not  then  of  their  successors?  We  should  expect  to  hear  some- 
thing of  the  two  battles  of  Magh  Tuired  and  so  much  more,  if 
Nennius  had  found  the  two  invasions  after  Xemed  related  circum- 
stantially in  his  copy  of  LG.  From  the  text  of  HB  as  it  is  now 
it  can  only  be  inferred  that  Nennius  never  saw  a  complete  account 
of  the  invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann. 
His  short  remarks  on  these  invaders  have  doubtless  for  their 
origin  only  the  final  passage  of  Gabál  Nemid  in  LG.  For  there 
the  descendants  of  Nemed  are  enumerated  in  the  same  peremptory 
w^ay  as  in  HB.  Nennius  may  have  left  out  some  details,  but  at 
the  same  time  there  were  in  his  copy  particulars  of  other  descend- 
ants of  Nemed  that  do  not  figure  in  LG:  Istorith  and  the  sons 
of  Liethan.  This  is  an  important  conclusion:  in  Nennius'  time 
the  Invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  did 
not  yet  exist  as  separate  portions  of  LG,  but  only  as  an  appendix 
to  the  Invasion  of  Nemed.  And  even  here  these  two  invasions 
were  yet  in  an  older  stage. of  their  evolution,  both  still  having  for 
their  starting-point  Spain  and  not  Greece  or  the  northern  islands. 

So  far  the  period  of  organic  evolution  (HB,  A,  Ba).  In  that 
of  compilation  (C,  D)  not  much  was  added.  LB  again  gives  the 
text  of  Ba  with  a  few  interspersed  remarks  from  A,  Thus  the 
passage  on  the  battle  at  Conang's  tower,  where  Ba  omits  all 
details  of  More  and  his  sixty  ships,  is  completed  in  LB  from  A. 


160  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL. 

In  the  same  way  some  other  insignificant  particulars  are  intro- 
duced from  A.  Lee  II  goes  a  little  farther  than  LB  by  giving 
some  new  traditions,  at  least  in  the  final  section.  But  as  these 
additions  mainly  refer  to  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann, 
it  will  be  better  not  to  give  them  here,  but  in  the  two  next 
paragraphs.  As  to  Gabál  Xemid  itself,  Lee  II  only  adds  a 
genealogy  of  Nemed  and  Partholon.  which  does  not  agree  with 
any  other  tradition  and  probabij^  was  taken  from  a  rather  corrupt 
source:  Is  examail  fogahar  in  genelacli  sa  Parrthaloin  7  Nemid  .i. 
da  mac  Agnoimean  mic  Sdairn  mic  Thceid  niic  Beoem  mic  Mair 
mic  Airrthecht  mic  lathacht  mic  lathfeth  mic  Ncei  mic  Laimiach. 
Sil  mBeotJioich  mic  lardanainis,  Sil  Semiainis  mic  Sdairnainis. 
Sil  Fergusa  Leithderg  mic  Nemid,  is  ead  fd  i  Mainn  Conain. 
Nowhere  else  is  there  a  tradition  that  Partholon  and  Xemed  were 
brothers  1),  and  the  rest  of  the  genealogy,  though  it  contains  some 
very  old  names  (see  §  13),  is  quite  incomplete  if  compared  with 
the  original  genealogy  in  Ba.  So  it  may  be  dismissed  here  as 
a  corrupt  offspring  of  the  pedigree  quoted  on  p.  142.  For  the 
rest  there  is  nothing  new  on  Nemed  in  Lee  II.  The  same  thing 
may  be  said  of  D,  except  the  account  of  the  battle  at  Conaug's 
tower.  This  story  is  more  elaborate  in  D  than  in  any  other  text, 
and  probably  O'Clery  used  other  sources  for  it.  All  the  additions 
in  D  cannot  be  based  upon  mere  fiction,  as  the  poem  'Togail  Tuir 
Couainn*  (LL  b  7),  for  instance,  agrees  with  D  in  some  respects; 
thus  in  both  sources  the  three  chiefs  who  escaped  from  the  battle, 
divide  Ireland  into  three  parts,  and  do  not  leave  the  country 
until  they  are  compelled  by  a  pestilence  and  by  fear  of  a  second 
attack  by  the  Fomoraig.  It  is  very  likely  that  there  existed  a 
separate  account  of  this  battle,  just  as  there  were  separate  tales 
of  the  two  battles  of  Mag  Tuii^ed,  but  it  would  be  beyond  the 
scope  of  the  present  investigation  to  look  for  traces  of  it  here. 


§  18.   The  Fir  Bolg. 

Builc  cum  suis  teniiit  Euhoniam  insulam  et  alias  circiter, 
this  is  all  HB  has  of  the  fourth  invasion;  besides,  as  has  been 
shown  on  p.  158,  HB  still  made  the  Fir  Bolg  come  over  fi'om  Spain 


1)  Ba  and  C  preserve  an  additional  tradition  that  Xemed  descended  from 
Agla,  a  sou  of  Partholon. 


ON    LEBOR   GABÁLA.  161 

and  not  from  Greece.  So  the  tradition  of  their  sojourn  in  Greece 
and  the  hard  slavery  they  endured  there  did  not  yet  exist. 
HB  does  not  teach  us  anything  more. .  That  the  Gabál  Fer 
mBolg-  occurred  in  Cin  Dromnia  Snechta,  even  with  the  Greek 
episode  in  it,  is  seen  in  the  phrase  preserved  in  Ba  and  C,  and 
quoted  on  p.  155.  Yet  neither  HB  nor  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
knew  this  invasion  as  a  separate  portion  of  LG,  for,  so  far  as 
we  can  judge  from  the  scanty  vestiges,  both  treat  the  story  of 
the  Fir  Bolg  as  a  sequel  to  Gabál  Xemid:  in  HB  only  one  short 
sentence  is  devoted  to  it,  while  the  preceding  invasions  are 
given  at  full  length,  and  the  one  phrase  of  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
bearing  on  it  that  has  survived,  is  given  in  the  MSS.  under 
Gabál  Nemid,  and  not  under  Gabál  Fer  mBolg.  An  argumeiitum 
ex  silentio  is  always  somewhat  dangerous,  but  liere  it  seems  to  be 
justified  by  the  wording  of  HB.  If  the  whole  of  Partholon's 
and  Xemed's  invasion  is  ancient  and  the  full  history  of  the  Meic 
Miled,  why  then  not  give  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
in  extenso  too?  The  supposition  that  the  fourth  and  the  fifth 
invasion  did  not  yet  exist  as  separate  episodes  in  Nennius'  time 
attains  a  high  degree  of  probability,  which  is  increased  by  the 
consideration  that  they  are  given  twice  in  our  texts  of  LG: 
once  in  a  short  form  at  the  end  of  Gabál  Nemid,  and  once 
more  elaborately  afterwards.  But  of  course,  the  supposition 
needs  to  be  corroborated  by  more  conclusive  arguments;  on  which 
see  §§  24—26. 

The  first  full  account  we  have  of  the  fourth  invasion  is  that 
of  Ba,  as  preserved  in  S.  Semion  and  his  companions  fled  after 
the  battle  of  Tor  Conaing  to  Greece,  where  they  were  enslaved 
and  had  to  make  fertile  plains  out  of  the  rocky  soil:  tarriidh 
uire  for  leccaib  lomma  comtar  ^miiglie  fo  scothaih.  Loathing  their 
bondage,  they  made  boats  from  the  bags  (bolga)  in  which  they  had 
brought  the  soil  from  Ireland,  and  went  back  to  their  own  country. 
This  happened  two  hundred  years  after  the  battle.  They  divided 
Ireland  into  three  parts,  and  of  their  five  chiefs  Slaine  got  the 
first  part,  Gann  and  Sengann  the  second,  Genann  and  Rudraige 
the  third.  These  three  groups  are  the  Fir  Bolg,  Fir  Domnann 
and  Galeoin.  Then  follow  different  etymologies  of  these  names. 
The  five  chiefs  just  mentioned  were  the  first  five  kings  of  Ireland. 
Their  successors  were  Fiacha  Ceunfinn  mac  Stairn,  under  whom  all 
the  cattle  had  white  heads,  Rinnal  mac  Genainn,  Fodbgenid  mac 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  H 


162  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

Sengainn,  under  whom  spears  grew  on  the  trees,  and  Eochu  mac 
Eire.  During  the  reign  of  the  last  king  came  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann  and  the  first  battle  of  Magh  Tuired  was  fought.  In  this 
battle  Eochu  was  killed.  In  his  time  there  had  been  no  rain 
but  only  dew  in  Ireland,  there  was  no  year  without  harvest, 
and  he  was  the  first  to  make  laws.  Nuadu.  king  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann,  lost  his  hand  in  the  same  battle,  so  that  he  had 
to  get  a  silver  hand.  The  Fir  Bolg  fled  to  the  surrounding 
islands,  where  thej^  lived  until  they  were  banished  bj^  the 
Picts.  Then  they  came  back  to  Ireland,  and  received  land  from 
Coirpre  Niafer;  but  afterwards  they  were  exterminated  by  the 
Ulstermen  under  Cuchulainn  and  Con  all  Cernach.  The  whole 
narrativ'e  is  illustrated  by  these  poems:  Fir  Bolg  hatar  sunn 
a  sei,  on  the  length  of  each  king's  reign,  Findaig  in  senchus 
diadd,  on  the  whole  Invasion,  Coic  coicidh  on  the  division  of 
Ireland. 

The  tradition  of  A,  of  course  is  much  shorter,  especially  as 
it  lacks  the  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg  after  the  first  battle  of 
Mag  Tuired,  and  even  the  account  of  the  battle  itself.  Is  this 
an  addition  in  Ba,  or  was  it  omitted  in  A?  The  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired  had  no  need  to  be  described  here,  for  a  longer  narrative  on 
it  recurs  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  In  fact,  here 
it  serves  only  as  an  introduction  to  the  later  adventures.  In 
those  further  adventures  there  is  an  allusion  to  the  Ulstersaga, 
which  does  not  occur  anywhere  else  in  LG.  Besides,  Ba  states 
in  the  middle  of  the  story:  is  í  sin  iniirci  31ac  nUmoir,  and  the 
narrative  breaks  off  suddenly  with  the  words  yrl.  Hence  it  follows 
that  W' e  have  here  a  separate  tale,  entitled  Imirci  Mac  n  Umoit-, 
w^hich  was  interpolated  by  the  author  of  Ba,  as  it  bore  on  the 
same  subject  as  the  Gabál  Fer  mBolg.  For  the  same  reason 
the  poem  Findaig  in  senchus  seems  to  be  a  recent  addition  in 
Ba,  as  well  as  the  account  of  the  first  battle  of  Mag  Tuired. 
But  A  also  introduced  a  few  additions:  a  poem  by  Columcille 
{Dene  mo  fresneis  a  mit)  and  a  genealogy  of  King  Slaine  back  to 
Nemed:  Fir  Bole  clanna  Dela  mic  LoitJi  (or  Loicli)  mic  Tait  mic 
Ortait  mic  Trihuit  mic  Gothoirb  mic  Goiscen  mic  Fortech  mic 
Semion  tnic  Ergalain  mic  Beoain  mic  Stairn  mic  Nemid.  This 
genealogy  does  not  occur  in  Ba,  and  may  have  been  taken  from 
elsewhere.  For  the  rest  Ba  and  A  are  identical,  save  for  some 
slight  details. 


ON   LEBOR    GABÁLA.  163 

The  same  may  be  said  of  C,  at  least  of  LB,  which 
obviously  is  but  a  compilation  of  A  and  Ba.  But  Lee  II  intro- 
duces a  few  innoA^ations,  especially  on  the  origin  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
and  the  etymology  of  their  names.  These  are  given,  however, 
in  the  final  portion  of  Gabál  Nemid,  where  the  Fir  Bolg  are 
mentioned  for  the  first  time.  Of  course  they  do  not  all  represent 
ancient  traditions,  but  are  rather  the  results  of  recent  speculations. 
I  give  them  here  as  a  curiosity: 

Fir  Bolg  immorro  do  rada  riu  ona  lolcaib  criad  rocuirsead 
forna  lecaih  loma  7  Fir  Domnand  0  domain  toirneam  na  h-niri 
forna  lecaih  Inma  7  Gaileoin  ona  gaib  leoin  rohai  nco  oc  tachailt 
na  h-uiri.  No  Fir  Bole  do  rada  riu  dia  fuaridar  crich  urclioideacli 
sa  Greic  0  rig  Grec  Ian  do  piastaih  nevie  co  rohe  ccemna  doronsat 
forna  piastaih  uir  Erenn  do  tharrad  leo  i  mholcaih  comho  Fir  Bole 
iad  ona  holcaih  uiri  rucsad  leo  na  curehaih.  .  .  .  Is  airi  adbearar 
Fir  Bole  frill  uair  doherdis  uir  leo  a  Herind  da  reic  re  Grecaih 
ar  or  y  ar  airgead  do  thuigiudug  na  eathraeh.  Uair  dohadar 
naithreaelia  nemneclia  nemi  7  piasta  urcJioidecha  isna  catlirachaih 
sin  la  Greeu  y  is  esin  hunad  firindi  in  adhair  fa  n-ahar  Fir  Bole 
riu  y  no  iheiddis  eusin  cendaigecht  sin  soir  y  anoir  cacha  hliadna 
7  Fir  Domnann  0  domain  toirnem  na  li-uiri  isna  holeaih  7  Gaileoin 
ona  tachailt.  Ocus  is  do  sil  Nemid  doih  dihlinaih  [sc.  Fir  Bolg 
and  Tuatha  De  Danann].  All  this  is  but  an  expansion  of  the 
etymologies  given  in  Ba,  though  there  is  no  mention  made  there 
of  the  venomous  animals  in  Greece:  but  the  well-known  legend 
that  Ireland  does  not  tolerate  serpents  or  snakes  will  easily  account 
for  this  additional  etymolog}'.  On  the  other  hand  it  should  be 
noticed  that  Lee  II  omits  a  second  etymology  of  'Gaileoin'  that 
was  given  in  Sa:  gaileon  no  gailfhian,  .i.  in  trian  nogehedh 
lama  forna  da  trian  aile\  this  was  adopted  by  O'Clery:  Galcoin 
eccin  (A.  go  deimhin)  ona  ngail  rogahhsat  ainmniucchudh. 

As  to  D,  it  does  not  contain  anything  new,  but  for  the 
introduction  of  another  poem  Ere  dras  na  n-iorgal.  But  the 
composition  of  the  whole  section  is  changed.  O'Clery  had  omitted 
the  final  portion  of  Gabál  Nemid  on  the  further  adventures  of  the 
descendants  of  Semion  and  Bethach.  He  prefixed  the  passage 
referring  to  the  Fir  Bolg  to  the  fourth  invasion,  and  that  on 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann  to  the  next.  Though  this  change  doubt- 
less meaiit  a  considerable  gain  to  the  unit}"  of  the  work,  its 
original  aspect  was  to  a  large  extent  altered  by  it. 

11* 


164  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

§  19.   The  Tuatha  De  Danaiin. 

Zimmer  (Nenn.  Vind.  p.  222)  suggests  that  the  following 
passage  in  HB  §  14  contains  an  allusion  to  the  Gabál  Tuath  nDé 
Danann:  novissime  venu  dam  Jiodor  ('a  company  of  eight  men'); 
et  ibi  habitavit  cum  owmi  gcnere  suo  usque  hodie.  He  compares 
it  with  a  passage  in  Ba,  which  apparently  represents  a  very 
old  tradition:  Atberat  co  mhad  é  Bethach  mac  lardainis  tuisech 
na  gabala  7  na  n-eladan  7  secJit  toisig  iar  sin  .^.  Dagda,  Diancecht, 
Creidni,  Lucha,  Nuada  Argatlam,  Lag  mac  Cein,  Goibnenn. 

Unfortunately  Zimmer  does  not  adduce  any  arguments  in 
favour  of  his  hypothesis,  and  therefore  it  is  better  to  leave  the 
question  open  as  to  whether  Nennius  knew  at  all  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann  or  the  'Clanna  Beothaig'.  In  any  case  he  does  not  give 
their  name  nor  was  there  in  his  copy  of  L6  a  separate  chapter 
devoted  to  them ;  but  if  they  really  are  implied  there,  they  were 
treated  as  the  Fir  Bolg,  that  is  to  say  in  the  appendix  to  the 
Invasion  of  Xemed.  From  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  not  even  the 
slightest  allusion  to  them  has  been  preserved.  Our  oldest  trust- 
worthy authority  on  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  is  the  next  one :  Ba, 
where  we  find  the  following  account. 

The  Tuatha  De  Dauann  came  to  Ireland  in  clouds  and  mists 
and  burned  their  ships  after  them.  They  had  been  living  in  the 
northern  islands  of  the  world,  where  they  had  learned  the  art  of 
sorcery.  They  had  used  it  in  a  battle  between  the  Athenians 
and  the  Philistines  by  resuscitating  the  Athenian  dead.  They 
had  learnt  their  art  in  four  cities,  Failias,  Goirias,  Finnias 
and  Muirias;  from  the  first  of  these  they  brought  the  Lia  Fail 
to  Ireland.  On  their  arrival  Nuadu  was  their  king;  but  when 
in  the  first  battle  of  iiag  Tuired  his  hand  had  been  cut  off  by 
the  Fir  Bolg,  they  put  Bress  in  his  place.  Afterwards  Diancecht 
made  a  silver  hand  for  Nuadu,  and  he  was  restored  in  the  kingdom; 
but  in  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Tuired  the  Fomoraig  killed  him. 
In  the  same  battle  Lug  killed  his  grandfather  Balar  Balcbéimnech. 
For  this  same  Lug  the  feast  of  Lugnasad  was  celebrated;  his 
fostermother  was  Tailltiu,  who  was  married  successively  to  Eochu 
mac  Eire  and  to  Eochu  Garb  mac  Duach  Daill,  and  who  gave 
her  name  to  the  town  of  Tailltiu.  The  successive  kings  of  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  were:  Nuadu,  Bress,  Lug,  Eochu  Ollathair 
or  the  Dagda,  Delbaed  mac  Ogma,  Fiacha  mac  Delbaed,  and  the 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  165 

three  sons  of  Cermad,  Mac  Cuill,  Mac  Cecht  and  Mac  Greine. 
For  the  rest  the  whole  chapter  consists  of  the  names  of  their  aes 
ddna  and  their  g-enealogies.  Along  with  a  few  shorter  poems, 
there  are  two  long-  ones  illustrating-  the  prose  text,  Heriu  co 
n-ualll  CO  n-idnaih  and  Tuaiha  De  Danann  fo  ch'amair. 

On  the  whole  the  account  of  A  agrees  with  that  of  Ba. 
But  in  some  particulars  there  are  salient  differences.  A  omits  the 
story  of  the  Athenians  and  the  Philistines  as  well  as  the  four 
magic  cities,  although  the  mentioning-  of  the  Lia  Fail  makes  it 
probable,  that  they  did  occur  in  the  source  of  A.  In  the  same 
way  A  hasn't  the  statement  on  the  eight  leaders  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann,  quoted  on  p.  1G4,  or  a  tract  as  to  whether  they 
were  demons  or  not.  On  the  other  hand,  A  adds  to  the  list  of 
people  belonging  to  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  several  genealogies 
—  perhaps  in  order  to  make  good  the  loss  of  some  mythical  aes 
ddna  — ,  and  a  poem  Esiid  a  eolcliu  can  on  by  Flann  Mainistrech. 
It  is  impossible  now  to  make  out  what  is  ancient  in  these  traditions, 
and  what  is  due  to  recent  speculations;  an  investigation  of  the 
Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann  would  be  in  itself  very  interesting, 
but  out  of  place  here.  It  is  very  likely  that  both  A  and  Ba, 
after  they  diverged  from  X,  added  some  passages;  for  there  were 
so  many  tales  extant  on  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  Even  in  Bb 
this  was  done,  as  appears  from  the  tale  entitled  Imthcchta  Tuirill 
Bicreo,  which  is  not  even  found  in  A.  Besides,  it  should  be  noticed 
that  Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann  in  its  literary  form  is  still  in 
the  process  of  formation  more  than  any  other  Invasion.  The  trad- 
iticns  it  contains  are  not  yet  fixed.  Thus  Ba  first  says  of  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  dolotar  dochum  Herenti  cen  ethru  cen  bar- 
ceo  i  nnellaih  ciach  co  rofersait  for  Sliahh  Chonmaicnc  Bein  i 
Connachtaihh ,  but  athearat  araile  comad  i  n-dhraih  notluustais. 
The  second  opinion  recurs  in  the  next  portion:  atherat  immorro 
fairenn  aili  comad  morlonyas  tancatar  Tuatha  De  Danann  a  n- 
Erinn  y  roloiscsit  a  mharca  7  is  don  dluim  dach  hai  dib  ica  losead 
adubratar  araile  conid  isin  dluim  ciach  thistais  7  ni  h-eadh  on, 
ar  is  iat  so  na  da  fochaind  ararloiscsit  a  longa  A.  arna  fogbatis 
fini  Fomra  iat  do  fogail  forro  7  arna  fogbatis  fein  conair  theichid 
a  hErinn.  There  is  another  controversy  as  to  whether  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann  were  demons  or  not,  which  is  answered  by  Ba  in  the 
negative,  because  the  arts  that  were  introduced  by  them  never 
were  destroyed,  not  even  after  the  coming  of  the  Faith. 


166  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL 


The  numerous  stories  current  on  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
caused  a  gradual  amplification  of  their  Gabál  during-  the  evolution 
of  LG,  In  LB  different  opinions  are  expressed  (as  on  Orbsen, 
whether  he  was  Manannan  himself  or  his  brother)  and  many 
names  of  aes  ddna  are  added,  new  particulars  on  Lug  are  given, 
and  the  whole  of  the  'Tuatha'  are  summed  up  in  a  long  poem 
Eisdead  ces  eagnai.  This  poem  was  left  out  in  A  as  appears 
from  a  marginal  note  in  LL:  Hie  debet  esse  Estid  ces  egna.  Lee  II 
does  not  deviate  from  LB  in  the  Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann  it- 
self, but  it  adds  many  suppositions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann,  just  as  it  does  for  the  Fir  Bolg  in  the  final  part 
of  Gabál  Nemid.    They  are  as  follows: 

Adbearaid  aroile  Tuatha  De  Danann  comad  do  sil  Beothaich 
mic  lardanainis  doih  A.  do  muinter  Nemid,  don  lucJit  dochuadar 
soir  do  chuindgid  na  h-ingine  ar  gahastair,  7  doronsat  feis  niair 
thair  CO  tangadar  iarum  cind  re  maire  a  n-ui  7  a  n-iarmui;  la 
med  a  n-eolais  dano  dolodar  cen  noithi  cen  eathra  co  ndeisidar 
for  Sleib  Comnaicne  Bein  i  Condachtaib.  Alberaid  araile  comad 
deamna  grada  ecsamla  teachadar  do  nim  arten  risin  hinges  dodea- 
chaid  Luitcifear  cona  deamnaih  do  nibh,  ar  fcemad  cliuirp  cerda 
umpu,  do  millead  7  d'  aslach  for  sil  nAdaim.  Is  he  les  fristucadar 
ces  in  iarmorachta  sin  i  ndiaid  demain  7  a  muintiri.  Tiagaid  thra 
in  lucht  sin  i  sidaib  7  tiagaid  fo  mtiirib  7  tiagaid  i  conrechtaib 
7  tiagaid  co  h-amaide  7  tiagait  co  tuaiih  cingtha.  Is  as  sin  is 
bunadas  doib  uili  A.  muinter  demain.  Ni  ruca  gcnelach  na  ndaine 
sea  for  ciila  nocho  rofeasidar  ßr  in  domain  olchena.  Ocus  do- 
rcebadar  in  sluag  sa  uili  la  fcrindi  Mac  Milead  7  la  tairchidal 
chreidme  Crist.  Acht  ata  isin  lihar  de  subternis  asbeartadar  araile 
comad  fileada  do  Grecaib  Tuatha  De  Danann  co  n-iniad  a  cumachta 
CO  n-imthigdis  for  muirib  cen  leasdru  i  ndiaid  ina  deasorbibain 
bithfaithi  (sic),  llobdar  tuatha  rig  7  cenela,  it  e  anmanna  na 
coimthech  cona  tuatJiaib  dea  .i  Dealbceth  7  Ealathan  7  Breas,  las 
roferad  cath  Brcsi  A.  cath  Muigi  Tuiread  fri  Fomorchaib,  7  Dagda  7 
Lug  Lamfota  fodcn.  With  this  theory  of  the  mysterious  'Liber 
de  Subternis'  cf.  the  statement  in  the  Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann 
of  Lee  II:  tancadar  asa  Grec  Sccitheacda. 

As  to  version  D,  the  Gabál  here  begins  with  an  introduction 
taken  from  the  appendix  of  Gabál  Nemid,  in  the  same  way  as 
Gabál  Fer  mBolg.  O'Clery  makes  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  come 
from  the  innsl  tuaisccrtucha  na  Grecci.     The  section  on  the  ces 


ON  LEBOR   GABÁLA.  167 

ílána  is  veiy  succinct.  No  innovations  are  introduced,  but  for  a 
very  strange  genealogy  of  Bress'  grandfather  Net  who  according 
to  all  the  other  versions  was  a  grandson  of  Alldui,  the  ancestor 
of  all  the  Tuatha  De  Danann;  while  D  has:  Breas  m.  Ealatliain 
m.  Ned  m.  Ciolcaigh  m.  Floisc  m.  Lipairn  m.  Galalm  m.  Larccaidh 
m.  Mercill  m.  Sailtcldaraigh  m.  Sdairn  FMaclaiyh  m.  Sipuirn  m. 
Sadail  m.  Jjcad  m.  Effic  m.  Pelist  m.  Fedil  m.  Cais  m.  Caim  m. 
Nóe.  By  tracing  this  genealogy  back  to  Cam,  O'Clery  probably 
wanted  to  corroborate  his  view^  that  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
really  were  demons. 


§  20.   The  Meic  Miled. 

Nennius  §  13  speaks  of  the  sons  of  3JÍ1 :  et  postea  veneriint 
ires  filii  cujusdam  militis  Hispaniae  cum  triginta  cndis  apud  illos 
et  cum  triginta  conju gibus  in  unaquaque  ciula,  et  mansenint  ihi 
[sc.  in  Hispania]  per  spaciiim  nnius  anni,  and  again  in  §  14: 
et  postea  veneriint  ad  Hiherniarn  post  mille  et  duos  annos  postquam 
mersi  sunt  Aegyptii  in  Faihrum  Mare.  From  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
LB  has  taken  a  remark  concerning  the  meeting  of  Banba  and 
Eriu  (queens  of  the  T.  D.  D.)  with  the  sons  of  Mil ;  and  a  note 
on  the  same  matter  is  quoted  from  Liber  Hymnorum  in  the  Trip. 
Life  of  S.  Patrick  (ed.  Stokes  p.  426).  Another  note  in  Liber 
Hymnorum,  glossing  Fiacc's  Hymn  vs.  37  (Thes.  Pal,  II,  p.  316) 
saj^s :  Se  meic  Miled  y  se  meic  Bile  meic  Breguin  simul  veneriint 
ad  Hiherniarn  sed  clariores  sunt  filii  Miled  quam  fblii  Breguin. 
Haec  sunt  nomina  filioruni  Miled:  Eber,  Erimon,  Ir,  Bonn, 
Amargen,  Colptlia.  0  Eber  atat  fir  Muman  et  ab  eo  Mumonia 
dicitur;  o  Erimon  immorro  ata  LetJt  Cuind  ule  y  Lagein  cemnithaat 
Ulaid,  0  h'  immorro  ataatside.  It  uate  dano  clanna  in  triir 
aile  y  nescio  ubi  sunt.  Acht  is  o  Band  nominatur  Tech  nBuind 
fri  Uerind  aniar.  0  CJtolptha  dano  Ether  Colptha  uhi  Boand  in 
mare  exit.  Except  these  sparse  statements  on  the  sons  of  Mil  we 
have  no  sources  on  their  early  exploits  other  than  Ba  and  A. 
Fortunately  the  notes  in  HB  and  in  Lib.  Hymn.,  scanty  though 
they  be,  teach  us  something.  Both  A  and  Ba  record  nine  sons 
of  Mil,  only  two  of  whom  left  children,  Erimon  and  Eber.  HB 
knows  but  three  sons  of  Mil,  and  Lib.  Hymn,  states  that  only 
Erimon,  Eber  and  Ir  were  the  progenitors  of  Irish  tribes.    This 


168  A,  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

genealogical  theoiy  seems  to  be  very  old,  for  in  the  7*^  century- 
genealogical  poems  edited  by  Kuno  Mej^er  the  sons  of  Mil 
already  figure  as  ancestors  of  royal  families.  So  the  three  sons 
of  Mil  alluded  to  by  Nennius  must  have  been  these  three  pro- 
genitors of  the  Irish  race^).  The  other  six  were  added  later, 
as  well  as,  of  course,  the  sous  of  Bregon  &c.  No  further  infor- 
mation can  be  drawn  from  the  earliest  sources.  Let  us  now 
consider  the  earliest  texts  of  LG. 

The  Gabál  Mac  Miled  consists  of  two  parts:  the  story  of 
Ith  and  the  invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil  proper.  On  a  fine  winter- 
evening  Ith  saw  Ireland  from  the  tow^er  of  Brigantia.  Though 
he  was  mocked  at  by  his  brothers,  he  crossed  to  the  unknown 
country.  His  help  was  required  there  to  settle  a  controversy 
between  the  three  reigning  Tuatha  De  Dannan  kings  on  the 
partition  of  a  certain  treasure.  Ith  advised  them  to  keep  friends 
with  each  other,  and  he  praised  their  countrj^,  is  maitli  for 
n-innsi,  as  inula  a  mil  y  a  mes  7  a  cruitlinecht,  7  as  mesraigthe 
ar  tlies  7  uaclit,  ata  for  furthain  iiili  innte.  The  Tuatha  De 
Danann  fearing  his  envy  killed  him  on  Mag  Itha.  His  com- 
panions took  his  body  to  Spain,  and  it  was  to  avenge  his  death 
that  his  brothers  went  after  him.  One  question  obtrudes  itself 
immediately:  is  this  story  old?  Nennius  does  not  allude  to  it, 
but  no  great  importance  should  be  attached  to  this  argu- 
mentum ex  silentio.  There  are  other  proofs,  however.  The 
praise  of  Ireland  by  Ith  seems  to  be  an  anticipation  of  that  by 
Amargen,  son  of  Mil,  whose  priority  is  vindicated  by  a  (corrupt) 
retoric  occurring  in  it  {lascacli  muir  —  mothach  iir  —  tomaidm 
n-eisc  —  iasc  and  fo  thuind  —  en  lethach  —  mil  partacJi  lag 
—  tomoAdm  n-eisc  —  iascacli  muir).  The  quarrel  among  the  three 
T.  D.  D.  kings  has  nothing  to  do  with  Ith  but  belongs  to  the 
stories  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  The  name  of  Ith  is  merely  an 
abstraction  from  Mag  Itha.     And  LL  (I4b20 — 22)   preserves  a 


1)  Notice  that  they  are  the  three  whose  uames  are  taken  from  various 
place  uames:  Erbnon  from  Erin,  Eber  from  Irish -Latin  Eberia,  Ir  from 
Old-Norse  Iraland  or  Irar,  or  perhaps  rather  from  Ang-lo- Saxon  Irland  or 
Yrland.  My  view  is  corroborated  by  a  line  in  the  poem  Naoimsenchas  naomh 
in7isi  Fail,  of  which  there  are  two  copies  in  the  Brussels  MS.  5100 — 5104: 
Eiremhon,  Hir,  Eimher  ail  tri  meic  Miled  go  morghrain  or  Eireamon,  Eber, 
Ir  ail  tri  mtic  Miled  a  liEaapain. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  169 

passage  showing-  that  originally  the  sons  of  Mil  had'  themselves 
seen  Ireland  from  Brigantia:  doronsat  meic  Miled  immarhdig 
imrama  ic  tiachtain  docimm  Herend  assin  baile  in  fhaccatar 
Herind  uadib.  These  words  along  with  the  other  indications 
furnish  a  conclusive  proof  that  the  story  of  Ith  is  but  an  inter- 
polation, and  it  is  no  mere  accident  that  it  is  altogether  lacking 
in  HB.  As  we  possess  no  intermediate  stage  between  HB  and  X, 
we  cannot  infer  from  external  evidence  at  what  time  it  came  in, 
but  this  happened  in  anj'  case  before  the  end  of  the  10*^^  century-, 
for  both  A  and  Ba  have  it. 

In  the  Invasion  of  the  Meic  Miled  proper  we  read  of  acci- 
dents during  the  crossing ,  of  struggles  with  the  T.  D.  D. ,  who 
try  to  keep  them  off  the  coast,  of  the  battles  of  Sliabh  Mis  and 
Tailltiu  against  the  demons,  of  the  meeting  with  Banba,  Eriu 
and  Fodla,  and  of  Amargen's  retorics  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
conquest  of  the  island  by  the  Goidels.  Then  a  struggle  arises 
between  Eber  and  Erimon  on  the  division  of  the  countr}',  but 
Amargen  makes  peace.  Henceforth  the  descendants  of  Erimon 
live  in  the  North,  and  those  of  Eber  in  the  South. 

A  comparison  of  A  and  Ba  shows  that  this  section  is  almost 
the  same  in  both.  The  order  is  somewhat  different  as  A  mentions 
the  death  of  Airennán,  ír,  and  Scene  before  the  Meic  Miled 
reach  Ireland,  whereas  in  Ba  it  is  recorded  later,  along  with 
that  of  Donn  and  Erech.  A  does  not  speak  of  the  battle  of 
Tailltiu,  and  Ba,  on  the  other  hand,  has  but  a  very  summary 
account  of  the  meeting  with  Banba,  Eriu,  and  Fodla.  But  all 
these  slight  modifications  should  be  imputed  to  the  scribes,  and 
not  to  variants  in  the  tradition.  Though  Ba  has  one  poem, 
Ocht  meic  Galaim,  which  must  be  based  on  the  story  of  Galam 
and  Xectinebus,  that  is  to  say  on  a  tradition  unknown  in  A, 
most  of  the  poems  are  the  same  in  both,  even  the  retorics  by 
Amargen.  Another  poem  that  only  occurs  in  Ba,  Tascwr  Mac 
Miled  dar  muir,  must  be  quite  late,  and  the  same  must  be  said 
of  Se  meic  Miledli  in  A.  We  may  fairly  assume  that,  but  for 
unimportant  additions  and  modifications,  A  and  Ba  represent  the 
text  of  X.  "We  know  that  X  had  not  quite  the  same  version 
as  HB,  for  X  had  nine  (or  eight)  sons  of  Mil  instead  of  three. 
For  the  rest,  none  of  the  traditions  enumerated  seem  to  have 
existed  in  Nennius'  time,  for  there  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of 
them  in  HB.    Accordingly,  the  great  development  of  this  Gabál 


170  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

took  place  between  the  8^^  and  the  11^^  century.     Before  that 
time  it  existed  onl}'  in  germ. 

As  to  version  C,  its  earliest  representative  LB  once  more 
appears  to  have  been  made  up  of  the  versions  A,  Ba  and  Bb. 
In  the  main  Ba  is  followed,  but  the  account  of  the  death  of  Scene, 
for  instance,  has  been  taken  from  A.  For  a  few  particulars  LB  is 
indebted  to  Bb:  for  the  instance  names  of  the  servants'  servants 
{mogaidna  mogad)  at  the  crossing  to  Ireland,  which  are  only  found 
in  Bb;  for  this  reason  probably  LB  adds:  7  ni  h-iad  is  lanoirdraica 
isna  leabraibh.  "When  speaking  of  Banba,  Fodla  and  Eriu,  LB 
inserts  a  passage  from  Cin  Dromma  .Snechta,  and  in  some  other 
places  the  text  is  enlarged  a  little  on  the  scribe's  own  account. 
In  the  same  way  Lee  II  does  not  deviate  much  fi-om  the  older 
text.  The  only  addition  in  this  MS.  that  claims  special  mention 
is  in  the  tract  on  Erimon's  sons.  Of  Irial  Faith  mac  Erimoin 
it  is  said:  is  ris  adeirthe  Nuada  Airgedlam,  a  statement  which 
could  hardly  be  based  on  a  genuine  tradition.  After  a  long 
digression  on  Erimon's  sons  and  their  descendants,  the  text 
runs  on:  Airmidter  eland  aile  do  breith  do  JEremon  i  n  Erinn.  i. 
Alan,  Eidenn,  Aine,  Caithiar,  Caithear,  Cerna;  and  in  the  same 
way  Lee  II  says  of  Eber:  7  airmid  eolaig  eland  do  beith  aiei  i 
n-Erinn  A.  Conmcel  mac  Ebir  rogob  rigi  uErenn,  7  Alban,  7  Caur, 
Corand,  Edar,  Airb,  Airbe.  But,  as  these  names  themselves  show 
clearly,  they  owe  their  existence  to  comparatively  late  specu- 
lations. C  therefore  does  not  represent  a  much  further  developed 
stage  of  the  saga.  The  same  may  be  said  of  D :  O'Clery's  version 
does  not  go  bej^ond  Lee  II. 

§  21.   Synopsis  of  the  growth  of  the  six  Invasions. 

As  to  the  antiquity  of  the  current  traditions,  they  do  not 
take  us  back  so  far  here  as  in  the  Introduction  on  the  Goidels. 
There  a  few  remarks  in  the  genealogical  poems  showed  that 
there  existed  a  story  of  Mil  even  before  Nennius.  Here  we  have 
no  traces  taking  us  back  beyond  HB.  The  copy  of  LG,  used 
by  Nennius.  consisted  of  but  three  sections:  Gabál  Partholoin, 
Gabál  Xemid  with  an  appendix  on  Xemed's  descendants,  and 
Gabál  Mac  Miled.  Though  several  details  may  have  been  lacking 
in  that  remote  period,  as,  for  instance,  the  making  of  plains, 
lakes,  forts  &c.,  yet  the  general  trend  of  Nennius'  LG  was  not 


ON   LEBOR  GABÁLA.  171 

much  different  from  the  one  we  know  from  A  and  Ba.  The 
principal  additions  in  the  period  800  — 1000  are :  The  Invasion 
of  Cesair,  which  is  based  on  an  equally  old,  but  isolated  tradition, 
and  the  Invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg-  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann, 
which  developed  from  the  appendix  of  Gabál  Nemid,  under  the 
influence  of  popular  stories.  In  fact,  the  germ  of  these  tAvo 
Invasions  was  given  in  that  appendix:  several  groups  of  invaders, 
all  descending  from  Nemed,  are  mentioned  there,  and  among  them- 
Builc  and  Dam  hoctor  "the  company  of  eight  men'.  All  additional 
particulars  about  them  are  but  later  ornaments,  in  HB  they  still 
come  over  from  Spain  —  like  all  the  other  invaders  —  and  not 
from  Greece  or  the  Nortliern  islands.  According!}'  in  the  sections 
on  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  there  must  have 
been  forces  at  work  in  those  two  centuries  that  gave  the  stories 
quite  another  aspect;  cf.  §§  25  —  26,  where  it  w'ill  be  shown,  that 
those  additions  for  the  most  part  w^ere  patched  up  from  hetero- 
geneous legends.  The  Invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil,  too,  Avas  subject 
to  important  alterations.  The  tradition  represented  bj"  HB  is 
this:  Three  sons  of  Mil  —  probably  Erimon,  Eber  and  ír,  as 
the  two  first  names  occur  already  in  early  7*'^  century  poems  — 
come  from  Spain  and  occupy  Ireland.  In  the  period  800 — 1000 
the  story  of  Ith  was  prefixed  and  the  number  of  companions 
increased.  Of  course  the  account  of  the  struggle  between  the 
sons  of  Mil  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  also  belongs  to  that  same 
period,  as  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  themselves  were  yet  unknown 
as  invaders  of  Ireland  in  Nennius'  time.  For  the  rest  no  important 
interpolations  can  be  placed  with  certainty  before  the  second  half 
of  the  10^1^  century. 

As  to  later  times,  both  A  and  Ba  have  their  own  inno- 
vations, which  were  introduced,  however,  on  a  very  moderate 
scale.  The  same  may  be  said  of  still  later  texts,  namely  the 
version  C  and  D,  where  sometimes  additional  tracts,  varying 
traditions  &c.  are  found,  without  affecting  in  any  way  the  original 
form  of  the  saga.  In  this  regard  the  history  of  the  Invasions 
differs  widely  from  that  of  the  Introduction,  where  so  many  sepa- 
rate traditions,  belonging  to  the  oldest  period,  were  preserved  in 
the  process  of  compilation.  Therefore  the  Introduction  presents 
a  clearer  image  of  the  composition  of  LG,  and  is  the  better  guide 
to  find  its  real  nucleus,  though  occasional  illustration  may  also 
be  afforded  by  the  Invasions  themselves. 


172  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

IT.    Origin  and  structure  of  Lel)or  Gral)ála. 

§  22.    Mil  and  his  sons. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  I  have  endeavoured  to  show 
that  the  history  of  LGr  can  be  separated  into  two  main  periods, 
that  of  evolution  (till  1000)  and  that  of  filiation  and  compilation 
(from  the  11*'^  till  the  17*^^  centurj').  It  will  be  our  present  task 
to  trace  the  origin  of  the  traditions  that  constituted  LG  as  it 
existed  in  the  second  half  of  the  10*  century,  viz.  in  X, 
Among  these  again  two  groups  must  be  distinguished:  those 
occurring  in  the  earliest  documents,  before  800,  and  those  added 
in  the  years  800  — 1000.  In  §  21  I  have  given  as  my  opinion 
that  Nennius'  copy  of  LG  contained  these  three  sections:  the 
history  of  the  Scotti  of  Scythia  and  their  coming  to  Ireland 
as  sons  of  Mil,  the  Invasion  of  Partholon  and  the  Invasion  of 
Nemed  with  an  appendix.  Which  of  these  is  the  real  germ  of 
LG?  In  Ba  it  is  stated  that  all  the  successive  invaders  of  Ire- 
land descended  from  Eifath  Scot.  No»v  Mil  and  his  sons  were, 
according  to  the  earliest  genealogical  poems  (7*  century),  the 
direct  descendants  of  Eifath,  while  Partholon  and  Nemed  are 
still  unknoAvn.  So  even  in  our  oldest  sources  there  already 
existed  a  connection  between  Eifath  and  Mil,  so  that  the  story 
of  Mil  evidently  represents  the  germ  from  which  LG  arose. 

There  are  three  statements,  bearing  on  Mil  and  his  race, 
that  take  us  back  beyond  800:  in  HB,  the  second  tradition  in 
Ba  (see  p.  137 — 130),  and  the  genealogical  poems.  As  none  of 
them  preserves  a  complete  version,  we  shall  have  to  make  up 
the  full  story  out  of  these  three  authorities.  The  elements  of 
the  tale  that  must  have  existed  before  800  are  these:  The  three 
sons  of  Mil  or  Miles  Hispaniae  came  from  Spain  to  Ireland;  their 
starting-point  was  Brigantia  (as  appears  from  the  occurrence  of 
Bregou  in  the  genealogical  list).  Before  their  sojourn  in  Spain 
they  had  been  in  Egypt,  whither  they  had  fled  after  being 
expelled  from  their  original  country,  Scythia.  A  genealogical 
tradition  existed  already  drawing  their  lineage  from  Eifath 
Scot,  grandson  of  Jafeth.  No  chronological  connection  had  as 
yet  been  established,  as  has  been  proved  on  p.  139  from  a  com- 
parison of  HB  and  the  second  tradition  of  Ba.  In  the  same 
way  the   account   of   the  wanderings   of   the   Goidels   presents 


ON  LEBOR   GABÁLA.  173 

quite  a  different  aspect  in  those  two  oldest  versions;  consequently 
it  is  not  a  genuine  element  of  the  saga. 

Whj'  did  the  sons  of  Mil  come  from  Spain?  It  was  not 
only  they  who  took  that  country  as  their  starting-point,  but 
Partholon  and  Nemed,  as  well  according  to  Nennius,  though  later 
recensions  have  invented  new  origins  for  these.  The  entire  story 
of  the  Meic  Miled  seeing  Ireland  from  BrigantiaO  and  their 
coming  over  from  Spain  is  based  on  two  passages  in  Orosius' 
Adversus  Paganos:  12  §39,  Hiberm'a  insula  inter  Britanniam 
et  Hispaniam  sita  longiore  ah  africo  in  hoream  spatio  porrigitur. 
Huius  partes  priores  intentae  Cantabrico  oceano  Briganiiam 
Gallaeciae  civitatem  ah  africo  sibi  in  circium  occurrentem,  spatioso 
intervallo  procul  spectant,  ah  eo  praecipue  promuntorio,  uhi  Scenae 
fluminis  ostium  est  et  Velabri  Lucenique  consistunt,  and  I  2  §  33, 
Secundus  anguhis  [sc.  Hispaniae]  circium  intendit,  uhi  Brigantia 
Gallaeciae  civitas  sita  altissimum  farum,  et  inter pauca  memorandi 
operis  ad  speculam  Britanniae  erigit.  Isidore,  in  the  introduction 
to  his  'Historia  de  regibus  Gothorum,  AVandalorum  et  Svevorum', 
§  1  thus  apostrophises  his  country:  Omnimn  terrarum^  qtiaeque 
sunt  ah  occiduo  usque  ad  Indos  pulcherrima  es,  o  sacra,  semperque 
felix  principiim,  gentium  mater  Htspania.  This  expression  gentium 
mater  gave  birth  to  the  opinion  that  Spain  was  the  starting- 
point  of  all  the  successive  invaders,  while  the  two  passages 
from  Orosius  explain  the  story  of  the  tower  at  Brigantia  and 
the  landing  at  Inber  Scene.  The  next  question  that  arises  is: 
why  was  Scythia  the  original  country  of  the  Goidels?  Here  a 
wrong  etymology  was  at  work:  Scotti  or  Scuit  =  Scythia. 
Once  Scythia  was  accepted  as  the  origin  of  the  Goidels,  their 
ancestry  was  fixed  also.  According  to  Isidore's  Etymologiae  — 
and  all  other  authorities  based  upon  the  Aiafisgioi/dg  T?jg  yijg  — 
it  was  Gamer  ex  quo  Galatae,  id  est  Galli  (1X2,20).  Among 
Gomer's  sons,  Eifath  was  the  one  from  whom  the  Fapldugoni 
drew  their  origin;  in  later  Irish  tradition  the  Paphlagoni  were 
the  doeni  filet  i  Sleibib  Iliphi  (LSA),  and  there  is  no  reason  why 
this  tradition  should  not  have  been  current  in  the  7^^'  century 
also.  The  Irish  regarded  themselves  as  closely  akin  to  the  Gauls, 
who  descended  from  Gomer;  of  Gomer's  sons  there  was  one  whose 


1)  Cf.  p.  169  where  it  has  been  shown  that  originally  the  sons  of  Mil 
themselves  saw  Ireland  for  the  first  time. 


174  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

progeny  lived  in  Sliab  Rife,  the  mountain  range  bordering 
Scytliia.  Hence  resulted  the  theory  that  Eifath  was  the  proge- 
nitor of  the  Goidelic  race. 

So  far  the  tradition  might  have  developed  naturally  from 
well-known  classical  works.  Now  the  Goidels  had  still  to  be 
transported  from  Scythia  to  Spain.  Of  com\se,  Egypt  lay  on  the 
route.  But  why  introduce  a  sojourn  of  the  vir  nohilis  de  Scythia, 
as  Xennius  puts  it,  in  Egypt?  For  this  addition  the  compilers  of 
LG  were  indebted  to  another  passage  in  Orosius,  whose  exact 
meaning  they  did  not  grasp:  Adv.  Pag.  I  10,  19  =  His  etiam 
temporihus  [sc,  when  the  Israelites  left  Egypt]  adeo  iugis  et 
grauis  aestus  incanduit,  ut  sol  x)er  deuia  transuectits  Universum 
orbeni  non  colore  affccisse  sed  igne  torruisse  dicatur,  imjyressumque 
feruorem  et  Aetliiops  plus  solitum  et  insolitum  Scytlia  non  tulerit. 
The  final  words  were  only  intended  to  help  the  readers'  imagin- 
ation in  order  to  give  an  idea  of  the  heat  prevailing  in  Egypt 
at  that  time.  But  the  Irish,  who  regarded  the  ancient  Scythians 
as  their  own  ancestors,  were  struck  by  the  word  Scyiha  and 
inferred  from  the  passage  that  there  was  a  Scythian  living  in 
Egypt.  This  conclusion  fitted  wonderfully  well  with  the  theory 
that  the  Scythians  had  moved  from  their  own  countr}^  to  Spain, 
as  Egypt  lay  on  the  way. 

Only  one  element  of  the  story  now  remains  to  be  explained. 
Why  were  there  three  sons  of  Mil?  Here  we  have  the  purely 
Irish  part  of  the  saga.  We  know  from  the  genealogical  poems 
that  two  of  the  three  sons,  alluded  to  by  Nennius,  were  Erimon 
and  Eber,  and  in  §  20  I  have  suggested  that  the  third  should 
have  been  Ir  (see  p.  168).  These  three  were  the  hypothetical  an- 
cestors of  the  Irish  royal  races,  whose  names  had  been  fabricated 
from  Eriu^),  Eberia  (the  usual  Irish  form  for  Latin  Iberia,- 2& 
appears  from  the  Liber  Generationis  or  Cosmographia,  Mon.  Germ, 
Hist.  Auct.  Ant.  IX)  and  from  Anglo-Saxon  Liand  or  Yrland. 
In  case  the  name  Ir  should  not  be  so  old  as  the  others  —  it  does 
not  figure  in  the  genealogical  poems  —  it  may  equally  well  be 
based  on  Old-Norse  Irar.    The  name  Eber  from  Eberia'^)  proves 


1)  For  the  formation  cf.  other  learned  names  as  Partholón,  Semión,  &e. 

2)  It  does  not  seem  very  likely  that  this  name  should  have  arisen  under 
the  influence  of  the  Hebrew  ancestor  EOer,  Gen.  XI 14.  Likewise  it  is  impossible 
that  Eier  should  preserve  the  n  of  the  old  name  for  Ireland:  Enerio. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  175 

that  the  saga  of  the  Spanish  origin  of  the  Irish  already  existed 
when  those  eponymous  ancestors  were  invented,  and  that  these 
names  were  fabricated  in  connection  with  it.  Eber  occurs  in  an 
early  7^^  century  document  and  Orosius'  history  was  composed 
in  the  first  half  of  the  5*^  century;  so  that  we  may  indicate  the 
6^^  century  as  the  period  when  the  original  LG  was  composed. 
Along  with  it  the  genealogical  tradition  of  the  Irish  kings  arose. 
Then  the  germ  of  LG  was  ready.  Except  Erimon.  Eber  and 
perhaps  Ir,  the  story  contained  hardly  any  proper  names:  only 
Bregon  existed  as  the  founder  of  Brigantia,  and  the  name  Mil, 
father  of  Erimon  and  Eber,  was  adopted  from  the  Latin  sub- 
stantive ?niles]  this  last,  more  than  any  of  the  others,  clearly 
bears  the  ti'aces  of  its  learned  origin.  Bregon  was  made  an  an- 
cestor of  Mil. 

Now  we  proceed  to  the  period  800—1000.  In  these  years  for 
the  first  time  a  chronological  association  was  looked  for.  At  what 
time  did  Orosius'  Scythian  live  in  Egypt,  and  why  did  he  leave 
that  country?  There  were  two  solutions  of  this  problem:  1«  he 
was  there  when  Pharaoh  was  drowned  in  the  Bed  Sea,  and  the 
cause  of  his  expulsion  was  his  help  given  to  the  Israelites;  and 
20  his  sojourn  fell  in  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquest,  and  he 
was  driven  out  by  the  great  Macedonian  ruler.  So  there  arose  two 
variant  traditions,  one  of  which  is  preserved  in  HB  and  the  other 
in  the  second  tradition  of  Ba.  Both  have  one  element  in  common: 
the  Scythian  is  mariied  to  Pharaoh's  daughter  Scota.  So  this 
princess,  who  gave  her  name  to  all  her  progeny,  must  still  belong 
to  the  preceding  period.  But  in  the  rest  the  two  versions  diverge 
more  and  more  in  the  coming  centuries.  That  of  HB  became  the 
popular  one,  and  was  adopted  by  Maolmuru  Otlma  and  X;  its 
rival  was  preserved  in  almost  its  original  form,  until  it  was 
discovered  by  the  scribe  of  Ba  who  inserted  it  in  his  copy  of  X, 
cf.  §  12.  The  tradition  represented  by  HB  was  handled  by  so 
many  scribes  that  it  was  greatlj^  enlarged  and  embellished.  Let 
us  now  consider  its  additions. 

In  the  first  place  the  genealogical  theory  was  elaborated. 
There  existed  already  some  eponymous  heroes  of  the  Irish: 
Erimon,  Eber  (Ir?),  and  Scota.  Now  three  new  heroes  were  in- 
troduced: Nél,  Goedel  Glas  and  Fénius  Farsaich.  They  all  got  a 
place  in  the  pedigree  of  the  Meic  Miled,  but  not  the  same  in 
the  various  sources,  see  p.  124;   the  order,  differing  in  the  note 


176  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

to  Fiacc's  Hymn,  wliere  Nél  is  the  son  of  Goedel  Glas,  from  the 
usual  tradition  of  LG,  where  Nél  is  the  father  and  Goedel  the 
son,  as  well  as  the  different  position  occupied  b}'  Fénius  in  LSA 
and  in  Ba  (cf.  p.  144),  show  that  these  eponymous  heroes  came 
in  at  a  period  when  there  was  alread}'  a  number  of  distinct 
versions  current.  The  vir  nobilis  de  Scythia,  who  lived  in  Egj^pt, 
banished  from  his  own  country,  was  called  Nél.  This  was,  of 
course,  a  homage  to  the  royal  family  of  the  Ui  Néill,  being  the 
more  acceptable  because  of  the  likeness  of  their  name  to  that 
of  the  Egytian  river,  the  Nile.  Nél  and  Scota  had  a  son,  Goedel 
Glas,  whose  name  is  said  to  have  passed  over  to  the  Goedels. 
From  Féne,  the  old  originally  tribal  designation  of  the  Irish, 
Fénius  was  moulded.  This  Fénius  found  his  way  into  LSA,  where 
he  was  styled  a  son  of  Baath  mac  Magoich  meic  Jafeth,  whereas 
in  LG  (as  preserved  in  Ba)  he  was  given  a  place  in  the  old 
genealogy  of  the  Irish  kings  (see  p.  142).  Other  ancestors  of  the 
Goedels  to  whom  a  special  task  was  assigned  on  the  long  way 
from  Scythia  to  Ireland,  were  all  taken  from  the  same  old 
genealogy:  Sru  and  Esru  lead  the  Goidels  from  Egypt  back  to 
Scythia,  Agnoman  and  Lámfind  brought  them  from  Scythia  to 
the  Maeotic  marshes,  Brath  guided  them  from  thence  to  Spain. 
But  these  genealogical  digressions  were  not  the  only  add- 
itions of  the  period  800 — 1000.  Except  several  that  developed 
naturally  out  of  the  text  itself  (see  §§  10  — 12),  there  came 
in  a  few  new  connections  with  biblical  history,  the  origin  of 
which  it  will  be  necessary  to  point  out  here.  A  basis  of  these 
biblical  associations  was  given  by  the  chronological  theorj'  of  HB 
that  the  vir  nohilis  de  Scythia  (or  later:  Nél)  was  living  in 
Egypt  at  the  time  Pharaoh  was  drowned  in  the  Eed  Sea.  This 
theory  involved  that  Nél  had  known  Moses  and  Aaron;  and 
their  relations  accordingly  were  depicted  as  being  of  the  most 
intimate  nature:  so  a  legend  arose  that  supplied  at  the  same 
time  a  good  reason  for  the  Goidels'  leaving  Egypt,  as  they  must 
have  been  distrusted  by  the  surviving  Egyptians.  This  legend 
must  be  pretty  old,  as  it  occurs  already  in  MO:  the  Goidels 
are  befriended  by  the  Israelites,  and  after  the  disaster  in  the 
Red  Sea  they  are  afraid  of  the  Egyptians,  because  they  have  not 
joined  them  in  the  persecution  of  the  populus  Dei,  and  for  that 
reason  they  leave  the  country.  The  most  remarkable  episode  in 
the  whole  story  is  that  of  Goidel  Glas  and  the  snake.    Nél's  son 


ON  LEBOR   GABÁLA.  177 

Goidel  is  bitten  by  a  venomous  snake  and  his  death  is  almost 
certain:  his  colour  turns  livid  —  hence  his  epithet 6rZa5.  But  his 
father's  friends  Moses  and  Aaron  cure  him :  obviously  a  reminiscence 
of  Num.  XXI  6 — 9.  The  character  of  Nél,  the  learned  man,  who 
comes  to  Egypt  to  teach  the  languages,  seems  to  have  been 
influenced  by  that  of  Joseph  (see  Orosius,  Adv.  Pag.  I  8). 
Another  connection  with  biblical  history  is  contrived  at  an  earlier 
point.  Eifath  Scot,  the  biblical  ancestor  of  the  Goidels,  was  a 
contemporary  of  Nimrod,  in  whose  lifetime  the  tower  of  Babel 
was  built.  This  coincidence  gave  birth  to  the  tradition  that 
Eifath  had  brought  with  him  the  Gaelic  language  from  the  tower 
(so  in  Ba).  In  later  versions  this  task  was  assigned  to  Fénius, 
the  father  of  Nél,  who  was  said  to  have  fabricated  the  Gaelic 
language  from  the  72  languages.  This  was  the  opinion  ofLSx\, 
which  was  adopted  by  A;  but  it  quite  upsets  the  chronology, 
cf.  p.  144.  An  older  stage  of  it  is  simply  this,  that  Fénius  had 
a  school  where  the  languages  were  taught  (MO).  No  w^onder 
that  LSA,  where  Eifath  was  done  away  with,  gave  his  position 
at  the  tower  of  Babel  to  Fénius,  who  had  already  some 
connection  with  it.  These  biblical  touches  involved  the  pre- 
fixing of  a  preface  which  is  entirely  based  on  the  first  chapters 
of  Genesis.  It  should  be  noticed,  however,  that  these  stories  of 
Nél  in  Egypt  or  Eifath  at  Babel  are  no  slavish  imitations  of  biblical 
traditions,  but  independent  accretions  having  only  some  external 
relation  to  them;  for  the  rest  they  are  creations  of  the  imagin- 
ation. In  the  same  way  LG  was  gradually  illustrated  by  other 
imaginative  digressions:  descriptions  of  their  wanderings,  founded 
on  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  Irish,  an  account  of  the 
struggles  between  the  two  royal  races  in  Scythia,  and  of  their 
battles  in  Spain,  &c.  From  Isidore  a  list  of  Pharaohs  was  in- 
troduced into  Ba.  Of  all  these  further  innovations  one  group 
particularly  claims  our  attention,  namely  those  based  on  Irish 
literature  itself. 

In  the  first  place  there  is  the  story  of  Caicher  drui.  After 
leaving  Scythia,  whither  they  returned  from  Egypt,  the  Goidels 
are  allured,  on  their  voyage,  by  the  song  of  the  mermaids  (niedrad 
na  miirduchonn).  The  druid  Caicher  saves  them  by  putting  wax 
in  their  ears.  Afterwards  they  reach  Sliab  Eife.  There  Caicher 
says:  'lEirgid,  ni  anfam  de  co  risani  Erinn!  'Cia  h-airm  ita  an 
Erinn',  ar  Laimfinn.    'Is  sia  uait  indai  in  Scithia  7  ni  sinne  fen 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  12 


178  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

ric  (sic)  acht  ar  dann  hi  cinn  xcc.  hliadan.'  From  Sliab  ßife 
they  come  to  the  Maeotic  marshes,  where  they  remain  for  many 
generations,  until  Bráth  leads  them  to  Spain.  The  sojourn  in  the 
Maeotic  marshes  came  in  in  the  9^^'  century  (see  p.  126),  so  we 
may  fairly  assume  that  the  tale  of  Caicher  was  introduced  at  the 
same  period,  as  these  two  elements  are  closely  connected.  The 
singing"  mermaids  are  of  course  a  reminiscence  of  the  Odyssey. 
The  idea  of  a  prophecy  about  Ireland  may  have  been  borrowed 
from  Exodus  XXXIII  1,  but  the  way  it  is  worked  out  stamps 
it  as  belonging  to  a  special  class  of  innovations.  The  druid 
possessing  supernatural  knowledge  belongs  neither  to  biblical  nor 
to  classical  saga,  but  is  an  element  of  the  purely  Irish  tales.  It 
would  be  quite  be3^ond  the  scope  of  the  present  investigation  to 
trace  the  original  meaning  of  the  druid  in  Irish  literature  i);  it 
will  suffice  to  state  that  in  the  9*'*  century  LG  began  to  be  Irish- 
ised,  or  that  in  this  period  elements  from  Irish  saga- literature 
were  adopted  in  LG.  The  prophesying  druid  is  a  well-known 
figure  in  the  Ulster -saga,  from  which  it  was  borrowed  by  the 
pseudo- classical  saga.  The  history  of  the  Introduction  of  LG 
enables  us  to  point  out  the  exact  time  that  this  happened.  See 
on  this  also  §§  24—26. 

Nor  is  the  story  of  Caicher  the  only  instance  belonging  to 
this  class  of  innovations.  The  further  adventures  of  the  sons  of 
Mil  afford  many  instances  of  it.  In  MO  the  whole  Gabál  Mac 
Miled  appears  in  its  final  form,  whereas  in  HB  there  is  not  a 
single  trace  of  the  many  particulars  that  give  to  it  its  special 
character.  Yet  from  Gin  Dromma  Snechta  we  know  that  in  the 
8*^  century  there  existed  a  tradition  that  the  sons  of  Mil,  at 
their  arrival  in  Ireland,  found  Banba  and  Eriu  living  there^).  So 
at  that  time  some  legend  of  their  coming  to  Ireland  had  already 
arisen,  but  we  do  not  know  how  far  it  was  developed.  It  cannot 
have  been  very  old  then,  for  Gin  Dromma  Snechta  also  preserves 
the  older  tradition  that  Banba  was  the  first  woman  who  reached 
Ireland  before  the  Deluge  (see  p.  151).  It  seems  highly  probable 
that  the  transferring  of  Banba  from  antediluvian  times  to  the 
Invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil  was  the  cause  of  the  addition  of  all 


^)  See  on  this  my  hypothesis  in  the  Actes  du  IVe  Congrés  international 
de  I'histoire  des  religions,  Leiden  1912,  p.  147. 

^)  Cf.  also  Cormac  §  1265  (Anecd.  IV) :  Tres  enim  erant  regine  A.  Ere 
et  Fotla  et  Banba.     Lege  Gabala  Erenn  si  uis  plenius  scire. 


ON   LEBOR    GABÁLA.  179 

their  further  adventures;  for  Banba  was  considered  as  a  queen 
of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  who  inhabited  Ireland  before  the 
Goidels.  Therefore  the  9*^  century,  or  perhaps  the  second  half 
of  the  8*^^  century  —  for  Nennius  may  have  used  an  older  copy  — 
may  be  indicated  as  the  period  these  adventures  were  introduced. 

The  first  of  these  additions  is  the  story  of  Ith,  on  which  see 
p.  168.  It  was  introduced  in  order  to  provide  a  reason  for  the 
sons  of  Mil  crossing  over  to  Ireland.  Its  elements  are  perspicuous: 
the  name  is  derived  from  Mag  Itha,  where  Ith  was  killed;  his 
meeting  with  the  kings  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  and  his  eulogy 
of  Ireland  before  them,  is  a  reminiscence  of  Exodus  XXXIII  3. 
For  the  rest  there  is  nothing  new  in  it,  but  for  an  allusion  to 
a  Tuatha  De  Danann  story  (viz.  that  of  the  treasure  of  Fiaclma 
mac  Delbaith),  which  confirms  my  hypothesis  that  it  was  in  this 
period  the  first  connections  with  Irish  literature  proper  were 
effected:  all  the  traditions  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  came  in  then. 
More  interesting  is  the  real  Gabál  Mac  j\Iiled.  The  three  sons  of 
Mil  have  increased  in  number;  the  six  new  sons  bear  names  partly 
taken  from  geographical  ones  {Bonn  from  Tech  Duinn,  Colptha 
from  Inher  Colptha),  while  Erannan  is  a  new  formation  from 
Eriu,  Febria  occurs  in  the  oldest  genealogical  poems,  and  Airech 
acquired  his  name  from  a  well-known  noun.  The  other  companions, 
as  the  sons  of  Bregon,  &c.,  all  have  names  reminiscent  of  Irish 
topography.  Only  Amargen  ('the  Grief -born')  is  an  exception. 
His  name  stands  apart  from  the  others,  and  so  does  the  part  he 
plays  in  the  saga.  He  is  the  only  character  of  the  story.  After 
the  sons  of  Mil  have  reached  the  coast,  they  are  driven  back  to 
sea  by  the  'demons',  who  raise  a  magic  tempest  which  causes 
fearful  havoc;  many  of  the  sons  of  Mil  are  drowned,  Donn  and 
Airech  near  Tech  Duinn,  Erennan  falls  from  the  mast,  &c.  At 
last  Amargen  saves  them  from  the  evil  plight  to  which  they  are 
brought  by  the  Tuatha  De  Danann. 

Amargen  is  the  centre  of  all  the  stories  contained  in  Gabál 
Mac  Miled.  Of  the  two  battles  fought  by  the  Goidels  against 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann  we  know  nothing  but  the  mere  names: 
Cath  Sléibe  Mis  i)  and  Cath  Tailtenn.  But  of  Amargen  we  hear  a 

1)  This  must  have  been  a  cath  draoidhechta.  Cf.  a  note  in  the  Franciscan 
Lib.  Hymn,  (cited  Trip.  Life  p.  38):  intan  tancadar  meic  Miled  a  liEaspain 
ille  dochum  tiErend  7  intan  doroactatar  co  Sliab  Mis  i  Ciairrigi  Luachra, 
atconcatar  in  sliab  Idn  do  demnaib  fo  sciathaib. 

12* 


180  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

good  deal.  Still  lie  does  not  yet  occur  in  HB,  and  as  he  does 
not  leave  anj*  children,  he  cannot  be  an  old  trait  of  the  saga, 
which  was  originally  genealogical.  He  must  have  come  in  at 
the  end  of  the  8*^^  or  in  the  9*^^  century.  \^^e  have  four  retorics 
ascribed  to  him:  one  containing  his  judgment,  when  his  com- 
panions are  not  allowed  to  land  by  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  (Fir 
torachta  tuinide  dar  not  tonda),  one  when  the  tempest,  raised 
by  the  Tuatha  De  Danann.  tosses  the  Goidels  about  on  the  sea 
{Ailiu  iath  Erenn).  one  when  they  reach  the  coast  {Am  gdeth  i 
muir),  and  one  to  beguile  the  fish  in  the  rivers  {lascach  muir). 
He  is  the  'flli'  who  opposes  the  supernatural  powers  of  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann.  His  character  exactly  agrees  with  the  prevailing 
tendency  of  those  through  whose  hands  LG  passed  in  the  9*^  cen- 
tury, of  which  more  will  be  said  in  §§  24 — 26.  As  to  the  name 
Amargen,  it  is  a  common  one  in  the  Irish  heroical  and  historical 
saga  (cf.  Tain  Bo  Cuailgne,  ed.  Windisch,  p.  682).  In  the  Tain 
we  read  of  Amargin  larngiunnach,  the  'rigflli'  and  teacher  of 
Cuchulinn.  and  of  Amargin  mac  Ecit  Goband,  who  are  also  men- 
tioned in  other  texts  (Tochmarc  Emire,  Compert  Conculaind  and 
Fled  Bricrenn).  Amorgein  Amhalgada  was  the  "fili'  of  the  Dési  of 
Temair,  who  explained  the  Dindsenchas  after  the  tales  he  heard  from 
Fintan  mac  Lamiach.  We  may  fairly  assume  that  the  Amargen  of 
LG  was  fabricated  after  the  example  of  the  Ulster -saga,  as  the 
Irishising  of  LG  in  the  8^^  and  9^^  centuries,  of  course,  was  effected 
by  borrowing  cliaracteristics  from  the  national  saga.  A  remarkable 
coincidence  confirms  this  view.  The  poem  pronounced  by  Amargen 
when  landing  in  Ireland  begins:  am  goeth  i  mmiiir,  am  tonn  trethan, 
am  fuam  i  mmuir,  am  dam  scikir,  am  séigh  for  aill,  am  der  greine, 
am  cdin  luhai,  am  hri  ddna.  &c.  If  we  compare  these  words  with 
those  pronounced  by  Sencha,  Fergus  and  other  heroes  in  Compert 
Conculaind  (Irische  Texte  I  141  ff.)  —  a  tale  already  known  in 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  —  a  marked  similarity  will  strike  us.  There 
they  have  a  good  meaning:  the  Ulster  heroes  are  commending 
themselves  as  educators  for  Cuchulinn,  but  in  LG  they  have 
none.  Here  a  direct  influence  from  the  Ulster  saga  can  be  traced. 
No  doubt  then  that  in  other  parts  also  where  we  are  less  fortun- 
ate, the  same  forces  must  have  been  at  work.  Such  influences 
of  other  literary  works  changed  in  many  respects  the  aspect  of 
the  history  of  Mil  and  his  sons.  Though  its  origin  lies  in  Orosius 
and  Isidore,  its  evolution  is  largely  due  to  traits  borrowed  from 


ON   LEBOR   GABIlA.  181 

biblical  legends  and  Irish  heroic  tales,  and  these  romantic  add- 
itions finally  became  much  more  conspicuous  in  the  whole  of  the 
text  than  the  classical  germ. 


§  23.   Partholoni). 

In  §  16  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  Gabál  Partholóin 
occurs  in  HB  in  almost  the  same  form  as  in  the  later  LG.  So 
it  takes  us  back  to  the  classical  period,  i.  e.  before  800,  and  even 
a  little  earlier  than  that,  as  it  was  known  in  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
(see  p.  152).  A  priori  it  would  seem  probable  that  the  Invasion 
of  Partholon  is  based  on  the  same  kind  of  sources  as  the 
stor}"  of  the  sons  of  Mil.  Though  we  find  in  some  texts  of  HB 
Latin  forms  like  Bartholomaeus,  &c.,  and  though  in  later  ages 
Partholon  is  the  Irish  form  for  BartJiolomaeus,  there  is  no  reason 
to  assume  an  original  connection  between  the  two  names.  The 
Ii'ish  name  always  has  a  p,  and  the  ending  is  of  the  same  kind 
as  that  of  Érimón,  Seniión,  &c.  If  Érimón  is  derived  from  Eriu, 
Partholon  should  be  derived  from  Parth.  As  LG  in  its  germ  was 
a  genealogical  saga,  and  as  Partholon  was  a  descendant  from 
Rifath  Scot  (Ba),  the  origin  of  the  story  must  be  sought  in  some 
genealogical  tradition.  I  take  it  to  be  contained  in  a  phrase  of 
Isidore,  Etym.  1X44:  Parthi  quoque  et  ipsi  a  Scythis  originem 
trahunt.  Fuerunt  enim  eoruni  exides,  quod  etiam  eoncm  vocabulo 
manife Statur :  nam  Scythico  sermone  exules  'Parthi'  dicuntur. 
Partholon,  in  fact,  was  an  exile,  for  Ba  says:  Partholon  romarb 
a  mathair  7  a  athair  ic  iarair  rigi  dia  brathair,  co  tanic  co 
Herind  ar  techid  a  fingaüi.  For  the  rest  the  oldest  form  of  this 
Invasion  contains  a  division  of  Ireland  by  Partholon's  sons,  and  the 
bursting  forth  of  several  lakes  and  rivers  —  the  usual  elements 
of  every  pre -Milesian  gabdl  — ,  and  the  death  of  his  entire 
progeny  by  a  pestilence.  This  was  a  necessary  addition,  as  Ire- 
land should  be  uninhabited  for  Nemed. 

In  the  next  period  (800 — 1000)  two  new  elements  were 
introduced:  the  battle  with  Cicul  Grigenchos  and  the  Fomoraig, 
and  a  list  of  Partholon's  aes  ddna.    Both  belong  to  the  genuine 


*)    On  the  origin   of  Gabál  Cesra   nothing  needs  to  be  added  to  what 
has  been  said  in  §  15. 


182  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

Irish  elements  of  LG,  the  details  recall  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
stories.  These  had  their  artists  and  craftsmen  with  them,  therefore 
Partholon  has  his  also.  It  is  impossible  to  make  out  whether 
they  were  invented  for  the  occasion  or  were  taken  from  existing 
figures  in  fairy  tales.  In  the  same  way  the  battle  with  the 
Fomoraig  under  Cicul  i),  fought  against  people  with  one  foot,  one 
hand,  and  one  eye,  must  be  the  subject  of  some  old  fairy  tale  that 
was  used  here  in  order  to  furnish  Partholon  with  his  battle  against 
the  Fomoraig  just  as  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann 
had  theirs.  All  the  subsequent  invasions  have  some  common  ele- 
ments: a  division  of  Ireland,  the  bursting  forth  of  lakes,  &c.,  and 
a  battle  with  the  Fomoraig,  the  representatives  of  the  lower  Irish 
mythology.  The  classical  origin  of  Gabál  Partholóin  shows  that 
here  the  battle  with  the  Fomoraig  was  not  genuine;  it  was  only 
added  for  the  sake  of  symmetry-.  Of  course,  there  was  a  sufficient 
number  of  tales  belonging  to  the  lower  mythology  at  the  scribes' 
disposition,  when  they  wanted  to  adorn  the  text  of  LG  with 
purely  Irish  elements.  This  way  of  working  at  it  suited  very 
well  the  general  tendency  prevailing  in  the  evolution  of  LG 
during  the  9*^  century. 


§  24.   Named. 

The  form  in  which  Nennius  knew  the  Invasion  of  Nemed 
differed  in  but  one  respect  from  that  in  the  later  LG:  Nemed's 
descendants  did  not  fly  from  Ireland  to  Greece  or  the  Northern 
Islands  of  the  world,  but  to  Spain.  All  the  other  elements  of 
the  story  as  it  occurs  in  Ba  and  A  are  already  found  in  HB 
(see  §  17).  From  the  account  in  HB  it  appears  that  the  original 
purpose  of  Gabál  Nemid,  too,  was  genealogical.  A  statement 
of  Orosius  had  given  rise  to  the  opinion  that  the  Goidels  came 
over  from  Spain;  a  theory  of  Isidore  and  others  had  produced 
the  tale  of  Partholon,  who  also  reached  Ireland;  now  another 
invasion  was  added  in  order  to  explain  how  the  non-GoideUc 
tribes  of  Britain  and  Ireland  had  found  tlieir  way  to  these  islands. 
LG  speaks  of  only  three  groups  of  descendants  of  Nemed:  the 
Fir  Bolg  on  the  neighbouring  islands,  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  in 


')    Cf.  Marti  Cicollui  in  Gaulish  iuscriptions. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  183 

Ireland,  and  the  Britons  in  Great  Britain.  But  in  HB  there  are 
still  others  mentioned:  Istorith  and  his  people  in  Dalriada,  and 
the  sons  of  Liethan  in  Dyfedd.  Evidently  the  Irish  considered 
all  the  neighbouring  populations  as  forming  a  unity  in  comparison 
with  themselves.  Therefore  they  made  them  all  descend  from  one 
common  ancestor,  and  this  ancestor  was  given  a  father  from  the 
list  of  Mil's  precursors,  namely  Agnoman.  In  this  way  they  esta- 
blished a  remote  genealogical  relation  between  their  neighbours  and 
themselves.  As  to  the  name  of  the  ancestor  I  can  but  offer  the  some- 
what unsatisfactory  suggestion,  that  it  means  'the  Saint',  being 
akin  to  the  well-known  Gaulish  word  ne?neton,  'sanctuary'.  Nemed 
had  several  sons  and  grandsons,  who  in  their  turn  became  the  pro- 
genitors of  new  races.  Semion  was  the  ancestor  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  islands,  Fergus  Lethderg  and  his  son  Britán  Maol  i)  of  the 
Britons,  and  Bethach,  whose  offspring  lived  in  Ireland  down  to  the 
present  day,  of  the  non-Goidelic  population  of  Ireland.  Of  course,  all 
these  invaders  should  come  over  from  Spain  (see  p.  173),  and  so 
HB  has  it.  At  a  later  time,  however,  a  different  origin  was  in- 
vented for  the  descendants  of  Semion  and  Bethach,  in  connection 
with  a  good  many  new  traditions  attached  to  them.  It  was  from 
these  innovations  that  the  Invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  arose,  see  §§  25,  26. 

The  origin  of  Nemed  consequently  is  to  be  seen  in  his  descend- 
ants. But  the  want  was  felt  to  bring  this  Nemed,  whose  progeny  was 
of  such  high  significance  for  the  later  destiny  of  Ireland  and  the 
surrounding  countries,  into  some  connection  with  Ireland.  Nothing 
was  more  natural  than  to  make  him  the  subject  of  a  new  Invasion. 
As  this  Nemed,  however,  was  the  result  of  mere  genealogical 
speculations  and  not  of  classical  studies,  there  were  no  incidents 
in  his  adventures  to  be  derived  from  classical  or  biblical  sources. 
Therefore  his  Gabál  was  fashioned  out  of  purely  Irish  popular 
elements.  Leaving  aside  the  bursting  forth  of  rivers  and  lakes, 
the  making  of  plains  and  the  building  of  raths  —  a  common 
element  in  every  invasion  —  we  may  discern  in  Gabál  Nemid 
these  characteristic  touches :  the  story  of  the  golden  tower  in  the 
sea  (see  p.  157)  and  the  struggles  with  the  Fomoraig,  consisting 


>)  Britán  Maol  is  the  British  eponymous  hero  according  to  Irish  tradition. 
But  LG  mentions  along-  with  him  Brihis  mac  Isicoin  (for  Isitoin);  he  occurs 
in  HB  §  17.    See  on  him  Neun.  Vind.  p.  232. 


184  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

of  the  battle  at  Coiiang's  tower  and  the  heavj'  tax  imposed  (ba  si  tra 
meit  na  docJiraiti:  doronsat  tir  cairech  do  Erind  y  ni  laimtJie  de 
do  aiscin  do  thig  ind- Erind  i  llo  in  inhaid  sin  y  da  trian  a  n-etha 
7  a  mhlechta  y  a  clainne  do  hreth  doih  a  canaighecht  y  ftr  Erenn 
dia  Jiidnacul  do  Fomorchaih  cecJi  aidclie  samna  co  Mag  Cétne). 
As  to  this  tax,  it  need  not  have  been  adopted  into  the  story 
in  Nennius'  time,  for  there  is  no  allusion  to  it  in  HB.  It  is  but 
a  repetition  of  the  famous  Boraime  that  was  exacted  by  the 
kings  of  Ireland  from  the  Leinstermen  from  the  time  of  Tuathal 
Techtmar  (2'^^  century)  till  that  of  Finnachta  (7^^  century)').  The 
battle  at  Tor  Conaing  must  be  old.  Zimmer  regarded  it  as  a 
reminiscence  of  the  attack  of  some  Viking  fleet,  but  there  is  not 
the  slightest  evidence  for  this  theory,  nor  does  the  name  Conann 
or  Conang  prove  anything  for  Norse  influence,  as  the  name  was 
a  common  one  in  the  7*  century.  On  the  contrary,  the  story 
has  quite  a  different  atmosphere.  HB  speaks  of  a  h<rris  vitrea 
in  medio  mart  that  was  besieged  by  Nemed.  This  glass  tower 
brings  us  at  once  into  the  sphere  of  folktales,  and  so  do  the 
Fomoraig  themselves.  Thej^  are  supernatural  beings  infesting 
every  party  of  invaders  (cf.  §  25).  In  the  Invasion  of  Par- 
tholon  we  have  met  them  in  a  battle  fighting  with  one  foot, 
one  hand  and  one  eye.  The  Tuatha  De  Danann  had  to  en- 
counter them  in  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Tuired,  which  was  a  cath 
draoidheachta.  Nor  does  LSA  leave  any  doubt  as  to  their  origin 
and  nature:  conid  liuad  (sc.  from  Cham)  rogenaiar  luclirupain  y 
fomoraig  y  gohorchind  y  cech  ecosc  dodelhda  archena  fil  for 
doinih  (LU  2  a  45).  No  doubt  then  in  their  struggle  with  Nemed 
also  they  must  be  considered  as  evil  beings'  with  supernatural 
powers.  They  make  Nemed  and  his  companions  leave  their  ships 
in  order  to  assail  the  tower;  but  when  they  have  alighted  on 
the  shore,  they  are  nearly  all  drowned  by  the  rising  tide.  The 
earliest  redactor  of  LG,  who  wanted  to  create  a  'Gabál  Nemid' 
and  to  embellish  it  with  some  interesting  particulars,  brought  his 
hero  into  unfriendly  contact  with  these  evil  spirits  that  formed 
a  part  of  his  lower  mythology.  The  details  accompanying  this 
unfriendly  contact  were  borrowed  by  him  from  some  folktale. 
The  glass  tower,  or  rather  the  glass  island,  is  a  well-known 


^)   Another  instance  of  a  prehistoric  hornime  occurs  in  the  second  battle 
of  Mas:  Tuired. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  185 

folklore  element  (Arthur  was  buried  in  Ynis  witriu).  and  vitrified 
forts  are  mentioned  in  many  popular  tales ').  Here  it  was  attached 
to  the  Fomoraig,  and  the  chief  characteristic  of  Gabál  Nemid 
was  ready.  Nay,  we  may  even  go  farther  and  point  out  a  striking 
parallel  to  the  story  of  Conang's  tower.  On  p.  158  it  has  been 
proved  that  the  other  deplorable  adventure  of  Nemed  before  he 
reached  Ireland,  as  it  is  told  in  Ba,  is  not  later  than  the  battle 
at  Tor  Conaing,  for  there  is  an  allusion  to  it  in  HB,  too,  viz. 
the  incident  at  the  golden  tower  in  the  sea:  tar  fas  doib  tor  oir 
for  muir.  Lotar  tale  dia  togail  y  robaüe  iiile  acht  Nemid  a  ocJitar. 
Intan  ha  Ian  an  muir,  ticed  darsin  tor  sin.  Intan  ba  traig  nobid 
mar  de  huassa.  Ba  si  meit  na  sainte  rosgabsat  iimon  or  conna 
h-airigtis  an  muir  ac  linad  tairrsib  co  rugastar  an  stigante  a 
llonga  uathib  acht  wnpatta.  Here  we  have  exactly  the  same  tale 
in  connection  with  a  golden  tower.  But  here  it  is  not  connected 
with  the  Fomoraig;  it  is  still  the  plain  folktale  dragged  in  to 
illustrate  the  wanderings  of  Nemed.  The  redactor  of  LG  was 
practical  enough  to  use  it  twice  and  to  bring  about  the  second 
time  a  connection  with  the  Fomoraig;  but  he  kept  the  original 
ending,  so  that  the  narrative  became  somewhat  pointless,  for  it 
is  not  by  the  arms  of  their  enemies  that  Nemed's  companions 
are  killed  but  by  the  rising  sea. 

There  are  other  remnants  of  folktales  in  Gabál  Nemid;  e.  g. 
in  the  passage  on  Nemed's  two  raths,  that  were  dug  by  the  four 
sons  of  Matan  Muinremar  who  were  killed  by  Nemed  the  day 
before  they  completed  the  work.  This  tale  claims  our  attention 
as  it  recalls  the  story  of  the  giants  who  built  Yalhall  for  Odinn, 
but  who  were  refused  their  pay.  There  is  no  proof,  however, 
that  similar  traits  did  not  come  in  at  a  still  later  period, 
and  therefore  no  great  importance  should  be  attached  to  them. 
And  even  if  they  are  comparatively  old,  they  can  but  corroborate 
the  result  obtained  by  an  impartial  examination  of  the  texts.  The 
Invasion  of  Nemed  was  first  added  for  genealogical  purposes;  and 
it  was  enlarged  and  illustrated  by  the  usual  introduction  of  the 
Fomoraig,  combined  with  an  old  folktale.   The  genealogical  section 


*)  See  on  this:  F.  Liebrecht,  Gervasius  von  TilMirg,  p.  151;  Duiilop, 
Geschichte  der  Prosadichtungen  &c. ,  translated  by  F.  Liebrecht,  Anm.  169; 
Grimm,  Hans-  nnd  Kindermärchen  III  48;  Massmann,  Kaiserchronik  III -1G2j 
Anm.  5. 


186  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

is  the  germ  of  this  Invasion.  On  it  the  two  next  invasions  are 
based.  Therefore  we  shall  have  to  consider  it  more  closely  with 
reference  to  them. 


§  25.    The  Fir  Bolg. 

The  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg,  as  a  separate  section  of  LG, 
originated  between  800  and  1000  (see  p.  161),  but  it  issued  from 
an  older  germ,  namely  a  passage  in  the  appendix  to  Gabál  Nemid. 
There  the  Fir  Bolg  are  mentioned  as  one  of  the  groups  of  Nemed's 
descendants,  and  especially  as  those  who  populated  the  neighbour- 
ing islands.  In  HB  they  are  still  supposed  to  have  come  from 
Spain,  like  all  the  other  invaders,  but  in  the  almost  contemporary 
Gin  Dromma  Snechta  Greece  has  become  their  starting-point.  Con- 
sequently Spain  was  degraded  to  one  of  their  stops  on  the  way 
to  Ireland.  These  are  the  words  from  the  Cin  as  preserved  in 
LB:  gnidis  harca  doibh  dia  mholgaihh  no  siad  lihhearna  rig  Grec 
dogadsad  ho  do  theaclit  i  nErinn  anial  asheart  Cm  Dronia  Snechta. 
That  a  Greek  origin  is  here  vindicated  for  the  Fir  Bolg,  is  but 
natural ;  by  their  common  origin  from  Eifath  Scot  all  the  invaders 
were  closely  connected  with  Scythia  and  Greece.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  the  Cin  had  already  the  story  of  the  bondage  they 
suffered  in  Greece,  though  the  stealing  of  ships  from  the  king 
makes  it  probable.  But  in  any  case  the  crossing  from  Greece  to 
Ireland  by  means  of  their  bags  —  the  current  explanation  of  their 
name  —  was  as  yet  unknown.  Still  Nennius,  who  does  not  yet 
mention  Greece  in  connection  with  them,  furnishes  the  name  Builc. 
These  facts  allow  of  but  one  possible  conclusion:  the  name 
Fir  Bolg  is  older  than  the  tradition  of  their  coming  over  on 
their  bags,  and  must  have  a  different  origin.  That  tradition 
was  invented  as  an  explanation  of  the  name  at  a  time  when  its 
true  meaning  was  no  longer  understood  (800  — 1000). 

In  Irish  there  are  two  substantives  hole,  both  mentioned  by 
Kuno  Meyer,  Contributions,  p.  236 : 

1.  bole,  f.   (W.  hwlch),  gen.  bolga  'a  gap,   breach,  notch', 
and 

2.  bole,  m.  (W.  holy,  bola,  bol),  gen.  builg  '  a  bag,  sack,  &c.'. 

The  Welshman  Nennius  rendered  the  name  by  Biiile,  a  form  with 
u  {=w  according  to  Nennius'  orthography  in  proper  names),  and 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  187 

as  it  was  his  practice  to  give  all  names  in  a  Cymricised  form,  he 
can  only  have  been  thinking  of  the  Welsh  word  hwlch  =  Ir.  holg 
'a  gap',  whereas  all  the  succeeding  Irish  versions  of  LG  took  the 
word  in  the  sense  of  bolg  'a  bag'.  Now  Nennius  doubtless 
was  nearer  to  the  origin  of  the  saga  than  the  later  Irish  LG, 
and  besides,  there  are  several  indications  that  he  was  right. 
We  know  a  good  many  names  of  places  compounded  with 
the  word  holg  where  it  evidently  signifies  'a  gap'  or  'a  pass'i), 
such  as: 

Muir  Bolgc  (RC  XX  138)  or  Mairlulc  occurring  in  Dalriada, 
in  lona,  and  in  Argyle.    The  word  means  'a  sea  inlet'. 

Aithhe  Bolg  (Lism.  XXXI)  in  Cork. 

Mag  Bolg  i  Feraib  Cúl  Breg  (LL  129  b  2),  and  Mag  Bolgaide 
(RC  XVI  62),  an  earlier  name  of  Mag  Breg. 

Inis  Bolg  (FM  1435),  an  island  in  Loch  Fechett,  now  Loch 
Gara,  near  Boyle,  Co.  Roscommon. 

Bolg  Boinne  (AU  769).  Here  the  AU  have  a  genitive 
builgg  which  shows  how  easily  the  two  words  bolg  could 
be  confused  in  proper  names. 

Bun  niBolg   (LL  132b 30,  189c,  &c.),  in  Co.Wicklow,  and 

Bealnch  Dúin  Bolg  (LL  306 a  11)  in  Co.Wicklow.  Accord- 
ing to  LL  132  b  30  Aed  mac  Ainmirech  was  killed  at  Dim 
Bolg,  while  LL  306  a  11  Aed's  death  at  Bealach  Dúin 
Bolg  is  mentioned.  The  meaning  of  &eaZac/t  is  'gap,  pass, 
passage,  road'  (Contributions  p.  194),  so  that  Dun  Bolg 
was  a  fort,  in  whose  neighbourhood  there  was  a  gap.  In 
Belach  Conglais  (Co.  Wicklow)  Brandub's  fort  was  situated, 
the  man  who  killed  Aed.  So  there  were  two  gaps  near 
Dun  Bolg.  This  coincidence  gives  the  only  possible  ex- 
planation of  bolg  in  these  proper  names,  and  Bun  niBolg 
can  only  mean  'the  fort  of  the  Gaps'^). 


1)  In  Welsh  bwlclx  has  the  same  meaning.  Cf.  I*"*  Samuel  XIV  4 :  A 
rhwng  y  bylchau,  lie  ceisiodd  lonathan  fyned  drosodd  at  amddiffynfa  y 
Philistiaid  yr  oedd  craig  serth  o'r  naill  du  í'r  bivlch,  a  chraig  serth  o'r  tu 
arall  i'r  bivlch.  Cf.  also  the  proper  names  Bwlch  dau  Fynydd,  Bwlch  y 
Groes,  Bivlch  Oerddrws,  Bwlch  y  Fediven,  &c. 

*)    See  on  these  geographical  names  Hogan,  Onomasticon  Gadeliciim. 


188  A  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

The  same  meaning  of  hoJg  is  found  in  leim  dor  hoilg  (Tain 
BÓ  Cúailgne,  ed.  Windiscli,  p.  360) '),  one  of  the  three  hiiada  arai- 
dechta.  Forus  Focul  (LL  395  a  7)  says  holg  A.  berna,  and  in  Fled 
Bricrenn  70  we  hear  of  Cuchulinn's  chariot,  no  linged  dar 
bernadaih,  cf.  the  gloss  in  Fled  Bricrenn  68  is  cairptech  dar  berna 
=  is  culmaire  bolgadan.    Here,  too,  bolg  =  'gap'. 

Once  the  meaning  'gap'  for  bolg  has  been  established  as 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  proper  names,  we  may  safel}^  accept  it 
as  the  true  signification  in  'Fir  Bolg',  too.  They  were  not  the 
'Men  of  the  Bags',  as  later  speculations  would  make  them,  but 
the  'Men  of  the  Gaps'.  And  these  Men  of  the  Gaps,  of  course,  were 
mythological  beings,  belonging  to  the  'lower  mythology'  of  the 
Irish,  who,  much  like  the  present  Sidhe  were  supposed  to  live  in 
the  gaps  of  roads.  The  original  descendants  of  Nemed,  forefathers 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  round  about  Ireland  (see  §  24), 
were  identified,  even  before  Nennius'  time,  with  those  tiny  mytho- 
logical beings,  who,  like  the  Teutonic  elves,  nixes,  &c.,  were  sup- 
posed to  animate  the  fields  and  woods'-).  This  identification  is 
quite  natural:  these  hosts  of  sidhe  lived  in  Ireland,  so  they 
should  have  their  Gabál;  at  the  same  time  there  were  descend- 
ants of  Nemed  who  crossed  over  to  Ireland,  without  having  a  special 
chapter  of  their  own  in  LG;  so  a  fabulist  could  easily  insert  one 
by  identifying  the  two,  and  hy  bringing  in  some  traditions  of 
those  lower  mythological  beings.  This  identification  found  a  strong 
support  in  a  legend  called  Imirci  mac  nUmoir. 

In  Ba,  in  the  appendix  to  Gabál  Nemid,  where  the  flight 
of  the  Fir  Bolg  to  the  islands  is  recorded,  the  text  runs  on  thus : 
tancatar  iar  sin  for  amas  Coirpri  Niadfir  y  dorat  side  feranna 
doib  7  ni  rofedsat  bith  occe  ar  anbfoille  in  cisa  tue  fortu.  Dollo- 
tar  iarum  for  teched  Coirpri  for  comairge  Medha  y  Aildla  y 
tucsat  feranna  doib.  Is  i  sin  imirci  mac  nUmoir.  This  passage 
evidently  contains  an  allusion  to  a  tale  about  the  real  Fir  Bolg  of 
the  lower  mythology:  they  came  from  the  islands ^),  took  service 


1)  See  for  another  explanation  Osborn  Bergin  in :  Essays  and  Studies 
presented  to  William  Ridgeway  p.  332. 

-)  cf.  also  Sgéaluidhe  Fior  na  Seachtmhaine  (Gill  &  Son  1911)  p.  44:  Nach 
bhfiiil  cat  Gallda  na  bliFear-Bolg  ag  faire  an  óir  sin,  says  one  of  the  magic  cats. 

3)  This  is  the  'tertium  comparationis '  between  the  fir  Bolg  and  the 
first  group  of  Nemed's  descendants.  That  it  Avas  a  genuine  trait  of  the  Fir 
Bolg  story  appears  from  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Tuired. 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  189 

with  Coirpre,  and  fled  from  him  to  Ailill  and  Medb.  No  wonder 
that  this  separate  tale,  entitled  Imirci  mac  nUmoir,  was  attached 
to  an  account  of  those  among-  Nemed's  descendants  who  also 
populated  the  islands.  The  identification  of  these  mythological 
sons  of  Umor  with  the  pseudo- historical  descendants  of  Nemedi) 
involved  the  introduction  of  the  whole  Gabál  Fer  mBolg.  That 
the  sons  of  Umor  were  supernatural  beings  appears  from  several 
facts.  Their  king  is  Aengus  mac  Gumoir,  who  is  not  a  historical 
person  but  the  well-known  king  of  the  sidlie.  Thej^  are  akin  to 
the  Fomoraig,  who  in  the  time  of  Partholon  attacked  the  invaders 
under  their  cliief  Cichull,  for  in  Gabál  Partholoin  we  find  this 
genealogy :  Gicul  mac  Guill  meic  Gairb  meic  Tuathaig  meic  Gumoir 
0  Sleib  Einoir.  In  the  poem  Estid  a  eolchu  cen  on  we  read :  Doro- 
chair  .  .  .  Donand  .  .  .  la  De  nJDomnand  d^Ehomorchaih\  and  ^Dé 
Domnand'  is  one  of  the  names  for  the  Fir  Bolg.  Nemed  fought 
three  battles  against  the  Fomoraig,  of  which  several  versions 
give  this  account:  Cath  Badna  7  Cath  Buis  Fraechain  i  Ccon- 
nachtaih  i  torchair  Gand  is  Sengand  da  rig  na  Fomorach;  but 
Gand  and  Sengand  are  also  the  names  of  kings  of  the  Fir  Bolg. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  islanders  who  descended  from 
Nemed  were  identified  in  the  course  of  time  with  the  Fomoraig 
or  other  representatives  of  the  lower  mytholog3^  when  Celtic  mytho- 
logy itself  had  lost  its  proper  significance,  and  that  their  name 
testifies  to  it.  On  the  other  hand,  our  LG  preserves  some  faint 
traces  of  their  original  pseudo -historical  meaning.  So  Ba  ends 
the  story  of  the  sons  of  Umor  in  the  following  way:  atherat 
araile  co  mbad  dib  na  teora  fine  filet  a  nErinn  nach  do  Gaidelaib 
A.  Garbraide  Siica  i  Connachtaib  y  Ui  Tairrsigh  Laigen  la  liJJib 
Failge  y  Gailiuin  Laigen.  Here  they  are  considered  as  the  non- 
Goidelic  inhabitants  of  Ireland.  This  same  passage  makes  it 
probable  that  the  third  name  the  Fir  Bolg  bore  along  with 
those  of  Fir  Bolg  and  Fir  Bomnann,  namely  Galeoin,  preserves 
a  reminiscence  of  the  original  nature  of  this  first  group  of  Nemed's 
descendants. 


')  The  double  character  of  the  Fir  Bolg  appears  clearly  from  a  passage 
quoted  by  O'Curry  (MS.  Materials  p.  224)  'from  an  old  book':  'Everyoue  who 
is  black-haired,  who  is  a  tattler,  guileful,  tale-telling,  noisy,  contemptible  &c. 
—  these  are  the  descendants  of  Fir  Bolg'  (of.  Clare  Island  Survey  I  part  3, 
in  Proceedings  E.  I.  A.  vol.  XXXI,  p.  10). 


190  A.  G,  VAN  HAMEL, 

Of  the  traditions  that  make  up  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
not  much  need  be  said.  The  usual  plains,  lakes,  &c.  are  lacking, 
for  ni  airimter  ratlice  do  claidi  no  locha  do  tomaidni  no  niaigi  do 
slaigi  la  Gabail  Fer  mBolc,  but  a  division  of  Ireland  into  five  parts 
is  mentioned.  For  the  rest,  ten  successive  kings  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
are  given,  some  of  whom  may  be  identified  with  Fomorian  kings, 
while  others  seem  to  have  been  named  after  some  characteristic 
event  during  their  reign:  Fiacha  Cennfionn,  because  all  cows 
had  white  heads  in  his  time;  Rinnal,  because  points  were  then 
put  on  spears;  Fodbgenid,  because  arms  grew  on  the  trees,  &c. 
None  of  these  speculations  are,  of  course,  ancient.  We  also  find 
some  references  to  Eochu  mac  Eire  and  the  first  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired,  that  have  been  borrowed  from  a  separate  tradition  of  this 
mythical  battle,  such  as  that  preserved  in  one  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  the  Royal  Irish  Academy. 


§  26.   The  Tuatha  De  Danann. 

In  800  the  name  'Tuatha  De  Danann'  was  quite  unknown 
in  LG,  as  appears  from  HB.  It  is  possible  that  Nennius  meant 
the  same  group  of  invaders  by  his  dam  hoctor,  but  he  does  not 
give  any  names  or  other  particulars.  In  HB  the  dam  hoctor  is 
a  branch  of  Nemed's  descendants,  and  they  must  be  considered  as 
the  ancestors  of  the  non-Goidelic  inhabitants  of  Ireland.  In  1000 
the  present  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  is  ready,  containing 
many  names  of  Celtic  gods  (Nuadu,  Ogma  &c.)  and  many  mythical 
or  magical  traits.  In  two  centuries  this  enormous  evolution  w^as 
accomplished  and  it  is  our  present  task  to  trace  its  moving  forces. 
The  identification  of  the  first  group  of  clanna  Nemid  with  the 
Fir  Bolg  was  made  before  that  of  the  second  with  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann:  Nennius  speaks  of  Builc  but  not  of  the  others.  Still 
the  name  Tuatha  De  Danann  cannot  have  come  in  much  later, 
for  the  first  identification  involved  the  second  On  the  mythical 
Fir  Bolg  there  circulated  a  tradition  that  they  had  been  expelled 
by  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  after  a  tremendous  fight  (the  first 
battle  of  Mag  Tuired).  Here  the  Fir  Bolg  represent  the  lower 
mythology,  whereas  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  as  appears  from 
their  names,  are  the  survivals  of  the  Celtic  Olympus.  So  this 
is  an  old  and  a  common  tradition,  corresponding  to  the  Scandi- 


ON   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  191 

navian  struggles  between  the  gods  aud  the  giants.  Once  the 
Fir  Bolg  had  been  connected  with  LG,  the  tradition  of  the  first 
battle  of  Mag  Tuired  was  introduced  also,  and  now  the  Tuatha 
De  Danann  claimed  a  place  in  the  Book  of  Invasions.  They  were 
readily  identified  with  another  group  of  descendants  of  Nemed, 
of  whom  it  was  reported  that  they  lived  in  Ireland  usque  hodie 
(HB)  —  for  in  popular  belief  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  also  still 
live  in  the  raths  and  dúns^)  —  and  the  basis  of  a  new 
Invasion  was  provided.  Current  traditions  of  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann  furnished  the  necessary  details.  We  are  even  in  the 
happy  position  of  being  able  to  point  out  the  principal  source 
of  Gabál  Tuath  nDé  Danann.  In  EC  XII  56  ff.  Stokes  has  edited 
the  story  of  the  second  battle  of  Magh  Tuiredh  (indicated  here 
as  MT),  w^hich  contains  a  mass  of  lore  on  the  Tuatha  De  Danann. 
The  redactor  of  X,  or  perhaps  one  of  his  predecessors,  knew 
this  tale  in  an  older  and  better  version  and  selected  several 
traits  from  it  for  his  new  Invasion.  The  truth  of  this  statement 
will  appear  from  the  following  comparison: 

1.  Introductory  phrase. 

MT:  Batar  Tuathai  De  Danonn  i  n-indsih  tuascert- 
acliaib  an  domuin  aig  foglaim  fesa  7  fithnasaclita  7 
druidechtai  y  amaidechtai  y  amainsechta,  comhtar 
fortilde  for  suthib  ard  ngentlichtae. 

LG:  Batar  iarum  clanda  Bethaig  nieic  larhoneoil  Fada 
meic  Nemid  i  n-insih  tuascertachaib  in  domain  oc 
foglaim  druidechta  y  fessa  7  fastini  y  amainseclita 
comhtar  fortaile  for  cerddih  suithe  gentliucta. 

^         2.  Magic  cities  where  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  learned  their 
draoideacht.     Both  MT  and  Ba. 

3.  The  Tuatha  De  Danann   arrive  in   mist   and   darkness 
(Ba,  A)  after  having  burnt  their  ships  (Ba)  =  MT. 

4.  First  battle  of  MT  mentioned;  there  die  of  them  cét 
mile:  A,  Ba,  MT. 

5.  Nuadu's  hand  cut  off,  and  cured  by  Diancecht:  A,  Ba,  MT. 


1)  An  old  man  near  Tara  Hill  told  me  once  tliat  it  was  in  the  raths 
that  the  'Danes'  lived.  The  Danes  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  are  often 
mixed  up  in  popular  stories. 


192  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

6.  The  dead  in  the  first  battle:  A,  MT. 

7.  The  remaining  Fir  Bolg  fly  to  Arann,  Ee,  Manann  and 
Rachrann:  Ba.  MT. 

8.  Bress  mac  Elathan  made  king:  A,  Ba,  MT. 

9.  Lug  and  his  fosterm  other  Tailltiu,  daughter  of  Magmór 
of  Spain  and  Eochu  Garb  mac  Duach:  A,  Ba,  MT, 

10.  The  craftsmen  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann:  Minach  mac 
Deincecht;  Etan  ingen  Deincecht  the  poetess;  Airmed 
the  female  physician;  Coirpre  the  poet;  Crichinbél, 
Bruidne,  and  Casmaol  the  three  satirists;  Be  Chuille 
and  Dianand  the  sorceresses;  Math  mac  Umoir  the 
'druid';  Goibnenn  (Goibniu?)  the  smith;  Luicne  the 
builder;  Creidne  the  goldsmith;  Diancecht  the  phy- 
sician: A,  MT. 

11.  The  second  battle. 

MT:  Dorocair  duo  Nuodai  Aircetlaum  ocus  Maucha 
ingen  Ernmoiss  lie  Sahir  ui  Neit.  Duceir  Cassmoel 
lie  hOytriallug  mac  nlndich  . . .  Dorocliratar  comtuitim 
Oyma  mac  Elathan  y  Indeouch  mac  De  Domnonn 
ri  na  Fomorach. 

A:  Nuadu  Argetlam  tra  dorochair  i  catli  dedenacli  2lT. 
Et  Macha  ingen  Ernmais  do  lai?n  Balair  Balcheimnig. 
Isin  cath  sin  dorochair  Oyma  mac  Eladan  meic  Xeit 
la  Indech  mac  De  rig  na  Fomorach.  Dorochair 
Bruidne  7  Calmdl  la  hOctrialach  mac  ninnich. 

12.  The  dead  in  the  second  battle. 

MT:  Secht  fir  secht  fichit  secht  cét  secht  caocce. 
A:  Secht  fir  .vii.  fichit  .vii.  x.  .vii.  .1. 

Though  LG  contains  a  few  traditions  that  are  lacking  in 
MT,  the  agreement  is  too  striking  to  be  merely  accidental.  It  is 
manifest  that  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  was  patched 
up  out  of  a  better  version  of  MT  and  other  similar  sources,  such 
as  lists  of  ces  ddna,  genealogies,  &c.  The  expressions  and  phrases 
used  in  LG  are  in  so  many  respects  the  same  as  in  MT  that  this 
section  of  LG  must  be  based  upon  the  tale  just  mentioned.  The 
contrary  could  not  be  the  case,  MT  giving  a  much  more  circum- 
stantial account  of  the  events.     There  are  many  passages  in  MT 


ON    LEBOR    GABÁLA.  193 

of  wliicli  LG  lias  no  trace,  such  as  the  history  of  king-  Bress  and 
the  tax  the  Fomorians  put  upon  him,  or  the  legends  of  Lug 
(Samilddnach)  and  the  Dagda:  the  redactor  of  version  X  borrowed 
only  the  details  connected  with  the  battle  itself,  as  this  was  the 
only  portion  of  the  tale  bearing  on  the  invasion.  He  probably 
had  not  the  slightest  notion  of  the  original  meaning  of  his 
materials.  He  regarded  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  as  human  beings 
and  descendants  of  Nemed,  while  originally  they  were  Celtic  gods, 
of  whom  there  are  also  traces  in  Gaul  and  Wales  (Ogmios,  Nodens, 
Lludd  Llaw  Ereint,  &c.).  His  work  points  to  the  same  period  as 
the  supernatural  elements  of  Gabál  Mac  Miled,  such  as  the 
adventures  of  Amargen.  The  same  inclination  to  draoidheacht 
may  be  observed  here.  It  may  have  been  even  the  same  individual 
who  not  only  borrowed  the  tale  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  with 
their  sorcery  acquired  in  the  Nortliern  islands  of  the  world,  the 
home  of  the  Vikings  and  their  seidmenn,  but  who  introduced  also 
the  passages  on  Amargen  opposing  a  magic  tempest  raised  by 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann  to  drive  his  ship  out  to  sea.  It  was 
necessary  for  him  to  bring  Erimon  and  Eber  into  contact  with 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  for  he  had  introduced  their  invasion 
before  the  coming  of  the  sons  of  Mil.  The  current  traditions  of 
the  Tuatha  De  Danann  showed  him  the  way  to  accomplish 
his  task:  sorcery  and  supernatural  powers  should  form  the 
scenery.  He  managed  this  all  right.  But  his  highest  merit  is 
that  he  preserved  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  some 
of  the  scanty  remnants  of  the  Irish  higher  mythology  and  of  the 
Celtic  deities.  The  representatives  of  both  the  lower  and  higher 
mythology  have  found  a  place  in  LG,  though  the  scribes  to  whom 
that  valuable  preservation  is  due,  cannot  have  been  conscious 
of  it:  for  them  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  were 
but  men,  the  offspring  of  Nemed  and  Rifath  Scot,  like  all  the 
other  invaders  of  Ireland. 


§  27.  Synopsis  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  LG. 

A.   First  period,  before  800. 

Genealogical  saga:  Erimon  and  Eber  are  the  ancestors  of 
the  Goidels  of  the  North  and  the  South  of  Ireland  (existing 
before  650). 

Zeitschrift  f.  colt.  Philologie  X.  X3 


194  A,  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

Learned  elements.  All  the  invaders  of  Ireland  come  from  Spain 
(Orosius).  The  ancestors  of  Erimon  and  Eber  originally  lived  in 
Scythia  (homophony  of  names);  afterwards,  in  the  time  of  Moses, 
they  were  in  Egypt  (Orosius),  and  subsequently  in  Spain  (Orosius); 
from  the  tower  of  Brigantia  Ireland  was  seen  (Orosius).  They 
descend  from  Rifath,  grandson  of  lafeth  (Isidore  &c.).  Their 
eponymous  heroine  is  Scota.  Another  invader,  Partholon,  comes 
from  Spain  to  Ireland,  as  a  representative  of  the  Parthians, 
kinsmen  of  the  Scythians  (Isidore). 

Irish  elements.  Partholon  was  followed  bj^  the  ancestors 
of  the  non-Goidelic  inhabitants  of  the  British  islands.  These 
had  a  common  origin  in  Nemed  (the  Saint'?),  who  invaded  Ireland 
after  Partholon;  his  Invasion  is  distinguished  by  a  battle  at  Tor 
Conaing  (introduction  of  the  Fomoraig,  belonging  to  the  lower 
mythology,  and  folk  elements).  One  group  of  his  descendants, 
namely  those  w^lio  populated  the  neighbouring  islands,  were  iden- 
tified with  the  Fir  Bolg,  mythological  beings,  of  whom  there  also 
existed  a  tradition  that  they  had  been  transported  to  the  islands. 
At  the  same  time  isolated  traditions  were  current  on  Banba, 
Fótla  and  Eriu,  the  earliest  women  who  dwelt  in  Ireland  (Gin 
Dromma  Snechta). 


B.   Second  period,  800  —  1000. 

Genealogical  details.  Three  eponymous  heroes  of  the  Goidels 
are  fabricated:  Fenius  (Féne),  Nél  (Ui  Néill,  Nile),  Góidel  Glas 
(Góidil);  as  they  have  not  yet  fixed  places  in  the  genealogies, 
the  later  MSS.  vary  on  this  point. 

Learned  elements.  A  controversy  arises  as  to  the  historical 
period  at  which  the  Goidels  were  living  in  Egypt,  from  which 
two  variant  versions  result;  in  one  of  them  the  sojourn  in 
Egypt  is  placed  in  the  time  of  Moses  (the  older  one),  in  the  other 
during  the  reign  of  Alexander.  In  the  latter  version  historical 
elements  from  the  history  of  Alexander  are  introduced,  in  the 
former  biblical  elements  from  the  legend  of  Moses.  From  the 
isolated  traditions  on  the  first  w^omen  in  Ireland  a  new  Invasion 
arises,  which  is  ranged  in  order  and  in  time  before  the  others; 
it  is  the  Invasion  of  Cesair,  also  largely  embellished  with  biblical 
elements  (Noah).     Several   minor   learned   traits   come  in.     As 


ON    LEBOR   GABÁLA.  195 

the  sons  of  Mil  were  supposed  to  have  come  from  Scythia  before 
they  reached  Spain,  all  the  subsequent  invaders  are  provided 
with  a  Greek  origin.  This  involves  careful  accounts  of  their 
wanderings,  displaying  a  profound  knowledge  of  Ptolemean  geo- 
graphy. A  second  sojourn  in  Scythia,  on  the  voyage  from  Egypt 
to  Spain,  comes  in.  In  almost  every  Gabál  topographical  remarks 
are  introduced  as  to  the  origin  of  plains,  lakes,  rivers,  railis,  &c. 
in  Ireland. 

Irish  elements.  The  identification  of  the  population  of  the 
islands  with  the  mythological  Fir  Bolg  opened  the  way  for  an 
influx  of  mythological  and  magical  beliefs.  Every  invasion  has 
its  share.  In  the  Introduction  Caicher  drui  appears  with  his 
prophecy.  Partholon  has  a  battle  with  the  Fomoraig,  just  as 
Nemed  had.  Out  of  the  appendix  to  Gábal  Nemid  on  the 
non-Goidelic  population  of  Ireland  and  the  islands,  two  new  in- 
vasions arise:  that  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  that  of  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann.  The  former  is  based  upon  the  lower  Celtic  mythology, 
the  latter  on  the  higher  mythology,  preserving  traces  of  the  Celtic 
Olympus.  The  principal  sources  of  these  new  invasions  are  the 
traditions  of  the  two  battles  of  Mag  Tuired.  With  the  Invasion 
of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  arose  the  necessity  of  bringing  Erimon 
and  Eber  into  relationship  with  them.  For  this  purpose  the 
character  of  Amargen  was  created  on  some  literary  models,  and 
with  him  a  good  deal  of  draoidheacht  was  introduced,  largely 
based  on  Irish  saga -literature. 

C.   Third  period,  1000—1200. 

The  principal  of  the  surviving  versions  are  written  down 
—  A  and  Ba.  They  are  formed  on  different  principles:  A  abridges 
and  Ba  enlarges.  Hence  arises  the  most  characteristic  difference 
between  the  two  versions,  for  Ba  unites  the  two  chronologically 
varying  traditions  on  the  Goidels'  stay  in  Egypt  and  makes  them 
visit  it  twice,  once  in  Moses'  time  and  once  in  Alexanders.  A,  on 
the  other  hand,  considerably  changes  the  genealogical  traditions  of 
the  Goidels,  by  adapting  them  to  the  Irish  Liber  Sex  Aetatum: 
Rifath  is  supplanted  by  Magoch,  the  older  genealogy  from  Rifath 
down  to  Lámflnd  is  omitted,  and  Fenius  is  put  at  the  beginning. 
Fenius  is  then  connected  with  the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel, 
where  he  is  said  to  have  learnt  the  seventy-two  languages.  Though 

,13* 


196  A,  G,  VAN   HAMEL, 

this  tradition  on  Fenius  is  introduced  now  for  the  first  time  in  a 
text  of  LG,  it  is  of  older  origin,  for  it  occurs  already  in  a  poem 
by  Maolmuru  Othna  (f  887),  but  in  an  earlier  form. 

The  other  differences  between  version  A  (=  Bb)  and  Ba 
are  less  important. 


D.   Fourth  period  1200  —  1600. 

Nothing-  new  is  introduced,  but  all  earlier  traditions  are 
amalgamated.  By  this  system  of  compilation  we  get  strange  for- 
geries, especially  when  in  the  Introduction  the  diverging  accounts 
of  the  Goidels'  sojourns  iu  Egypt  are  combined.  Sometimes  new 
etymologies  and  variant  opinions  are  added,  but  as  a  rule  these 
are  based  on  recent  speculations.  By  the  gradual  process  of 
addition  and  compilation  LG  has  grown  in  the  course  of  time 
from  a  modest  beginning  to  a  huge  mass.  The  difference  in 
bulk  of  O'Clery's  LG  version  and  that  of  S,  not  to  speak  of  HB, 
is  formidable. 


I  have  endeavoured  to  give  in  the  preceding  a  survey  of 
the  versions,  growth  and  origin  of  Lebor  Gabála.  It  is  of  the 
highest  importance  that  the  principles  of  literar}'  criticism  should 
be  applied  to  Irish  texts.  Lebor  Gabála  is  an  excellent  one  to 
begin  with,  its  history  proving  to  be  a  compendium  of  the  forces 
at  work  in  the  treatment  of  legends  by  the  ancient  Irish.  For 
it  contains  both  native  and  learned  elements  and  shows  that 
the  former  enter  at  an  earlier  period  than  the  latter.  Besides, 
Lebor  Gabála  exhibits  wonderfully  the  knowledge  of  the  Irish 
and  their  way  of  making  and  developing  legends.  One  depart- 
ment of  textual  historj'  has,  however,  been  left  altogether  out  of 
account  in  this  investigation,  that  is  the  chronology  of  Lebor 
Gabála.  The  chronological  disagi'eement  of  the  versions,  and 
especially  the  synchronisms  of  Ba  and  C  have  not  been  dealt 
with.  This  was  intentional.  They  are  not  so  much  connected 
with  Lebor  Gabála  proper  as  with  other  chronological  works, 
such  as  the  annals,  synchronisms  &c.  To  treat  the  synchronisms 
of  Ba  here  would  be  of  little  use  without  a  systematic  examination 
of  the   whole    of   early   Irish    chronological    and    synchronistic 


ON    LEBOR   GABÁLA.  197 

literature.  But  students  of  early  Irish  history  know  that  this 
would  have  doubled  the  length  of  this  paper  and  would  scarcely 
have  contributed  to  the  elucidation  of  Lebor  Gabála. 


Addendum. 

This  article  was  originally  intended  as  an  introduction  to 
an  edition  of  Lebor  Gabála.  I  gave  up  the  idea  of  bringing  out 
a  critical  text  when  I  heard  that  this  will  be  undertaken  before 
long  in  Dublin  on  a  larger  scale  than  I  ever  could  aim  at. 
I  hope  that  my  investigation  will  be  of  some  use  to  the  editors. 
At  the  same  time  I  have  to  make  good  a  mistake  I  made  on 
pp.  110 — 111.  When  setting  forth  my  views  of  the  relationship 
of  A  and  Ba  against  those  of  Professor  Thurneysen  who  speaks 
of  Ba  as  „eine  Bearbeitung  von  Version  A"  I  attributed  to  him 
the  hypothesis  that  there  must  have  existed  originally  a  Latin 
Liber  Occupationis.  In  this  I  was  wrong.  Although  Professor 
Thurneysen  mentions  the  Latin  preface  of  Bb,  he  does  not  draw 
the  above  conclusion  from  it.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  John 
Mac  Neill  for  this  suggestion  of  an  original  Lebor  Gabála  in 
Latin.  Professor  Thurneysen  evidently  regards  Lebor  Gabála  as 
a  purely  Irish  work. 

Rotterdam.  A.  G.  van  Hamel. 


ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE. 


1.   Altirisch  ro-tethaind. 

In  dem  altirischen  Text  Liadain  und  Cuiritlier  (ed.  Kuno 
Meyer)  heilst  es  auf  S.  24: 

Deilm  ndegce 

ro-tetaind  (andere  Lesart:  ro-tethaind)  mo  chride-sce 

ro-fess  nicon  hiad  cence  (andere  Lesart:  bia  cheuna). 

Der  Herausgeber  hat  diese  Zeilen  (Ancient  Irish  Poetr3^  S.  66) 
zuletzt  folgendermafsen  übersetzt:  „A  roaring-  flame  dissolved 
this  heart  of  mine  —  without  him  for  certain  it  cannot  live". 
Im  Glossar  zur  Textausgabe  läfst  er  die  Form  ro-tet{h)aind 
unerklärt,  vergleicht  aber  dazu  altirisch  tethnae  (andere  Lesart: 
tetnai,  lies:  tethnai)  „he  solved  it"  (Bodl.  Cormac  20,  4).  ro- 
tethaind  erklärt  sich  zwanglos  aus  einer  Grundform  *^ro-teionde, 
die  Form  mit  suffigierten  Pronomen  tethnai  aus  *tetonde  +  im. 
Wir  haben  also  eine  reguläre  Perfektbildung  zum  Stamme  tend 
„zerschneiden"  vor  uns,  Präsens  *tendid,  -teind  „zerschneidet,  zer- 
reifst, spaltet,  beifst,  löfst",  identisch  mit  griechisch  xivöco  „nage"; 
die  o-Stufe  desselben  Stammes  in  Lat.  tondeo  „ich  schneide  ab". 
Im  Irischen  gehört  zu  demselben  Verbum  das  später  neugebildete 
5-Präteritum  ro-s-teind  „er  spaltete  sie"  (die  Nufs;  Rev.  Celt. 
VIII  56),  Plural  ra-thtndsaiar  (Togal  Troi  1725)  „welche  gerissen 
hatten"  und  teinnsedar  (dss.  Tain,  S.  373),  ferner  das  Verbal- 
substantiv teinm. 

Verschieden  von  dem  eben  besprochenen  Verbum  ist  das  aus 
lateinisch  tendö  entlehnte  mittelir.  tennaid  „spannt,  zieht",  cym- 
risch  tynnu  dss.  Der  Stamm  tend  stellt  eine  íí- Erweiterung  der 
Wurzel  fem  ,.schneiden"  (in  griech.  thivo),  xoni]  usw.)  dar. 


ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKÜNDE.  199 

2.   Altirisch  inched  '^heaven'. 

Kiino  Meyer  hat  (Sitzungsberichte  der  Preiils.  Akademie 
1913,  S.  955)  in  diesem  Wort  ein  altes  Kompositum  „Königssitz", 
erkannt  und  darin  sehr  treffend  die  Bestandteile  rig-  und  sedon 
gesucht.  Allein  eine  urkeltische  Grundform  *rlgo -sedon,  wie  er 
ansetzt,  ist  aus  lautlichen  Gründen  doch  nicht  zulässig,  da  die 
Synkope  des  o  die  umgebenden  Konsonanten  dunkel  färben  mufste, 
wir  also  im  Altirischen  eine  Form  *richad  haben  müfsten. 

Der  Ansatz  einer  Grundform  *rigi- sedon  beseitigt  die  er- 
wähnte Schwierigkeit.  Das  i  in  der  Kompositionsfuge  ist  nicht 
weiter  wunderbar,  da  auch  in  andern  indogermanischen  Sprachen 
konsonantische  Stämme  im  Kompositum  neben  häufigerem  o  ein  i 
zeigen,  so  das  griechische  äXi-jiOQ(fVQoq  „meerpurpurn"  neben 
äXo-ovöv}]  „Meerwasser"  zu  aXq  „Salz",  Yg\.  ferner  alyi-ßorog 
zu  «ig  „Ziege"  u,  ähnl.  (Brugmann,  Grundriis  II  78  ff.).  Aufser- 
dem  muls  auch  im  Urkeltischen  ein  Adjektiv  *ngis  „königlich" 
bestanden  haben,  wie  aus  dem  gallischen  Superlativ  Bigisamos 
hervorgeht;  R/gisamos  könnte  allerdings  auch  zu  einem  Positiv 
*r~igos  gehören;  dann  würde  sich  der  i- Stamm  *rigi-  leicht  durch 
analogische  Rückbildung  zum  i- haltigen  Komparativ  *rigjü  und 
zum  Superlativ  rigisamos,  die  ebensogut  zu  o-  wie  zu  «-Stämmen 
gehören  konnten,  erklären  lassen.  Durch  Übertragung  des  i  aus 
dem  Komparativ  und  Superlativ  erklärt  sich  wohl  auch  das 
griechische  xaXXi-^ojvog  „mit  schönem  Gürtel",  zu  xcf/o'c  „schön", 
worauf  auch  das  kX  (Einflufs  des  Komparativs  und  des  Sub- 
stantivs xdXXoc)  hinweist. 


3.   Altirisch  esclae. 

Über  dieses  Wort  haben  Strachau  (Archiv  f.  celt.  Lex.  1 477) 
und  Kuno  Meyer  (Sitzungsberichte  der  Preufs.  Akad.  1913,  S.  449) 
gehandelt.  Letzterer  bezweifelt  Strachans  Ansicht,  der  das 
Wort  für  das  Verbalsubstantiv  von  as-comla  hält  und  meint,  dafs 
die  genaue  Bedeutung  und  Herkunft  keinesfalls  klar  sei. 

Ein  Verbalsubstantiv  zu  tts- cow/ k  kann  das  Wort  nun  aller- 
dings nicht  sein,  da  ein  solches  Verbum  überhaupt  nicht  existiert; 
es  gibt  nur  ein  Verbum  as-comlai  (ess-com-lm)  „proficiscitur", 
dessen  Verbalsubstantiv  escumluä  lautet. 


200  JULIUS   POKORNY, 

esclae  (Dativ  esclu)  erkläre  ich  aus  einer  Grundform 
*eks-kom-Iä-jo-,  die  in  lautlicher  Beziehung  sowie  der  Bedeutung 
nach  aufs  beste  pafst,  *e]cs-tcom-lä-jo-  wird  über  "^ess-hn-läjo- 
regelrecht  zu  esclae.  Die  Wurzelform  lä  „in  Bewegung  setzen, 
gehen"  (Ablautform  der  zweisilbigen  Wurzel  elä  in  Griech. 
iXavvco,  usw.)  ist  ja  auch  sonst  im  Irischen  genügend  belegt 
(s.  Pedersens  Grammatik  II  353,  509).  esclae  heilst  also  „Aus- 
gang, Ausfahrt"  und  die  Stelle  in  der  Tain  (LU  62  a  31) :  macc 
becc  do-chóid  indni  ar  esclu  hi  carpat  ist  somit  zu  übersetzen: 
„ein  kleiner  Knabe,  der  heute  in  seinem  Wagen  eine  Ausfahrt 
unternommen  hat". 


4.   Altirisch  do-nessa. 

Von  Fannall,  einem  der  Gegner  Cúchulinns,  heilst  es  in  der 
Tain  (YBL,  Zeile  666) :  Ni  truma  do-éssa  in  n-uisci  oldas  ela  no 
fandoll.  Für  do-éssa  hat  LU  do-essa,  Eg.  1782  do-ess.  Strachan 
setzt  daher  ein  Verbum  do-essa  an  (Tain  Tales,  S.  75),  als  dessen 
Bedeutung  er  „überschreiten"  vermutet. 

Ein  etj'mologischer  Anhaltspunkt  für  ein  solches  Verbum 
fehlt  jedoch.  Es  läge  zwar  nahe,  an  eine  Ableitung  von  eis 
„Spur"  zu  denken,  doch  würde  man  in  diesem  Fall  ein  i- Verbum, 
also  etwa  *do-éis{s)i  erwarten. 

Ich  möchte  daher  einen  andern  Ausweg  vorschlagen.  Da 
ein  neutrales  vorausgestelltes  Adjektiv,  das  den  folgenden  Satz 
modal  bestimmt,  auf  jeden  Fall  einen  nasalierenden  Kelativsatz 
erfordert,  müfste  die  Verbalform  in  unserem  Fall,  wie  auch 
Strachan  gesehen  hat,  jedenfalls  do-n-essa  heilsen;  die  Annahme, 
dais  im  Urtext  donessa  gestanden  habe,  ist  somit  ganz  unum- 
gänglich. Der  Irrtum  der  Abschreiber,  die  offenbar  das  Ab- 
kürzungszeichen für  n  als  Längezeichen  verlasen  (so  YBL)  oder 
überhaupt  übersahen,  ist  leicht  verständlich  und  gehört  zu  den 
häufigsten  Schreibfehlern. 

Wenn  aber  auf  jeden  Fall  donessa  im  Original  gestanden 
haben  mufste,  so  ist  ganz  klar,  dafs  man  es  auch  als  do-nessa 
auffassen  kann.  Auf  diese  Weise  lösen  sich  alle  Schwierigkeiten. 
Der  Verbalstamm  ncss-  „treten"  ist  für  das  Irische  genügend 
festgelegt  (Pedersen  II  583)  und  es  ist  klar,  dafs  wir  hier  die 
3.  Indic.  Präs.  zum  Verbalsubstantiv  tuinsem  vor  uns  haben,  das 
Pedersen   sehi-   treffend   auf  '^'to-m-{s)tha-mu-s  zurückführt  (vgl. 


ZUR   IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE.  201 

besonders  die  Verbalsubstantive  ui.rissem.,  fóessam,  die  gleichfalls 
zur  Wurzel  {s)thä-  gehören). 

do-nessa  „auf  etwas  treten"  gibt  hier  einen  guten  Sinn  und 
pafst  besonders  gut  zum  vorhergehenden  truma  (=  irumniu) 
„schwerer";  die  Stelle  bedeutet  also:  „nicht  schwerer  geht  er 
über  das  Wasser,  als  ein  Schwan  oder  eine  Schwalbe".  Zur 
Bedeutung  vergleiche  man  Voyage  of  Bran,  §  63 :  as-hert  in  hen 
arná  tuinsed  (=  to-nessad)  neck  diih  a  tir  „das  Weib  sagte,  dafs 
keiner  von  ihnen  das  Land  betreten  solle". 


5.   Altirisch  é  ^Salm'. 

Neben  éu,  éo  kommt  im  Irischen  auch  die  Form  e  „Salm" 
vor,  so  LL  12  b  42,  H  3.  18.  p.  611b  (Bezzenbergers  Beiträge 
XIX  2)  und  in  O'Mulconrj'S  Glossar  (Archiv  f.  celt.  Lexik.  I  477). 
Durch  ihr  häufiges  Vorkommen  scheint  es  ausgeschlossen,  dafs 
wir  es,  wie  Stokes  meint,  nur  mit  einer  Korruption  von  éu,  éo 
zu  tun  haben. 

Es  handelt  sich  vielmehr  deutlich  um  eine  Nebenform  von 
éo,  éii.  Wie  diese  entstanden  ist,  ist  ganz  deutlich.  Das 
ursprüngliche  Paradigma  lautete  nämlich:  Nom.  *esöJc-s,  Gen. 
*esoJc-os,  Dat.  *eso]c-{a)i  usw.,  woraus  zunächst  voririsch  *esuss, 
Gen.  ^esochos  wurde.  Aus  "^esüss  entstand  regelmäfsig  éu  (éo), 
indem  in  ursprünglich  zweisilbigen  Worten  die  Verschmelzung 
der  Hiatusvokale  noch  vor  der  Hebung  (durch  die  e  zu  i  ge- 
worden wäre)  eintrat  (das  auslautende  -u  mufste  schon  wegen 
des  ursprünglich  folgenden  Konsonanten  lautgesetzlich  erhalten 
bleiben);  dafs  diese  Verschmelzung  älter  ist  als  die  Hebung  zeigt 
auch  0Í  „Schaf"  aus  *ovis,  das  andernfalls  iii  ergeben  hätte,  ferner 
heu  ihéó)  „ich  würde  sein"  aus  urkeltisch  %esu  (Thurneysen, 
Handbuch  §  767);  Pedersens  Ansicht,  dafs  ^esöhs  zu  */it  geworden 
wäre  (Grammatik  II  100),  ist  somit  zu  verwerfen. 

Es  ist  nun  ohne  weiteres  begreiflich,  dafs  das  kurze  o  der 
obliquen  Kasus  auch  in  den  Nominativ  dringen  konnte,  wodurch 
schon  voririsch  neben  ^esüss  eine  Form  *esoss  trat;  dieses  esoss 
mufste  dann  lautgesetzlich  über  *e/io  (vielleicht  auch  über  *ejó) 
zu  é  werden,  da  natürlich  solche  Vokale,  die  dem  Gesetz  des 
Endsilbenschw^undes  unterlagen,  nicht  mit  dem  vorhergehenden 
Vokal  kontrahiert  werden  konnten,  wie  auch  in  air.  de  „link" 
aus  idg.  *idijo-,  ""idijä  (zu  cymr.  cledd,  lat.  di-vius  „ungünstig"  usw.) 


202  JULIUS   POKORNY. 

oder  cré  „Lehm,  Ton"  (aus  ^Jc^rejat-s;  eine  Grundform  ^Wejet-s, 
wie  sie  Pedersen  I  252  ansetzt,  ist  unmöglich,  da  diese  m 
ergeben  hätte,  wie  auch  ^ad-h^is-et  „sieht"  zu  ad-ci  wurde;  auch 
könnte  dann  der  Dativ  nicht  mittelirisch  cr'taid  lauten,  sondern 
würde  cr'iid  heifsen);  heu,  hco  „lebend"  aus  idg.  *(fivo-  ist  kein 
Gegenbeweis,  da  der  Diphthong  ew,  éo  hier  nicht  das  Kontrak- 
tionsprodukt von  e  (aus  i  gebrochen)  mit  dem  o  der  Endung 
darstellt,  sondern  vielmehr  aus  e  -{-  v  entstanden  ist,  das  zwischen 
e  und  0  zu  u  geworden  war  und  daher  vor  dem  geschwundenen 
auslautenden  o  erhalten  blieb  (über  die  Behandlung  des  inter- 
vokalischen  v  siehe  meine  Concise  Old  Irish  Grammar,  §  112). 
Altirisch  é  stellt  somit  die  regelmäfsige  Entwicklung  der  vor- 
irischen Nebenform  *eso]c-s  dar. 


6.    Altirisch  niontar,  rnuinter  *  Gefolge,  farnilia\ 

Die  Lautgestalt  dieser  Worte  hat  schon  zu  zahlreichen  Er- 
örterungen Anlafs  gegeben,  jedoch  noch  keine  befriedigende 
Lösung  gefunden.  Thurnej'sen  hat  dafür  die  Grundformen 
*monaier-  und  *monttcr-  angesetzt,  die  ihre  Gestalt  im  Britan- 
nischen durch  Umbildung  aus  latein.  monasterium  und  monisterium 
erhalten  haben  sollen.    Ihm  schliefst  sich  Hessen  (ZOP  IX  11)  an. 

Eine  derartige  Deutung  ist  nicht  nur  bedenklich,  wie 
Pedersen  meint,  sondern  geradezu  unmöglich. 

Die  Ansicht,  dafs  lateinisch  st  im  Britannischen  intervokalisch 
zu  t  werden  könnte,  ist  doch  ganz  willkürlich  ad  hoc  konstruiert. 
Um  damit  ein  für  alle  Mal  aufzuräumen,  stelle  ich  alle  beteiligten 
Lehnworte  im  Cymrischen,  die  intervokalisches  st  im  Inlaut  ent- 
halten, zusammen. 

Es  sind  dies:  abostol  (mittelcymr.;  aus  apostolus),  astell  (aus 
astella),  astud  (aus  astüttis),  Awsiin  (aus  Augustinus),  castan  (aus 
casianus),  castell  (aus  castellum),  distyll  (aus  destillo),  ffestinmtv 
(aus  festlno),  meistr  (aus  magister),  mestig  (aus  masilco),  pistyll 
(aus  ptstülum),  pystylu  (aus  pisiürlre),  pysiylwyn  (aus  postüena), 
testun  (aus  testimonium),  trisiyd  (aus  tristitia),  ystyll-en  (aus 
hastilla). 

Dazu  kommen  noch  zahlreiche  Worte,  wo  das  st  im  cym- 
rischen Auslaut  stand,  wie  bwyst  (bestia).  cest  (cista)  u.  a.  m.  Es 
wird  wohl  zur  Genüge  klar  sein,  dafs  man  im  Hinblick  auf  alle 


ZUR   IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE.  203 

diese  Beispiele  anuelimen  mufs,  dafs  auch  lateinisch  monisterium 
und  monasterium  im  Britannischen  ihr  st  unverändert  bewahrten. 

Mit  Recht  lehnt  Pedersen  auch  die  Zurückführung  des 
cymrischen  cader  „Festung"  auf  lat.  castra  ab.  Auch  die  Laut- 
gruppe str  mufs  im  Cymrischen  erhalten  bleiben,  wie  die  folgen- 
den lateinischen  Lehnworte  beweisen:  cehystr  (aus  capistrnm), 
distrytv  (aus  destruo),  ffenestr  {2ms  fenestra),  rhestr  (sius  registra) ; 
vgl.  auch  alt  corn,  estr-en  aus  ostreum.  Besonders  beweisend  ist 
auch  das  cymrische  castr  „Zeugungsglied  des  Pferdes"  aus  latein. 
castrum.  Ist  ja  im  Britannischen  sogar  die  altererbte  Laut- 
gruppe str  erhalten  geblieben,  wie  in  cymr.  rhivijstro  „hindern" 
(ir.  riastraim  „verzerre"),  cymr.  llestr  „Getäfs"  (ir.  lestar)  usw., 
es  kann  also  lateinisch  st  auch  nicht  vor  r  zu  t  geworden  sein. 

Eine  andere  Deutung  hat  Pedersen  versucht  (GGA  1912, 
S.  27),  der  eine  Grundform  ""mnmturä  (zu  lat.  manere)  oder 
*manuterä  (zu  lat.  manus)  ansetzen  will.  Aber  abgesehen  davon, 
dafs  das  Suffix  in  *mnnitnra  sonst  nicht  in  echt  keltischen 
Worten  vorkommt,  könnten  beide  Formen  lautgesetzlich  nur  zu 
mointer  bezw.  muinter  führen  und  die  Formen  montar.  muniar 
blieben  ganz  unerklärt. 

Die  Lösung  der  Schwierigkeiten  ergibt  sich  ganz  unge- 
zwungen. Lateinisch  monasterium  und  monisterium.  die  ins 
Britannische  aufgenommen  wurden,  sind  nach  Abfall  der  End- 
silben ins  Irische  entlehnt  worden,  wo  sie  in  die  a-Flexion  über- 
geführt wurden,  also  *monasterä  und  *monisterä  lauteten.  Beide 
Formen  mufsten  nach  dem  Wirken  der  Auslautgesetze  und  der 
Synkope  regelmälsig  zu  *monstar  und  *muinster  werden.  Lateinisch 
st  ist  ja  bekanntlich  in  irischen  Lehnwort en  in  der  Eegel  erhalten 
{béist  aus  bestia,  súist  aus  füstis,  magister  aus  magister,  rastal 
aus  rastellus,  teist  aus  testis).  Die  sekundär  entstandene  Laut- 
gruppe nst  dürfte  sich  nun  im  Irischen  nicht  lange  unverändert 
erhalten  haben,  da  sie  in  echt  irischen  Worten  nicht  vorkam 
(altes  nst  war  schon  sehr  früh  mit  st  zusammengefallen).  Durch 
Ausfall  des  n  konnte  eine  Vereinfachung  nicht  gut  erfolgen,  da 
sekundär  vor  5  tretendes  n  stets  erhalten  blieb,  wie  z.  B.  im  echt 
irischen  ans{a)e  ,.nicht  leicht"  (aus  an-ass{a)e,  idg.  *n-ad-(s)thäjo-). 
Eine  Vereinfachung  der  schweren  Konsonantengruppe  war  aber 
um  so  wahrscheinlicher,  als  das  erwähnte  Wort  von  Anfang  au 
in  der  lebenden  Sprache  viel  gebraucht  worden  sein  mufs,  wie 
dessen  zahllose  Belege  aus  allen  Sprachperioden  beweisen.    Nun 


204  JULIUS   POKORNY,    ZUR   IRISCHEN    WORTKUNDE, 

schwindet  s  zwischen  Konsonanten  in  vielen  Sprachen,  darunter 
auch  im  Urkeltischen,  Es  ist  somit  durchaus  nicht  gewagt, 
anzunehmen,  dafs  auch  im  Irischen  *tnonstar  und  *muinster  durch 
Ausfall  des  s  zu  montar  und  muinter  wurden,  wie  sie  uns  in 
historischer  Zeit  vorliegen.  Die  dritte,  seltenere  Form  muntar 
ist  natürlich  eine  Kontamination  aus  den  beiden  andern  Formen, 
Im  Irischen  konnten  zu  jeder  Zeit  unsilbische  Konsonantengruppen 
durch  Schwund  eines  Lautes  erleichtert  werden.  Vgl.  hierüber 
Pedersen,  Vgl.  Grammatik  I  484  ff.  und  Thurneysen,  Hand- 
buch §  178. 

Das  nur  einmal  im  Buch  von  Armagh  (Thes.  Palaeohib. 
II  241)  überlieferte  menstir  (=  ^aivLoxtQior)  „Kredenztisch" 
kann  nicht  als  Gegengrund  angeführt  werden.  Vor  allem  beweist 
schon  das  e  der  ersten  Silbe,  für  das  wir  lautgesetzlicli  i  erwarten 
müfsten,  dafs  war  es  mit  keinem  lebendigen  Wort,  sondern  mit 
einem  gelehrten  Buchwert  zu  tun  haben ;  hier  können  sich  ganz 
selbstverständlich  schwer  sprechbare  Konsonantengruppen  unver- 
ändert erhalten  haben.  Nun  lautet  aber  das  Wort  in  allen 
übrigen  Belegen  immer  me(i)mstir  mit  ausnahmslos  erhaltener 
Zwischensilbe  (s.  Vendryes,  De  Hib,  Voc.  s.  v.  menstir).  Diese 
Form  kann  nicht  aus  älterem  menstir  hervorgegangen  sein,  da 
sich  zwischen  n  und  s  niemals  ein  epenthetischer  Vokal  ent- 
wickelt. Eine  abermalige  jüngere  Entlehnung  ist  schon  wegen 
des  e  der  ersten  Silbe  nicht  wahrscheinlich.  Ich  möchte  daher 
glauben,  dafs  im  Buch  von  Armagh  menstir  für  menistir  ver- 
schrieben ist.  Doch  ist  diese  Annahme  nicht  unbedingt  not- 
wendig, da  in  einem  gelehrten  Lehnwort  die  Erhaltung  der 
Gruppe  nst  ohne  weiteres  verständlich  ist. 

Altirisch  *monistir  (?"- Stamm)  „coenohium",  nur  im  Gen.  PI. 
m,omstre  belegt,  ist  jüngere  gelehrte  Entlehnung  aus  monisterium. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokorny. 


ZUR  TAIN  BO  CUAILNGE. 


R.  I.  Best  bemerkt  mir  freundlichst,  dafs  mir  bei  der  Ver- 
wertung seiner  Entdeckung  über  die  verschiedenen  Schreiber  von 
LU  ein  kleines  Mifsverständnis  untergelaufen  ist^).  Ich  hatte 
seine  Verteilung  der  einzelnen  Seiten  auf  verschiedene  Hände 
nicht  nur  auf  den  Text  selbst,  sondern  fälschlich  auch  auf  die 
eingestreuten  Glossen  bezogen.  Seiner  Güte  verdanke  ich  nun 
aber  auch  eine  Liste,  wie  diese  Glossen  auf  die  einzelnen  Hände 
verteilt  sind.  Daraus  ergibt  sich,  dafs  von  den  acht  Glossen,  die 
ich  S.  439  als  beweisend  für  den  engeren  Zusammenhang  der 
Grund  texte  von  LU  und  Eg.  1782  zitiert  habe,  nur  vier  für 
einen  solchen  Beweis  tauglich  bleiben,  während  drei  (zu  Z.  223, 
623,  797)  sicher,  eine  (308)  wahrscheinlich  in  LU  vom  Interpolator 
H  herrührt,  also  aufser  Betracht  fällt.  Für  meine  Ausführungen 
ist  das  ohne  Avesentlichen  Belang,  da  sich  mein  BeAveis  nicht  haupt- 
sächlich auf  diese  Glossen  stützte-).  Übrigens  bin  ich  in  der  Lage, 
noch  einen  ganz  evidenten  Fall  für  eine  gemeinsame  Änderung 
des  ursprünglichen  Textes  in  LU  (Hand  M)  und  Eg.  1782  anzu- 
führen.   Es  ist  eine  Stelle  in  den  formolta  ConCulaind  (349  ff.). 

YBL:  Ni'fairgeba  su  ar  do  cliind  Icech  has  ansum  na  rind 
bis  aüMghm  na  flach  bus  feoilchairm  na  bas  bus  athluhne  na  lath 
bus  luindiu  na  comlond  a  esa  rad'sia  co  trian  usw.  „Du  wirst  keinen 
Krieger  treffen,  der  schwerer  (zu  bestehen)  sein  wird,  noch  eine 
(Speer-)Spitze,  die  schärfer,  noch  einen  Eaben,  der  fleischgieriger, 
noch  einen  Tod,  der  näher  bei  der  Hand,  noch  einen  Kämpen,  der 


»)  In  dem  Artikel:  Die  Überlief eruug  der  Tain  Bó  Cúailnge  ZCP  9,  418 ff. 

2)  Ein  wirkliches  Versehen  von  mir  war  die  Angabe,  dafs  die  Glosse 
zu345f.:  Obicitur  tochmarcc  n-Emire  do  so  in  Eg.  1782  fehle,  vgl.  "Windisch, 
ZCP  9,  129,  Aum.  2.    Es  stimmt  also  diese  Hs.  zu  LU. 


206  R.  THÜRNETSEN, 

grimmiger  sein  wird,  noch  einen  Altersgenossen,  der  ein  Drittel 
von  ihm  erreichen  wird". 

LU:  Ni'fairgéha  su  ar  do  cind  lach  bas  andsu.  na  rind  has 
aígthidiu  ná  has  altnidi  ná  has  athlaimi  no  lath  has  luinniu.  nd 
fiach  has  feólchairiu.  nd  comlond  a  ésa  ród'sd  co  tridn. 

Eg.  1782:  Nifargeha  su  ar  do  cJiind  Idech  hus  ansam  na 
rind  hus  dithigu  na  hus  altnighi  na  hus  athlame.  na  fiach  bus 
feolchariu.  na  comlunn  a  dessa  ro'sia  co  trian  usw. 

Die  beiden  letzten  Handschriften  gehen  offenbar  auf  einen 
Text  zurück,  der  statt  has  has  athlaimi{u)  (=  has  has  a.)  nur 
has  aihlaimt{ti)  las,  so  dais  dem  Satz  das  Subjekt  zu  fehlen 
schien,  da  man  das  Adjektiv  nicht  wohl  auf  fiach  beziehen  konnte. 
Man  zog  es  daher  zu  rind  und  fügte  zu  ditkigdiu  noch  das  ungefähr 
gleichbedeutende,  alliterierende  altnidiiii)  hinzu.  So  bestätigt  sich 
meine  Annahme,  das  Lü  und  der  Grundtext  von  Eg.  1782  in 
letzter  Linie  eine  Handschriftengruppe  für  sich  (mein  u)  bilden. 

Da  ich  eben  am  Korrigieren  von  Fehlern  bin,  bemerke  ich, 
dafs  im  Stammbaum  S.  441  an  der  unteren  Ecke  rechts  statt  E 
natürlich  E-  zu  lesen  ist;  die  Zahl  ist  erst  nach  der  letzten 
Korrektur  abgesprungen.  Ferner  zu  Zs.  9, 487,  dafs  sich  die 
„14  Tage"  in  Rev.  Celt.  15,  465  nicht  auf  die  Dauer  der  ganzen 
Tain,  sondern  nur  auf  die  Zeit  bezieht,  während  deren  Medb 
ihren  Streifzug  bis  nach  Dun  Sobairche  ausführt  (LU- Version  1349, 
LL- Version  2050}. 

n. 

Wenn  ich  auch  hoffe,  dafs  meine  früheren  Ausführungen  als 
Beweis  dafür  genügt  haben,  dais  die  LL -Version  nicht  auf  einer 
Quelle  der  LU -Version,  sondern  auf  dieser  selber  beruht,  so  wird 
es  doch  nichts  schaden,  noch  einen  Fall  vorzuführen,  in  dem  be- 
sonders deutlich  wird,  wie  LL  verschiedene  Teile  von  LU  zusammen- 
arbeitet. Er  ist  merkwürdigerweise  von  Zimmer  ganz  übergangen 
worden  und  hätte  allerdings  schlecht  zu  seiner  Theorie  gepalst. 

Über  die  Zusammensetzung  des  Heeres  von  Ailill  und  ]\Iedb 
haben  wir  in  LU  zwei  verschiedene  Berichte.  Xach  der  Einleitung 
(Z.  1  ff.)  sendet  man  Boten  in  die  drei  anderen  Provinzen,  speziell 
aber  zu  den  sieben  maic  Mdgach,  d.  h.  zu  Ailill  und  seinen  Brüdern, 
die  namentlich  aufgeführt  werden,  und  die  jeder  ein  tricha  cét 


ZUR   TAIN   BÓ   CÚAILNGE.  207 

herbeiführen;  ferner  zu  Cormac  Condi ongas,  der  dreihundert  Mann 
befehligt.  Deren  Aufzug  wird  beschrieben  und,  wie  beiläufig, 
hinzugefügt:  „Es  versammelten  sich  dann  auch  vier  Provinzen 
Irlands  in  Cruacliain  Ai"  (19 f.). 

Eine  genaue  Aufzählung  der  Abteilungen  erhalten  wir  bald 
darauf  in  der  Erzählung  selbst  in  der  Episode  der  Galióin  (163  ff.). 
Wir  erfahren  dort,  dafs  das  Heer  aus  18  tricha  cét  besteht.  Ab- 
gesehen vom  tricha  cét  der  Galióin  hat  Medb  selber  zwei  hicJia 
cét;  ferner  jeder  ihrer  sieben  Söhne,  die  alle  Mane  heifsen,  je  ein 
tricha  cét.  Ebenso  hat  Fergus  sein  eigenes  tricha  cét  und  sieben 
Könige  aus  Munster  jeder  ein  tricha  cét  i).  Man  sieht,  die  sieben 
maic  Magach  fehlen  hier  völlig;  für  ihre  tricha  cét  ist  in  dieser 
Rechnung  kein  Platz.  Auch  Cormac  Condl ongas  bleibt  unerwähnt; 
doch  könnte  man  zur  Not  seine  300  Mann  mit  Fergus'  tricha  cét 
identifizieren. 

Diese  sich  widersprechenden  Stellen  weist  Zimmer  (KZ  28, 
545)  ausdrücklich  einer  einzigen  Quelle  zu,  auf  die  nach  ihm 
LU  55  a  1  —  57  a  8  zurückgeht.  Aber  nirgends  ist  die  Kompilation 
verschiedenartigen  Materials  deutlicher  als  hier. 

Wie  verhält  sich  nun  LL?  Repräsentiert  es  etwa  die  eine 
dieser  beiden  Versionen?  Nein,  es  vereinigt  beide  Berichte.  An 
der  ersten  Stelle  (Windisch,  Z.  161  ff.)  werden  von  Medb  Boten 
gesandt  sowohl  zu  den  sieben  Mani  als  zu  den  maic  Magach, 
sowohl  zu  Cormac  Condlongas  als  zu  Fergus.  An  der  zweiten 
(433  ff.)  werden  gleichfalls  sowohl  die  Truppen  der  Mani  als  die 
der  maic  Magach  erwähnt.  Aber  der  Verfasser  der  LL -Version 
hütet  sich  wohl,  nun  die  Zahl  der  tricha  cét  zu  bestimmen;  er 
gibt  169  ff.  nur  die  Kopfzahl  der  Mannschaften  insgesamt. 

Deutlicher  kann  wohl  nicht  zutage  treten,  wie  LL  die  ver- 
schiedenen Teile  der  Kompilation  LU  zu  vereinheitlichen  sucht. 


IIL 

Vergil  und  die  Tain  Bó  Cúailnge. 

Dafs  die  Tain  Reminiszenzen  an  das  klassische  Altertum 
birgt,  ist  öfters  bemerkt  worden.  Niemand  hat  von  dem  Warten 
des  Heeres  auf  günstige  Wahrzeichen  vor  dem  Aufbruch  oder 


^)    Dieser  Darstellung  entspricht  so  ziemlich  die  spätere,  die  von  Fergus' 
Weichen  aus  der  Schlacht  berichtet,  Z.  3633  ff. 


208  R.  THÜRNETSEN,   ZUR  TAIN   BÓ    CÚAILNGE. 

von  der  Erhebung  des  Flusses  Cronn  gegen  den  Feind  berichtet, 
ohne  an  die  Griechen  in  Aulis  oder  an  den  Skamandros  in  seinem 
Aufwallen  gegen  Achilleus  zu  erinnern.  Aber  der  direkteste 
Anklang  an  die  Antike  ist  bis  jetzt,  so  viel  ich  sehe,  unbemerkt 
geblieben,  weil  die  Stelle  nicht  verstanden  worden  ist.  Schon 
dem  Schreiber  von  LU  war  sie  unverständlich,  wie  seine  falsche 
Interpunktion  zeigt,  und  die  LL -Version  hat  die  Anspielung 
ganz  unterdrückt. 

Es  handelt  sich  um  die  Einleitung  der  Episode,  in  der  die 
Nemain  den  Stier  vor  dem  Bevorstehenden  warnt  und  ihn  zur 
Flucht  bewegt  (842  ff.).  Sie  ist  nur  in  LU64b  und  TBL  24  a  er- 
halten und  lautet  in  den  Handschriften  (von  gleichgültigen 
Varianten  abgesehen): 

Céin  bdtdr  di{dii)  intsloig  octochim  maige  breg  forrmnai^) 
allecJitu  colhic  nochisi'^)  inmorriganson^)  indeilh  cúin  conihói  forsin 
chortlii  hitemair  cualngi^)  y  ashert  frisintdrh^)  usw. 

L.  W.  Faraday  '^  meint,  es  fehle  hier  offenbar  etwas.  Aber 
die  Stelle  wird  ohne  weiteres  klar,  wenn  wir  AUechtn  als  Eigen- 
namen fassen:  „Während  die  Scharen  nun  beschäftigt  waren, 
Mag  Breg  zu  durchschreiten,  kam  inzwischen  Allechtu,  das  ist 
die  Morrigan,  in  Gestalt  eines  Vogels  auf  den  Steinpfeiler  in 
Temair  Cualngi  und  sprach  zu  dem  Stier"  usw.  Koch  is  in  der 
Bedeutung  id  est  ist  aus  den  Mailänder  Glossen  bekannt.  Die 
Allechtu,  die  hier  mit  der  gespensterhaften  Morrigan  identifiziert 
wird,  ist  natürlich  niemand  anders  als  die  Furie  Allecto,  die 
jedem  Latein  Studierenden  aus  Vergils  berühmter  Schilderung 
Aen.  VII  323  ff.  vertraut  war.  Da  auch  sie  fuscis  tollitur  alis 
(408),  Stygiis  se  concitat  alis  (476),  war  sie  leicht  mit  einer  der 
cft  in  Vogelgestalt  erscheinenden  irischen  Dämoninuen  zu  ver- 
einigen. Bemerkenswert  bleibt  aber  immerhin,  dafs  in  einem 
der  älteren  Teile  der  Tain  ein  solcher  den  gelehrten  Kreisen 
entstammender  Ausdruck  sich  findet. 


*)  fost-umcei  YBL.  -)  colleic.  Nochisi  LU. 

ä)  inmórrigan  so7i  LU.  *)  chuailgm  YBL. 

5)  7  asbertsiris  intarb  YBL.  «)  The  Cattle-Raid  of  Cualnge,  p.  40. 

Freiburs:  i.  B.  E.  Thurneysen. 


THE  RECENSIONS  OF  THE  SAGA 
'TOGAIL  BRUIDNE  DADERGA'. 

1.   The  composite  text  of  'Leabhar  ua  hUidlire'. 

Of  the  older  tales,  wbich  have  come  down  to  us,  the  legend 
of  the  sack  of  DaDerga's  hostel  is,  next  to  the  'Tain',  the  most 
ambitions  and  epic  in  structure.  The  form  in  which  we  have  it 
represents  an  intermediate  stage  between  the  unadorned,  terse 
stj'le  of  the  oldest  tales,  and  the  rhetorical  methods  of  the  twelfth 
century  senchaide,  as  exemplified  in  the  'Tain'  and  Togail  Trói  in 
the  Book  of  Leinster,  Unlike  these,  'Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga' 
for  all  its  diffuseness  of  narration,  seldom  degenerates  into  bombast; 
except  in  the  interminable  description  of  the  rooms  of  the  Bruiden, 
the  narrative  is  spirited  and  continuous,  with  occasional  passages 
of  singular  beauty,  not  unworthy  of  the  legend  they  embody. 

Though  probably  later  in  form  than  the  'Tain',  the  legend 
of  the  tale  has  been  generally  recognized  to  be  of  an  even  more 
archaic  origin.  Eoin  Mac  Néill  has  pointed  out,  that  here  we 
have  Tara  recognized  as  the  seat  of  the  king  of  Ireland,  while 
in  the  later  tales  it  is  a  place  of  minor  importance,  until  the  time 
of  Cormac:  here,  too,  we  have  the  peculiar  relic  of  totemistic 
usages,  and  strange  beings  of  another  world  with  powers  of 
enchantment.  We  may  observe  too  the  absence  of  any  mention 
of  druidsi),  who  play  a  part  in  all  later  legends  of  enchantment. 

It  is  unfortunate,  that  Stokes,  in  editing  this  tale,  should 
have  worked  chiefly  from  a  manuscript,  which,  in  addition  to  being 
incomplete,  represented  in  many  ways  later  recensions  and  obvious 

1)  That  is,  except  in  the  Eg.  version  and  the  Dindshenchas.  Note  how  in 
the  story  of  the  Tarhfess  interpolated  into  Serglige  Con  Culaind  from  our 
text,  the  man  who  chooses  the  king  at  the  feast,  becomes,  in  accordance  with 
later  ideas,  a  druid. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  J^4 


210  LUCIUS   GWYNN, 

interpolations:  the  only  manuscript  moreover,  that  was  already 
accessible  in  facsimile.  For  this  reason  probably,  since  the 
researches  of  Zimmer  and  Nettlau,  this  text  has  been  left  almost 
unstudied  for  nearly  twenty  years,  i) 

The  recent  discovery  by  Mr.  Best  of  the  interpolating  hand 
in  'Leabhar  na  hUidhre',  has,  however,  thrown  much  light  on  the 
various  recensions  of  the  tale,  and  cleared  up  definitively  the 
relationship  of  that  MS.  with  Egerton  1782:  a  later  scribe  has, 
as  Mr.  Best  shews,  erased  the  original  text,  and  written  in  the 
principal  additions  of  the  later  Egerton  recension.  It  is  thus 
possible  also  to  revise  Stokes'  summary  of  the  MSS.,  as  follows: 

The  descriptions  in  §  112  to  §  125  (LU  p.  93,  94)  are  added 
inLU  by  the  later  hand:  therefore  in  'Lebhar  Buidhe  Leacain' 
we  have  the  original  text  in  its  entirety ;  the  sole  complete  copy 
of  the  story.  Similarly,  the  Stowe  MS.  is  complete  save  for 
the  loss  of  one  folio  at  the  end.  The  fragment  in  the  'Book  of 
Fermoy'  is  continuous.  Here  may  also  be  noted  that  the  remscéla 
mentioned  by  Stokes  as  preceding  the  text  in  'Egerton  1782', 
have  been  printed,  as  a  recension  of  'Tochmarc  Étáine',  by 
Windisch  in  his  'Irische  Texte'  vol.  I. 

It  is  curious,  that  the  text  presented  by  the  oldest  manu- 
script LU  is,  without  exception,  the  least  archaic.  In  addition 
to  the  interpolations  of  the  later  hand  (called  by  Best  H),  the 
evidence  of  the  other  MSS.  shews  clearly  that  the  original  scribe 
Máel  Muire  mac  Céilechair  introduced  frequent  additions  of  his 
own.  Thus  LU  83 a 45  (ed.  Stokes  §  26)  reads:  Is  iat  dodróni 
in  smúit-cheo  druidechta  sin  din  hitli.  siabrai:  fo  hiiJiin  arrocor- 
pait  géssi  Conairi:  against  all  other  MSS.  (including  Eg.,  Stokes 
p.  153),  which  have:  Is  é  rí  insin  longside  siabrai  din  bith:  this 
is  established  as  the  correct  reading  by  a  sentence  in  the 
supplementary  note  in  LU  itself  {manu  prima),  which  is  taken 
partly  from  this  tale,  and  partly  from  the  short  summary  in 
'Lebor  Dromma  Snechta'.  This  runs:  Ecmaing  ha  tir  dudlotar, 
ar  is  he  ri  insin  loingside  siabrai. 

In  the  light  of  this  example  we  may  fairly  reject,  on  the 
evidence  of  the  later  MSS.,  §§  68  and  69  (LU  87  a  2  to   10), 


*)  Exception  must  of  course  be  made  of  Mr.  Lloyd's  admirable  study  of 
the  topography  of  the  piece,  entitled  Tracht  Fuirbhthen  ('Eriu'  vol.  2). 


THE    RECENSIONS    OF    THE    SAGA    'tOGAIL    BKUIDNE    DA  DERGa'.      211 

§  149  to  §  153  incl.,  §§  159,  160,  163,  164,  and  §  168:  together 
A^'itli  many  readings  obviously  late  in  form,  and  minor  moderniz- 
ations. Nevertheless,  as  the  earliest  version,  LU  has  preserved 
in  some  places  the  original  reading,  where  Stowe  andLBL  offer 
more  modern  forms. 

The  close  agreement  of  the  various  MSS.  makes  it  probable 
that  all  are  ultimately  derived  from  the  same  original  copy:  this 
is  especially  notable  in  the  obscurer  pieces  of  retoric. 

The  Stowe  MS.  shevrs  a  text  with  a  certain  number  of 
obvious  modernizations:  for  instance  §  48 

LÜ:    ar  nach  -  bar  -  accaister  as'tir. 
LBL:  ar  nachabaccastar  as'tir. 
St.:     na  faicther  sib  don  til*. 
Eg. :   ar  na  aiccithir  sib  do  tir. 

Here  LBL  preserves  the  correct  reading.  So  too  (§  52) 
LU:  conecsetar :  LBL,  Eg.:  condecdatar;  but  St.:  7  indisit  (\.^g: 
CO  n-écdatar).    Instructive  also  is  §  66: 

LU:    Bá  he  mo  lithsa,  for  lugcel,   combad  sé  no  beth  and  7  robad 
orgain  fo  araile  insin. 

LBL  and  H:   Ba  he  mo  litbse  bid  he  docorad   and.    Ba  he  orcuin 
fon  ailiu. 

St. :  .  .  .  combad  he  notecmad  auu.    Ba  argain  mar  a  cheile  he.') 

Eg. :     comad  he  notocrad  aun  iunocht. 

Where  however  St.  omits  to  modernize,  it  reads  sometimes  with 
LU,  sometimes  with  LBL.  Thus  St.  with  LU  against  LBL: 
§  23  n.  1,  §  27  n.  8,  §  28  n.  5,  §  28  n.  13,  §  35  n.  8,  §  39  n.  1, 
§  43  n.  4,  §  79  n.  14  &C.2)  Agreement  of  St.  and  LBL  is  still 
more  frequent  against  LU,  but  in  neither  case  can  the  variants 
be  called  negligible;  it  may  therefore  be  fairly  concluded,  that 
St.,  LBL  and  LU  represent  independent  copies  of  one  original, 
and  hence  that  the  consensus  of  two  of  these  three  represents 
the  reading  of  the  original. 

Two  readings  which  confirm  this  view  may  be  cited  here: 
§  23  n.  1 : 


*)   Other  instances  of  paraphrasing  in  St.  p.  45  n.  2,  9. 
2)  References    to    the    footnotes   and   paragraphs   of    Stokes'    edition: 
I  omit  mere  correspondences  of  spelling. 

14* 


212  LUCIUS  GWYNN, 

LU :  Is  Í  orcain  tue  a  áinfén  dosom :  conid  si  adaig  andsin  rocurthea 
a  mathair  7  a  athair  7  a  secht  uderbrathir. 

LBL :  Is  i  orcain  tue  Ingeel  do  adaig  rocuretha  a  mathair  7  a  athair 
7  a  seacht  nderhraithri. 

Eg-.:  Is  i  imorro  argaiu  tue  lugcél  doib  .i.  adaig  rocuirthea  a 
athair,  &c. 

H:    Is  i  orcuiu  tug  Ingeel  doip  agaid  rocuirthi  a  mathair,  &c. 

St.:  Issi  orcuiu  tue  a  ainfén  do,  adaig  rocuirthea  a  mathair  7  a 
secht  uderbrathir. 

Here  LU  and  St.  alone  read  a  ainfén  against  Ingeel  of  H, 
LBL  and  Eg.;  this  being  evidently  an  error  for  amsen 'ill-luck'.') 
Clearly  then  the  MSS.  have  a  common  archetype,  whose  blunder 
is  perpetuated  in  LU  and  St.,  whilst  the  others  have  substituted 
Ingeel  for  the  incomprehensible  ainfen."^) 

Again  §  28  n.  13  LU  reads  hi  sedgregaib  oss  n-eng,  while 
for  the  last  word  LBL  has  ti-ecennsa,  Stowe  necendas  7io  neng^). 
This  whole  passage  is  imitated  from  the  obscure  list  of  gifts  in 
the  'Amra  Con  Eöi',  where  this  phrase  is  also  i  sedgregaib  oss 
n-eng.  It  seems  probable  that  St.  has  kept  the  original  error 
with  its  correction,  whilst  LBL  has  adopted  the  correction,  and 
LU  omitted  it.  And  so  with  many  other  variants,  in  which  each 
of  these  three  MSS,  sometimes  follows  one  and  sometimes  the 
other,  the  explanation  can  only  be  that  they  are  independent 
copies  of  one  archetype. 


2.   The  recension  of  Egerton  1782. 

The  text  offered  by  Egerton  1782  is,  as  Stokes  and  Nettlau 
have  shewn,  that  of  a  second  recension.  It  opens  on  fol.  106  r 
Bai  ri  amra  aireagdai  i  n-airdrighe  for  liErinn  A.  Eochaig  Aireamh 
with  a  version  of  the  'Tochmarc  Étáine'.  This  is  printed  as  a 
second  version  of  that  tale  by  Windisch  (Irische  Texte  I  128); 
he  omits,  however,  to  point  out  that  it  is  not  an  independent 
text  in  the  MS.,  but  has  been  grafted  on  to  the  text  of  'Togail 
Bruidne  Da  Derga'   and  forms   the  beginning   of  this  recension. 


^)  This  explanation  I  owe  to  Dr.  Bergin. 

2)  Note  how  even  in  this  sentence  St.   agrees  first  with  LU   against 
LBL,  then  vice  versa. 
ä)  Eg.  has  neng. 


THE   RECENSIONS   OF   THE   SAGA    'TOGATL   BRÜ1DNE  DA  DERGA'.      213 

It  has  been  sliewn  in  a  paper  on  these  two  versions  of 
'Tochmarc  Étáine'  (ZCP  IX  353)  that  the  Egerton  version  of 
'Tochmarc  Étáine'  is  founded  on  that  preserved  by  LU-LBL 
with  addition  of  the  story  of  the  Finding  of  Étáin  from  'Bruiden 
DaDerga'  (§§1,2,3  ed.  Stokes  =  §3,4,5  in  Windisch"s  -second 
version'),  and  a  prose  summary  of  the  Dindshenchas  poem  on 
Eáth  Criiachan,  The  Finding  of  Etáin  is  therefore  not  an  inter- 
polation, but  part  of  the  original  tale,  to  which  the  version  of 
'Toclimarc  Étáine',  and  the  Criiachan  story  have  been  —  not 
very  skilfully  —  prefixed  i). 

The  Criiachan -story  ends  Eg.  108  v  bl  ocus  biii  [sc.  Étáin] 
i  ngradhuihh  ri  JiErind  (sic)  ./.  a  cceimclieli  graduell  dinguhala 
biidh  dein:  then,  attempting  to  account  for  the  confusion  of  Eochaid 
Airem  and  Eochaid  Feidlech,  ./.  hie  Eochuith  JJremh:  ocus  is  he 
in  tEcliaid  sin,  rohui  .xu.  Lliadna  hi  richi  nErenn,  gur  rusloiscc 
teni  hi  Frémainn.  Conid  hi  Serclighi  AileJlu  ainm  in  sceuil  sin, 
ocus  Tochmarcc  Etcmiin. 

Then  comes  an  attempt  to  harmonize  the  tale,  by  making 
]\Iess  Búachalla  daughter  of  a  second  Étáin,  whose  mother  was 
the  Étáin  of  the  preceding  tale-):  and  a  statement  that  Conaire's 
gessa  were  violated  and  ruin  brought  upon  him  by  the  sithchaire 
Muigi  Breg.  to  avenge  the  destruction  of  Bri  Léith  and  the  rescue 
of  Étáin  by  Eochaid  ar  togail  Bri  Léith  ocuss  ar  Etain  do  ihaphuirt 
as  dEchaid  Airem  ar  écin.  With  these  words  the  introduction 
concludes  3). 

Thence  the  text  of  'Bruiden  DaDerga'  is  taken  up;  the 
passage  may  be  quoted  as  illustrating  the  method  of  recension: 
(Eg.  fol.  108  V  col.  &  1.  19  =  LU  ed.  Stokes  §  4). 

Ocus  tue  Cormacc  iarsin  ingen  Echrtc/i  .i.  fer  na  tri  mbuad  in  Cormac 
sin.  Léicith  Cormac  iartain  in  ingin,  ar  ba  bamrit  acht  mad  ingin  rue  do 
Chormac  iar  udénam  in  brothchain  dombert  a  mathair  di  assiu  thsith.    Is 


1)  This  explains  also  the  confusion  of  Eochaid  Feidlech  and  E.  Airem. 

2)  Here  again  Eg.  interpolates  from  the  older  tradition:  in  the  Dind- 
shenchas of  Rath  Ésa  and  the  very  archaic  legend  contained  in  the  genealogy 
Do  Shil  Chonairi  Moir  this  version  occurs,  but  there  Étáin's  daughter  is 
named  Ess,  or  Esa. 

3)  Here  too  (fol.  108 v  col.  6  1.9)  ends  Windisch"s  transcript:  the  next 
line  begins  Ocus  tue  Etain  &c.  as  printed  below:  I  give  it,  as  it  bridges  the 
gap  between  Windisch's  transcript,  und  that  of  the  Eg.  version  of  §§  4, 5 
printed  by  Stokes  ed.  p.  151. 


214  LUCIUS    GWYNN, 

annsin  atbert  si  fria  mathair:  'Is  cuil  dorata  dam',  ol  si,  'bid  ingen  nomber'. 
'Ni  ba  baa  son,  biaid  taigid  ri  fitirre'.  [§  5  ed  Stokes]  Dobeir  Cormac  iarum 
aridisi  a  mnái :  ociis  bai  a  riár-sidi  ingen  na  mnao  (/)  ro  leicith  rempi  do 
marbadh.  Nir'  leig  Cormacc  iartain  in  ingin  d'  altram  dia  mathair.  Nos- 
berat  iarum  da  mogaid  &c.  (the  rest  printed  by  Stokes,  Appendix  p.  151). 

Thence  the  text  proceeds,  as  in  the  other  MSS.,  with  verbal 
modernizations,  alterations  und  additions,  hut  obviously  based  on 
the  same  version. 

The  next  addition  of  importance  in  Eg.  is  the  interpolation, 
after  §  26,  of  the  version  of  the  Bruim  SnecJita  text,  which  occurs 
independently  in  LU.  It  would  seem  that  this  short  note,  a 
recension  of  the  old  and  obscure  text  derived  from  the  Bruim 
Snechta  codex,  gave  rise  to  this  recension  of 'Bruiden  Da  Derga', 
which  we  have  preserved  in  Eg.  1782,  and  in  the  interpolations 
in  'Lebar  na  hUidri'.  In  its  original  form,  as  we  have  it  in 
other  MSS.,  the  text  seems  akin  to  the  original  idea  of  the  story 
of  'Bruiden  DaDerga'  —  for  instance,  the  words  Jio  tar  fas  do 
indred  caicJi  mennota  seem  to  contain  a  reference  to  the  mysteri- 
ous agencies  which  prevented  Conaire  from  reaching  Tara  — 
akin  but  not  identical  in  its  earliest  development.  The  redactor  in 
paraphrasing  this  text  seems  to  have  read  the  phrase  hert  trogain'^) 
as  meaning  that  Conaire  was  fey  [trú  trocha),  and  added  —  after 
the  fore -tale  in  'Tochmarc  Etáine'  —  in  consequence  of  the  de- 
struction of  a  Sid  by  his  father  Echaid  Airem. 

This  may  have  been  the  original  purport  of  the  legend:  its 
present  form  is  confused,  and  out  of  harmony  with  the  fore- tales 
in  various  points;  but  as  it  stands,  the  older  recension  simply 
relates  how  Conaire,  having  violated  his  first  prohibition  to  save 
his  sons  from  death,  was  forced  to  break  them  all,  and  so  came 
by  his  end:  the  idea  of  the  vengeance  of  the  siahrai  seems  to 
originate  with  the  later  version  of  the  'Druim  Snechta'  text, 
and  to  have  been  grafted  thence  on  to  the  saga  by  the  com- 
piler of  Eg. 

Comparing  the  examples  given  in  our  first  article,  it  will 
be  seen  that,  allowing  for  the  modernizations,  Egerton  1782  re- 
sembles 'Leab.  Buide  Leacain'  in  its  readings.  An  examination 
substantiates  this  throughout:  the  Eg.  recension  is  based  on  a 
text  from  which  LBL  is  derived.    Note,  for  example,  besides  the 


')   It  seems  to  mean  'whom  sunrise  overtook':  cf.  Coxm.  s.  ^v .  trogeyi. 


THE   RECENSIONS    OF   THE   SAGA   'tOGAIL   BRÜIDNE   DA  DERGA'.      215 

instances  already  given,  that  Eg.  omits  with  LBL  all  the  inter- 
polations of  the  LU  text,  except  those  of  the  H  hand:  further 
§  92  n.  5  it  reads  Corpre  Müsse  with  LBL -St.  against  C.  Findmor 
(LU):  §  35  Bnind  Desscoraig,  Eg.  and  LBL  against  D.  Tetscoraig 
of  H,  St.,  LU:  with  LBL,  §  29  cencJwmla  against  oenchomlaid  LU; 
so  garsecle  with  LBL  for  garsele  LU;  cornu  p.  94  n.  11  with  LBL 
for  the  cernu  of  the  other  MSS. 

This  affinity  is  established  by  further  testimony.  In  LU 
we  have  the  text  of  ^Bruiden  DaDerga'  in  conjunction  with  its 
fore-tales  'Tochmarc  Étáine':  that  this  was  the  original  collocation 
is  proved  by  the  sequence  of  glossed  fragments  in  the  H.  3.  18- 
glossary  (the  fact  that  these  fragments  regularly  read  with  LBL- 
Stowe  against  LU  clinches  the  matter  i).  But  in  LBL  we  have 
preserved  only  one  of  the  foretales:  which  is  the  one  which  Eg. 
incorporates  into  the  beginning  of  his  recension.  It  is  thus  almost 
certain  that  the  compiler  of  the  Egerton  recension  (to  which  the 
H  interpolations  belong)  worked  fi*om  the  MS.,  from  which  LBL 
is  directly  derived,  containing  a  complete  text  of  the  'Bruiden 
Da  Derga'  but  only  one  of  the  stories  of  Etáin.  This  is  attested 
by  the  absence  of  any  independent  reference  to  the  other  retn- 
scéla  in  Eg. 

It  would  seem  therefore  that  the  redactor,  finding  the  refer- 
ence to  the  remscéla  in  the  Druim  Snechta  text  as  accessible  to 
him,  set  to  work  to  reconstruct  them  from  the  'Eáth  Crúachan' 
poem  with  the  assistance  of  his  own  recollections  of  references 
to  the  Etáin- cycle,  scattered  through  the  Dindshenchas. 

Two  further  additions  in  the  Eg.  recension  are  of  importance: 
the  first  is  the  long  passage  §  1122)  to  §  125  in  Stokes'  edition 
containing  the  description  of  the  rooms.  This  is  interpolated 
by  H  into  the  text  of  LU  fol.  94  a,  b. 

The  second  is  of  more  interest:  §  163  runs  in  LU:  Atbath 
dano  Lé  fri  Flaith  mac  Conaire  fo  oxail  Make  Cedit:  to  which 
H  adds  {in  rasura):  ar  roleg  hruth  y  alius  in  miled  he.  This  is 
a  doublet  of  the  original  account  in  §  156  which  has  simply: 


1)  It  may  also  be  inferred  from  the  lartm  retnscélaib  of  the  later  version 
of  the  Druim  Snechta  text. 

^)   §  112  has  been  missed  out  by  Eg. 

3)  The  two  versions  with  the  interpolation  by  H  come  out  clearly  in 
pi.  VII  of  Mr.  Best's  article. 


216  LUCIUS   GWYNN, 

docer  in  mac  foa  clioimm.  The  interpolation  of  H  is  taken 
from  the  Eg.  version  of  §  156:  7  docher  in  mac  hoi  fó  cJioimm 
A.  hruth  in  miled  rosmarh  cona  tarras  acht  a  cnama  lomma, 
y  rocidrseom  a  cndma  fón  talmain  hi  Maig  Cnamroiss. 

The  concluding  words  shew  clearl}^  that  here  we  have  an- 
other loan  from  the  Metrical  Dindshenchas,  where  Eáth  Cnámrossa 
is  said  to  be  so  called,  from  the  shower  (fross)  of  bones  (cndma) 
which  fell  from  Mac  Cecht's  shield  after  Lé  had  literally  melted 
away.  One  is  glad  that  this  extraordinary  piece  of  bombast 
did  not  form  part  of  the  original  tale. 

It  is  unlucky  that  both  the  Dindshenchas  poems,  which  the 
compiler  of  the  Eg.  recension  has  utilized,  are  undated:  if  we 
could  fix  their  period,  we  should  have  a  fair  criterion  for  dating 
both  the  compilation  of  the  Eg.  version,  and  the  interpolations 
in  'Leabhar  na  hUidhre'.  Something  can  perhaps  be  gleaned 
from  the  fact,  that,  for  the  beginning  chapter,  the  prose  Dind- 
shenchas of  'Rath  Crúachan'  has  been  drawn  upon. 

The  final  chapters  of  this  recension  are  printed  below  in  an 
appendix:  partly  to  shew  the  close  affinity  with  the  LBL  text, 
and  also  to  clear  up  the  confused  critical  apparatus  of  Stokes' 
edition.  The  LU  copy  is  heavily  interpolated  by  both  scribes 
towards  the  end,  and  a  folio  is  missing  from  the  Stowe  copy: 
Eg.  here  supplies  a  useful  criterion  to  check  the  readings  of 
LU  and  LBL.  Whether  the  other  texts  in  Eg.  1782  shew  a  si- 
milarly close  relationship  with  those  of  'Leabhar  Buidhe  Leacain', 
I  cannot  say:  the  reverse  seems  to  be  the  case  in  the  copies  of 
the  'Tain',  according  to  Thurneysen's  analysis  ZCP  9,  426 1):  the 
matter  belongs  to  an  investigation  of  the  whole  body  of  saga 
contained  in  all  three  MSS.,  and  cannot  here  be  dealt  with. 

To  sum  up  then:  the  recension  contained  in  Eg.  1782,  to 
which  the  interpolations  by  the  later  hand  (H)  in  'Leabhar  na 
hUidhre'  belong,  is  based  on  a  text  of  the  older  prose  closely 
akin  to  'Leabhar  Buidhe  Lecain',  in  which,  as  in  that  MS.,  only 
one  of  the  five  foretales  was  preserved.    This  foretale  of  Étáin's 


*)  LU  in  the  'Tain'  agrees  with  Eg.  but  has  occasional  corrections  after 
LBL.  It  is  of  course  perfectly  possible  that  the  redactor  worked  from  different 
copies:  thus  Thurneysen  shews  ('Zu  Ir.  HSS.'  1,  2)  that  the  copy  of  the  'Tain' 
in  H.  1.  14  is  an  independent  version,  whilst  the  remaining  texts  are  copied 
directly  from  Eg.  1782. 


THE   RECENSIONS   OF   THE   SAGA   'toGAIL   BRUIDNE   DA  DERGA'.      217 

wooing-  b}'  Ailill  lias  been  incorporated  into  the  Eg.  text,  together 
with  a  prose  version  of  the  Dindshenchas  of  Eáth  Crúachan,  to 
introduce  that  alteration  in  the  plot  of  the  tale,  suggested  by 
the  recension  of  the  'Drnim-Snechta'  text,  (as  LU99a)  which 
is  inserted  after  §  26.  The  description  of  the  rooms  of  the 
Bruiden  is  extended  by  twelve  chapters,  and  these  have  been 
interpolated  into  the  LU-text  by  H.  Lastly,  the  story  of  the 
death  of  Lé  fri  Flaith  has  been  altered  in  accordance  with  the 
Dindshenchas  of  'Eáth  Cnamrossa',  a  detail  which  has  also  been 
thrust  into  the  LU-copy;  the  affinities  of  LU  with  Eg.  1782  are 
thus  superficial;  confined  to  these  rough  interpolations  of  a  later 
hand:  in  their  main  text  the  two  MSS.  are  absolutely  independent. 


3.   The  Text  of  ^Cín  Dromma  Suechta'. 

Some  notice  may  here  be  taken  of  the  text  adapted  from 
the  curt  summary  of  'Lebor  Dromma  Suechta',  which  has  in- 
fluenced the  recension  of  Eg.  1782.  It  occurs  LU  p.  99  a,  and  the 
first  part  is  interpolated  after  §  26  in  Eg.  The  fii'st  part  purports 
to  give  the  explanation  iarna  remscélaib  i.  e.  from  the  foretales 
of  'Tochmarc  Étáine',  and  the  preliminary  account  of  Conaire's 
king- making  in  the  'Togail  Bruidne'  itself.  (Note  that  here  is 
used  the  form  Ui  Derga  from  the  'Druim  Snechta'  account.) 
Thence  it  proceeds  with  SlicJit  na  Cini  beos  to  give  the  rest  of 
the  'Druim  Snechta'  version.  The  list  of  prohibitions  here  given 
is  identical  with  that  in  'Togail  Bruidne'  §  16,  with  the  addition 
na  fuinmilsed  gata  suggested  by  the  Gatsatside  na  teora  gata  ar 
in  noenfer  .  .  .  co  n-accaitis.  .  .  .  cia  domain  doairgebad  don  rig 
in  gat  inna  flaith:  'they  thieved  three  thefts  from  the  same  man 
...  to  see  . . .  what  harm  would  come  upon  the  king  from  thieving 
during  his  reign'  of  §  18. 

This  is  all  interpolated  by  way  of  explanation:  but  by  good 
fortune,  the  'Lebor  Dromma  Snechta'  version  has  been  preserved 
for  us  in  its  true  and  archaic  form.  In  this  we  find  absolutely  no 
reference  to  the  destruction  of  the  Sid  and  the  idea  of  vengeance 
exacted  for  it. 

It  begins  (I  cite  Thurne3'seü's  ed.)  as  the  LU-Eg.  version 
Conaire  mac  Mese  Búachalla  is  he  ortce  i  mBruidin  Vi  Derga: 
Then  the  curious  sentence  omitted  in  the  later  version:  7  is  e 


218  LUCIUS   GWYNN, 

dodifeith  (^y)  trogain:  7  ha  he  hert  trogain  tar  Brega,  0  do-arfas 
do  indred  each  mennota.  Cetna-conranaic  Bruidin  üiJDerga,  confiu 
i  suide,  y  comio  Jiinde  ortce  'Conaire  son  of  Mess  Biiaclialla,  he 
it  is  who  was  slain  in  the  Hostel  of  Ua  Derga  and  it  is  he  whom 
sent  trogain  (?)  and  it  was  he  hert  trogain  across  (or  past)  Bregia, 
when  the  destruction  of  every  dwelling  was  manifest  to  him.  The 
Hostel  of  Ua  Derga  was  the  first  he  reached,  so  that  he  slept 
there,  and  there  it  was,  he  was  slain'. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  dodifeith  trogain  and  hert  trogain? 
Cormac  gives  (glossary  s.  v.  n.  1216  ed.  Meyer)  trogen  A.  gein  7 
trog  A.  turgahail  na  grene,  y  as  geinithir  a  ruithni  riasin  grein 
isin  matoin:  trogen  that  is  gein  'birth',  and  trog  ('to  foal'),  that 
is  the  sunrise,  and  thence  is  born  the  glow  before  the  sun  in 
the  morning'.  This  seems  to  mean  that  trogain  means  'sunrise'. 
The  sentence  is  obscure,  but  I  think  we  may  take  it  to  refer  to 
the  prohibition  of  Conaire  in  the  archaic  text  in  the  genealogies: 
Fachait  airmit  fair  A.  na  funfed  y  na  taurcébad  grían  fairsium 
a  Temraig.  'they  lay  a  prohibition  upon  him  [sc.  Conaire]  that 
the  sun  should  neither  set  nor  rise  upon  him  out  of  Tara': 
the  words  tar  Brega  seems  to  refer  to  this,  that  he  should 
not  have  slept  a  night  outside  of  Tara.  The  'destruction  of  every 
dwelling'  is  surel}'  explained  by  the  nem  iened  of  §  25,  which 
made  Conaire  go  southwards:  in  the  Dindshenchas  we  learn 
that  the  Clóenmila  Cernai  had  laid  waste  all  Bregia.  'So  that  he 
slept  there',  this  seems  also  to  emphasize  his  staying  a  night 
abroad. 

There  seems  to  be  an  echo  of  this  in  the  prohibition  Ocus 
nir'  echtra  each  nomad  n-aidche  seek  Themair:  'and  let  him  not 
go  forth  every  ninth  night  from  Tara'  in  'Bruiden  Da  Derga' 
§  16.  Further  the  curious  word  airmit  'prohibition'  occurs  here 
and  in  the  Bo  Sil  Chonairi  text  (cited  above)  in  identical  con- 
text 2):  note  too  that  the  sentence  in  that  text  Ocus  is  he  ri 
hertatar  stahrai  hirrige  has  a  direct  echo  in  'Bruiden  Da  Derga' 
§  26:  is  he  ri  iarimi  longside  siahrai  a  rrige:  unquestionably  points 
of  contact  with  the  later  working-out  of  the  saga. 


1)  Sic  ed.  dodafeith  E  dodieich  H  dofeith  N;  or  is  this  a  relative  form 
to  -tudich  cf.  Thurneysen,  'Hdbch.',  where  a  verb  dofeith  'he  goes'  is  given? 
('Hdbch;  §808).    The  text  is  edited  'Zu  Ir.  HSS.'  1,  27. 

=*)   Bid  si  do  airmiiiu  A.  do  ghes  §  IG  of  'Bruiden  Da  Derga'. 


THE   RECENSIONS   OF   THE   SAGA   'tOGAIL    BRÜIDNE   DA  DERGA'.      219 

Looking-  at  the  text  of  'Ciii  Dromma  Sneclita'  apart  from 
the  interpretation  of  the  later  redactor,  it  seems  evident  that  in 
outline  it  is  the  same  as  that  developed  in  the  'Togail  Bruidne': 
the  remainder  runs:  'Maine  Millscothach  mac  Uie  Aurbaith,  Gér 
mac  Uae  Neca,  and  the  three  sons  of  Ua  Toigsei),  'twas  they 
who  slew  him,  by  counsel  of  Angcél  Ua  Conmaic;  their  rapine 
was  repaid  upon  them,  when  they  had  wrought  destruction  to 
their  desire  amongst  Angcél's  (people)  in  Scotland.  Gér  mac  Uae 
Necae  granted  him  as  a  favour  that  they  would  wreak  any 
destruction  with  him  in  Ireland  that  he  might  choose.  When 
Maine  Millscothach  said  'twere  pity  to  slay  all  that  were  in 
the  house  [i.  e.  the  Bruiden],  then  Aingcél  appealed  to  the  truth 
and  honour  of  Ua  Necae.  Three  fifties  was  their  number  at  the 
destruction.  They  came  to  Albu  to  wreak  their  rapine  there, 
for  the  grasp  [i.  e,  might]  of  Conaire  would  not  allow  them  to 
wreak  it  in  Ireland.  Between  Cualu  and  Albu  is  the  Hostel  of 
Ua  Derga'. 

This  shews  variations  in  detail  on  the  elaborated  saga, 
yet  it  is  substantially  the  same;  and  no  doubt  a  forerunner 
of  the  well-known  redaction  represented  by  LU  and  LBL:  here, 
as  in  many  other  'Druim  Snechta'  texts,  we  have  probably  one 
of  the  original  shapings  as  Thurneysen  suggests,  of  the  body  of 
saga-literature  represented  in  its  later  and  more  defined  develop- 
ment and  common  to  the  family  of  MSS.  which  has  preserved  it. 


L   Further  MSS.  of  ^Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga'. 

The  remaining  MSS.  six  in  number,  are  of  minor  importance  ^); 
no  classification  of  them  can  be  attempted  from  the  scanty  material 
supplied  by  Stokes'  collation,  although  their  evidence  must  be 
carefully  weighed,  before  any  attempt  can  be  made  to  date  the 
text,  or  reconstruct  it  to  its  original  form.  They  all  follow 
the  older  version:  not  one  presents  a  text  like  that  of  LU  or 
Eg.  1782. 


')  Thus  LU:  N  has  Tairrsigh;  H,  Bathaisi  (an  obvious  substitution 
from  'Bruiden  Da  Derga'):  E  Toisich:  both  E  and  N  seem  to  offer  adaptations. 

*)  One  may  add  to  the  list  given  by  Stokes  two  folios  (4  and  5)  re- 
presenting §§1  —  18  of  the  edition  in  MS.  Add.  33,  993,  British  Museum. 


220  LUCIUS   GWYNN, 

Of  critical  value  for  the  text  are  the  glossed  extracts  in 
the  glossarj^  of  H.  2.  18,  which  Stokes  has  given  in  some  number 
in  his  Index,  inasmuch  as  they  cover  the  entire  text.  They  agree 
closely  in  reading  with  LBL.  As  this  MS.  contains  a  glosses  from 
the  complete  'Tochmarc  Etáine',  of  which  LBL  only  knows  a 
single  episode,  it  may  he  regarded  as  independent  of  that  MS. 
but  of  the  main  branch  of  MS.  tradition. 

The  tale  itself,  even  in  its  original  form  cannot  lay  claim 
to  any  very  great  antiquity.  Zimmer  and  Xettlau  have  demon- 
strated the  compilator}^  nature  of  its  structure,  and  the  many 
'version -doublets'  it  contains.  Add  to  this  the  contamination 
with  legends  of  the  Ulster  Cycle;  the  introduction  of  the  Ulster 
heroes  Cuscraid  (§  114),  Conall  Cernach  (§  147),  the  Fir  Falgse 
(§  130,  cf.'Thurneysen  ZCP  9,  202),  and  others  (§  129,  130);  the 
obvious  imitation  of  the  'Amra  ConEoi'  in  §  28:  the  description 
of  the  horses  in  §  51  seems  to  be  adapted  from  the  conventional 
'rhetoric'  about  the  steeds  of  Cú  Chulaindi);  and  curious  feature 
of  shifting  colours  about  the  hair  of  the  king's  son,  which  forms 
part  of  the  description  of  Cii  Chulaind  in  the  'Tain'"):  furthermore 
the  reference  to  the  Berserkir  of  the  Norse  tales  (in  §  43);  all 
of  which  we  may  fairly  consider  as  shewing  a  late  or  derivative 
tradition,  and  pointing  to  a  period  of  composition  of  no  very 
early  date. 

For  determining  such  questions  as  these,  however,  the  text  may 
best  be  studied  apart  from  the  interpolated  versions,  from  'Leabhar 
Buidhe  Leacain',  which  as  well  as  preserving  the  sole  complete 
copy,  represents  a  version  free  from  interpolation,  and  keeps  in 
many  respects  the  most  archaic  text:  the  version  moreover 
under  which  the  saga  Avas  currently  known,  and  exercized  its 
literary  influence  3).  Historically  also  it  represents  the  older 
tradition. 


')   E.  g.  in  the  'Táiu'  the  Fled  Bricrend,  and  the  Siabarcharpat. 

"^)  Usually  in  the  rhetorical  formula  e.  g.  '  Tri  fuilt  batar  air:  dorm  fri 
toind,  croderg  ar  niedo7i,  mind  orbuidi  ardatuigethar' :  TBC  ed.  Strachan- 
O'Keeffe  2025. 

3)  The  Leviathan  (§  56)  may  also  be  borrowed  from  Norse  tales.  At 
least  one  Norse  loan-word  occurs:  ecgi  §  128  (so  Kuno  Meyer  EC.  12,  462): 
the  others  seem,  however,  to  belong  to  the  interpolations.  Compare,  however, 
alchaing  (in  the  later  language  faighleanv)  'rack'  (§  55). 


THE  RECENSIONS  OF  THE  SAGA  'TOGAIL  BRUIDNE  DA  DERGA'.   221 

It  is  riglit,  in  conclusion,  that  some  tribute  of  respect  should 
be  paid  to  the  achievement  of  Whitley  Stokes.  It  was  no  small 
undertaking  to  edit  a  text  of  this  description  with  its  many 
corrupt  passages  and  deliberate  obscurities.  His  text  and  apparatus 
criticus  leave,  it  is  true,  much  to  be  desired,  but  both  by  his  notes 
and  his  index  he  has  done  much  to  clear  up  obscure  words  and 
phrases;  while,  despite  the  cumbrous  text  from  which  he  worked, 
his  English  rendering  is  accurate  and  flowing;  reproducing  well 
the  spirit  of  this  strange  violent  legend,  with  that  touch  of  beauty, 
which  he  alone  knew  how  to  impart. 


Appendix  (ad  2). 

The  following  is  a  transcript  of  the  last  page  of  the  Eg. 
copy  fol.  123 v.:  from  this  will  be  seen  the  close  resemblance  to 
the  copy  in  LBL.  The  first  three  lines  contain  the  end  of  the 
'rethoric'  printed  by  Stokes  p.  144:  . . .  diamhad  i  mhetliu  heind. 
Fo.  F.,  thence  it  continues  (=  Stokes  §  157): 

Luid  Mac  Cecht  iarsin  i  ndiaid  in  madma.  Ni  torchair  tra  acht 
uathad  mbec  im  Chonaire  .i.  .xn.  fir,  7  ni  mór  ma  roéla  fer  iunisti  seel 
dona  fiánnaib  robátar  ic  dul  for  bruidhin,  bale  irrabatar  .u.  mile  cét  .7.  .x. 
cét  in  cech  mill  .i.  ni  terna  dib  ass  acht  oencúiciur  .i.  liigcel,  7  a  da  brathar 
Echell.  7  Dartaid  na  Dibergi,  7  da  Ruád  Roirend  rocetgonsat  Conaire.  Ros- 
laided  tra  iartain  in  cath  co  combágach  fortren  ferda  feramail  .i.  0  Mac 
Cecht  7  0  Conall  Cemach  mac  Amargin,  corodithait.  7  corodithlaithrigit 
isin  cath  mór  iar  matin,  corominaigit.  7  coroloiscit  a  loiiga  .i.  la  Mac  Cecht 
7  la  Conall  hi  iidigail  a  tigerua.  Mairg  maidm  7  echtrann  irrabi  in  diás 
degaid!  [§  162]  Intan  iarum  roboi  Mac  Cecht  ior  altaib  isiud  ármaig  hicind 
in  treslai.  conaca  in  mnai  secha.  'Tadaill  lat  a  bean  chucam!'  ol  Mac 
Cecht.  'Ni  laimim  a  dul',  ol  in  ben,  'lat'  urgrain  7  t'omun.'  'Roboi 
huair  damsa  amlaid  sin,  a  bean',  oil  Mac  Cecht,  '.i.  mo  grain  7  m'omun 
ar  neach;  acht  chena  ni  agaraso  ni,  7  notgeibim  for  fir  m'eueich'.  Tic 
in  ben  'na  arrad  iarum.  'Nocouetarsa',  ar  Mac  Cecht,  'in  cuil  no  in 
corrmil  no  in  sengán,  nomgeib  isin  crecht'.  Eccmaing  ba  mougach  mactire 
robui  and  corrici  a  da  gualaind.  [Eg.  123  v  col.  b  =  Stokes  §  162]  Rongab 
in  ben  ar  erball  ocus  dosreúga  asin  crecht,  7  dobeir  Ian  a  crais  ass  himach. 
'Is  ,'sengán  sentalman  am  anisiu!'  ol  in  ben.  'Tunga  do  Diá,'  for  Mac 
Cecht,  'niba  mo  limsa,  andas  cuil  no  corrmil  no  sengán'.  [§  164]  Roélaid 
dano  Mac  Cecht  ass  sin,  cia  fofuair  mór  nimuid  and.  Rosiacht  ass  dawo 
Conall  Cernach,  7  docixátar  tri  .1.  gai  isin  laim  immboi  in  sciáth.  Luid 
iarsin  coránic  tech  a  athar,  7  leth  a  scéií/i  ina  laim,  7  a  claideft,  7  bruirech 
a  da  gai;  cotarrla  do  in  tathair  in  iidorus  a  liss.  'Itatin  [sic!]  luátha 
coin  rotrebathar,  a  macán',  for  a  athair  friss.  'Issed  roboi  docomruc  fri 
ÓCU  on,  a  sendlaich',  ol  Conall  Cernach.   'Scela  lat  dÍHo  Bruidní  DaDerga!' 


222         LUCIUS  GWYNN,   RECENSIONS  OF  'tOGAIL  BRUIDNE  DA  DERGA'. 

ol  Amargin,  'in  beó  do  thigerua?'  'Nocou  beó  iniGíTo',  ol  Conall.  'Touga 
do  Dia  a  tonges  mo  thudth,  is  midlaéchda  don  fir  dodechaid  ina  bethaid 
ass  iar  facbáil  a  tigerna  la  naimtiu  i  mmbás.'  'Nidat  bána  mo  chrechta 
em,  a  senlaich',  ar  Conall.  Rotbócaibh  a  laim  scéith  do:  tri  .1.  crecht 
robui  fuiri'i.  'In  sciáth  tra  ised  roimdituestar  in  lam  [sic]  sin';  ar  Conall, 
'in  lam  dess  ivnorro  roimbred  fuirriside,  uair  nat  raibe  sciath  oca  imditin, 
CO  füllet  tri  cet  fercrecht  fuirri.  Rocirred  imorro  ind  lam  sin,  7  roath- 
chumad,  7  rocrechtnaiged  7  rocriathrad,  acht  na  feithe  oca  cougbail  frissin 
corp  cen  etarscarad  na  lame  fris.  .  .  . 

. . .  [=  LU  99  a]  The  rest  is  missing,  owing  to  the  loss  of 
the  next  folio. 

Bournemouth.  Lucius  Gwynn. 


TRACHTAD  AR  AN  AIBIDIL. 

The  following  curious  piece  of  divination  is  found  in  a 
vellum  manuscript  in  the  possession  of  the  O'Conor  Donn,  of 
which  he  kindly  gave  me  the  perusal.  This  book  contains 
54  large  pages,  some  of  which  are  very  much  blackened  and 
defaced,  and  in  parts  quite  illegible.  The  following  note  gives 
the  name  of  the  scribe  and  his  patron:  Faiaidri  o  Cianan  do 
sgrib  in  duanair  sea  do  Thomas  mac  Briain  mic  Dondcaid  mic 
Gille  na  naem  mic  Gille  Isu  mic  Gille  na  naem  mic  Muiredaig 
mic  Samhrudan.  This  Tomas  mac  Samhradain  or  Mac  Govern  i) 
was  chief  of  the  Teallach  Eachach  in  North  Breifne,  and  was 
killed  in  1343.  The  manuscript  is  a  duanaire  in  praise  of  the 
Mac  Samhradhains  and  is,  I  should  say,  the  oldest  collection  of 
this  kind  in  existence. 

Trachtad  ele  ar  an  aibidil  and  so. 

Gebe  cetduine  tegemas  duit  7  tu  ic  dul  ar  set,  fiarfaig  a 
ainm  da  rabair  ina  ainmfls.  Masa  A  no  0  no  U  no  E  no  I  tüs 
a  anma,  gnoeochaidh  a  leas  7  tic  slan  ar  a  ais.  Masa  B  no  C 
no  D  tüs  a  labhra,  is  forbailti  tsignigis  ic  dul  7  ic  teacht.  Masa 
P  no  Q  no  T  tüs  a  labra,  is  gradh  mnä  t[s]ignighis.  Mad  S  no 
L  no  M  no  N  no  R  no  S,  ni  thmdair  slan  7  ni  comllnfa  do 
leas.  Mad  X  no  Y  no  Z  signig  bas  gan  fuirech  no  dlgbail  do 
set  do  toras.    Fiuit.    Amen.    Finit. 

Here  is  another  little  treatise  on  the  alphabet. 

Whoever  is  the  first  person  that  shall  meet  you  w^hen  you 
are  going  on  a  journey,  enquire  his  name  if  you  are  in  ignorance 

*)  Some  of  this  family  uow  call  themselves  Someis,  from  a  faucied 
conuexion  with  the  word  samhradh. 


224  TRACHTAD    AR    AN   ATBIDIL. 

of  it.  If  A  or  0  or  U  or  E  or  I  be  the  beginning  of  the  name, 
his  luck  will  succeed  (with  the  traveller)  and  he  will  come  back 
safe.  If  B  or  C  or  D  be  the  beginning  of  its  pronunciation,  it 
is  joy  which  it  signifies  both  going  and  coming.  If  P  or  Q  or 
T  be  the  beginning  of  the  word,  it  is  the  love  of  a  woman  which 
it  signifies.  If  it  be  Si)  or  L  or  M  or  N  or  R  or  S,  you  will 
not  come  back  safe,  and  you  will  not  accomplish  your  own  good. 
If  it  be  X  or  Y  or  Z,  it  signifies  immediate  death  or  the  loss  of 
your  goods  on  the  journey. 


1)   This  should  no  doubt  be  F. 

Dublin.  Douglas  Hyde. 


THE  MEANING  OF  BIRTH- DAYS  ^). 


The  following  text  is  taken  from  MS.  H.  3.  17  (TCD), 
col.  850,  851,  ivliere  it  occurs  ivitliout  title.  There  is  a  slightly 
mutilated  copy,  also  without  title,  in  the  'Book  of  Húi  Maine' 
(R.I.Ä.),  at  the  bottom  of  p.  103h.  Variants  from  this  versio?i 
(H)  are  added  in  the  foot-notes. 

1.  Neacli  genes  i  iiDomnacli,  bid  sutliain,  bid  söinmecli  a 
betha,  bid  imda  i  ndoniun  do '-),  bid  suairc  la  rigu  7  aircliindcliiu, 
bid  mör  a  chumachta^),  a  leas^)  ina  lamaib  dú^). 

2.  Neacli  genis  i  ILuan,  bid  maith  [a]  ana^)  for  cetliru"), 
7  biáid  aniwi*)  fora  gniiisib,  nl  ba  hailtnide,  bid  flal,  bid 
imda  ceile  De  ic  gabail  a  ecnaircfe]'-»),  7  dónáirio)  aitling[e]  i^) 
ria  mbás. 

3.  Neacli  genes  lii  niMairt,  bädughi^)  dia  breitli,  bid  im- 
daii3)  a  liana  for  minc[h]eatlira,  nl  ba  tren  a  chumaclita,  bid 
süaircc  la  mná  7  la  conu^^). 


1)  See  a  i^aper  by  Professor  Max  Förster  on  Wochentagsgeburts- 
prognosen in  'Archiv  für  das  Studium  der  neueren  Sprachemmd  Literaturen\ 
vol.  128,  p.  296  ff.,  where  Latin,  English  and  French  examples  are  collected. 


2)    om.  H. 

*j   bid  a  chuinachta  la  fine  H. 

*)   less  H. 

5)    om.  H. 

6)    a  ana  H. 

')  cethre  H. 

**)    agnim,  fora  guuisib  ovt.  H. 

5)    écuairce  H. 

'")   dofair  H. 

")    aithrige  H. 

^^)  leg.  bádud.    H  omits  this  phrase  here,  but  adds  at  the  end:  robadud 
dia  breitb. 

*3)    imda  H.  ")    7  la  conu  om.  H. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Pliilologie  X.  J^5 


226  ANNIE  M.  SCARRE, 

4.  Nech  genes  a^)  Cetäm,  anim  for  a  c[h]lT,  bás  tria  fuil 
atbéla,  bidh  neimnecli  a  hirlabra,  bid  iniscnech,  bid  trén  gabäl- 
taig  2),  dogena  gnim  nduaircc  ria  mbäss. 

5.  Nech  genes  i  nDsirdäin,  bás  a  fescur^)  dobela,  no  taitliim'») 
no  bidgad"'),  bid  suthain,  bid  carthanacli,  bid  clanwmar,  cid  bed 
dan  dogena  6),  bid  maith  ann,  bid  crüaid'). 

6.  Nech  genes  i  nMne,  has  ait[h]rig[e]  do^),  bid  santach^), 
imed  n-öir  7  n-airgit  lais,  fogenait  a  üai»)  7  a  cinel  do,  bid  fuilech, 
bid  somainech^i)  do  molad  a  daenib. 

8.  Nech  genes  hi  Ssithairn,  loscadi^)  7  bronngalar  dia 
brith,  bid  mor  a  hordan,  bid  mignlmach,  bid  nemnech,  bid  finga- 
lach,  dogena  mor  diiinoirgne,  dilmaineacht  beathad  do. 


Translation. 

1.  He  who  is  born  on  Sunday  will  be  longlived,  his  life 
will  be  happy,  he  will  have  wealth  in  the  world,  he  will  be  in 
favour  with  kings,  and  erenaghs,  great  will  be  his  power,  his 
profit  in  his  own  hands. 

2.  He  who  is  born  on  Monday,  his  wealth  in  cattle  will  be 
good,  there  will  be  a  blemish  on  his  face,  he  will  not  be  sharp, 
he  Avill  be  generous,  many  culdees  will  sing  his  requiem,  and  re- 
pentance will  come  to  him  before  death. 

3.  He  *who  is  born  on  Tuesday,  drowning  will  carry  him 
off,  great  will  be  his  wealth  in  small  cattle,  his  power  will  not 
be  strong,  he  will  be  a  favourite  with  women  and  dogs. 

4.  He  who  is  born  on  Wednesday,  a  blemish  on  his  body, 
he  will  die  a  bloody  death,  his  speech  will  be  venomous,  he  will 
be  hated,  he  Avill  be  a  powerful  plunderer,  he  will  do  a  dire  deed 
before  death. 


1)  i  H.  2)  gabaltaid  H;  sic  leg. 

3)  fescor  H.  *)  tuithim  H. 

5)  bidcuid  H.  '')  dognea  E. 

')  om.  H.  8)  bid  aitli-  do  H. 

9)  bid  cruaid  sautach  H.  »«)  thuatb  H. 

")  soinmech  Ü.  '^)  losgud  H. 


THE  MEANING   OF   BIRTH -DAYS.  227 

5.  He  who  is  born  on  Thursday  will  die  at  Vespers,  either 
by  a  swoon  (?)  or  a  fright,  he  will  be  longlived,  he  will  be  loving, 
he  will  have  many  children,  whatever  may  be  the  art  he  may 
exercise,  he  will  be  good  in  it,  he  will  be  harsh. 

6.  He  who  is  born  on  Friday,  he  will  have  a  death  of 
repentance,  he  will  be  covetous,  he  will  have  wealth  of  gold  and 
silver,  his  tribe  i)  and  race  will  serve  him,  he  will  be  bloody,  he 
will  be  rich  in  the  praise  from  men. 

7.  He  who  is  born  on  Saturday,  fever  (?)  and  a  bowel- 
disease  will  carr}'  him  off,  great  will  be  his  dignity,  he  will  do 
evil  deeds,  he  will  be  venomous,  he  will  be  a  parricide,  he  will 
do  many  slaughters,  he  will  lead  a  licentious  life. 


')    I  translate  tuath  H. 

Liverpool.  Annie  M.  Scarre. 


15' 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE. 

(CONTINUATION.) 


204.^)  Oidlic[h]e  cingcisi  do  cuatar  a  tir  'san  oil  en  sin,  7 
do  batar  draithe  'san  oilen  sin,  7  taucutar  a  rectaibh  espog 
d'indsoigbe  C.  C.  Ocus  adubratar  ris  nar  coir  do  tect  do'n  oilen 
sin,  7  go  (fol.  20h)  rabutar  fen  and  remhe  ag  siladli  creidmlie  7 
crabaidh,  7  nach  rainic  se  a  les  daine  naenitha  eli  da  bennughadh. 
'Ni  fir  daib-si  sin',  ar  C.  C;  'oir  ni  hesi^oig  iar  fir  sib,  act  draithe 
diablaide  ata  a  n-agaidh  creidimh,  7  fagbuidh  an  t-oilen-sa,  7  ni 
daeib  do  deonaigh  Dia  é'.  Agns  do  fagbhatar  na  draithe  an 
t-oilen  le  breithir  C.  C. 

205.  Is  andsin  adubert  C.  C.  ren  a  muindtir:  'As  maith  duind 
ar  fremha  do  dul  fon  talmain-si  a  tancamar,  7  gebe  nech  naemtha 
dar  muindtir  do  aeinteochudh  bas  d'faghail,  7  a  cur  fa  húir  na 
hindse-si,  doberaiud-se  flaithes  De  dú'. 

206.2)  Is  andsin  aduba/rtOdhran  naemh  do  bui  maille  re  CO.: 
Aentaighim-si  bas  d'faghail  ar  an  cunnradh  sin'.  'Doberim-si 
flaithes  De  duid-se',  arC.  C,  '7  fos  doberim  duit  gach  nech  iarfas 
atchuinghe  ag  mo  tumba  no  ag  mo  luidhe  orm-sa,  gan  a  faghail 
do  no  go  nguidhe  se  tlmssa  ar  tús';  7  fuair  Odhran  bas  andsin 
do  toil  De  7  C.  C,  7  do  haidluicedh  fa  úir  na  hindsi  sin  é.  Gonadh 
Eeilec  Odhrain  a  n-í  ainm  an  inaid  sin  aniug. 

207.3)  Do  bendaigh  C.C.  an  t-oilen  sin,  7  do  cumhdaigh  eclais 
onoruch  and,   7  do  tócuib  reilge  7  uladha  ann  7  crossa  imga  fa 


')    From  §  204  to  §  213,  O'D.  closely  follows  the  0.  I.  Life.    See  Lis- 
more  Lives,  pp.  30,  31. 

2)  See  Reeves'  Adam.,  p.  417. 

3)  1.  c.  pp.  410,  418. 


THE  LIFE  OF  COLUM  CHILLE. 

(TRANSLATION.) 


204.  On  the  eve  of  Pentecost  they  lauded  on  that  island. 
And  the  driiids  who  dwelt  in  it  approached  C.  C.  in  the  guise 
of  bishops  and  said  that  he  was  an  intruder,  in  as  much  as  they 
themselves  had  been  there  before  him  spreading  the  faith  and 
fostering  piety;  and  that  so  it  did  not  need  to  be  blessed  by 
other  holy  men.  "That  is  not  true',  says  C.  C.  'for  you  are  not 
truly  bishops  but  druids  of  Satan  who  are  opposed  to  the  faith. 
Leave  this  island.  God  has  not  destined  it  for  you."  The  druids 
left  the  island  at  the  word  of  C.  C. 

205.  Then  C.  C.  said  to  his  followers:  'It  is  good  for  us 
that  our  roots  should  penetrate  the  earth  to  which  we  have 
come,  and  so  I  would  bestow  heaven  on  whomsoever  of  our 
people  that  would  consent  to  die  and  be  buiied  beneath  the  clay 
of  this  island.' 

206.  Then  holy  Odlirau,  one  of  C.  C.'s  followers,  said:  'I 
consent  to  die  on  that  condition'.  'I  bestow  heaven  on  thee',  says 
C.  C.  *and  moreover  I  grant  thee  that  whosoever  shall  make  a 
request  at  my  tomb  or  at  my  resting-place  shall  not  get  it  tül 
thou  are  first  invoked'.  Then  Odhran  died  according  to  God's 
will  and  C.  C.'s.  Hence  Odhran's  grave  in  loua,  is  the  name  of 
that  place  at  present. 

207.  C.  C.  having  blessed  that  island  built  a  noble  church 
in  it.     He  also  erected  sacred  memorials  and  calvaries  in  it, 


230  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

mbidh  se  fen  7  a  naeimh  ag  radh  a  trath  7  a  n-urnaigtM;  7 
dorinde  se  faidhetóracht  don  baile  sin,  7  adubert  co  madh  mor 
do  righib  Erend  7  Alban  do  hadhnaicfíVZ/ie  ann,  7  co  madh  mor 
do  cinedhuibh  an  domain  do  tictedh  da  n-oilithre  don  baile  sin. 
Do  firadh  an  briatar  sin  Coluim  Cille. 

208.  Et  ar  ndenamh  comnaidlie  an  baile  sin  do,  do  ordaigh  se 
ord  manuch  and,  7  do  bi  se  fein  'na  ab  orra.  Is  mor  d'fertaibh  7  do 
mirbiiilibli  dorinde  C.  C.  and  ar  Erennchaib  7  ar  Albanchaibh  7  ar 
Bretnachaibh  7  ar  Öacsanchuibh  7  ar  tirthibh  an  domain  0  sin  amach. 

209.1)  La  da  raibe  C.  C.  ag  radh  senmóra  re  taebh  aband 
airidhe  'sa  tir  sin  7  sluaigh  mora  'na  timchell,  do  fagaib  duine 
airide  an  tsenmoir  7  do  cuaidli  se  tar  an  sruth  anonn,  do  teichem 
breithri  De  d'estecht  ó  C.  C.  Tainic  nathair  nemhe  cuige,  7  do 
marb  si  é  co  hobann  a  fiadhnaisi  na  sluagh,  7  tucudh  an  corp  a 
fiadhnaise  C.  C,  7  do  ben  se  crois  lena  bacliaill  ar  ucht  an  duine 
mairb;'  cor  aithbeoaigh  se  é,  7  cor  érich  'na  sesamli  a  fiadnawe 
na  sluagh  sin,  7  co  tue  buidhechus  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  tresan 
mii'hhuil  sin  dorindedh  air;  7  do  chreid  moran  dona  sluagaibh 
do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  trid  sin. 

210.  La  eli  tue  Sacsanach  builli  ga  a  manuch  do  muindtir 
C.  C,  7  do  saeil  cor  marb  é;  7  ger  gér  an  ga,  ni  derna  do 
áigbhail  acht  a  crios  do  gerradh;  7  do  mallaigh  C.  C.  an  Sacsa- 
nuch  7  fuair  bas  fochedóir. 

211.2)  Fechtus  do  C.  C.  a  nhl  ag  scribneoracht,  7  do  cuala  se 
glaedh  a  port  na  hindse,  7  aauhhairt  re  each  an  duine  dorinde  an 
glaedh  do  taibhairt  tairis,  7  do  indes  do  each  co  tictadh  an  duine 
sin  do  tabhairi  pács  da  cossaib  fen,  7  co  ndoirtf ecZ/i  an  adharc  duibh 
asa  raibe  se  ag  scribneoracht.   Gonadh  and  dorinde  na  roind-se: 

Bachlach  isan  piirt,        co  mbachaill  'na  crub; 
taidlidhfid/i  m'adaircin,        is  doirtfidh  mo  dubh. 

Toirnidhfidh  sis        d'indsoige  mo  pacs, 
nodusdoirtfe  m'adhaircin,        conusfuicfi  fas. 

•)  Taken  literally  from  the  0.  I.  Life.    See  Lism.  Lives,  p.  31. 
')  Taken  literally  from  the  0.  I.  Life.     See  Lism.  Lives,  p.  31,   and 
Reeves'  Adam.  p.  54. 


BETH  A  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  231 

besides  many  crosses  at  which  he  and  his  holy  men  were  wont 
to  say  their  prayers  and  office.  And  he  foretold  that  many  of 
the  kings  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  would  be  buried  there,  and 
that  many  pilgrims  of  different  nationalities  would  visit  it. 


208.  And  having  made  his  home  in  it,  he  founded  an  order 
of  monks  there,  with  himself  as  their  abbot.  And  ever  since  he 
has  worked  many  miracles  and  wonders  there,  on  Irish,  Scotch, 
Welsh,  Saxon  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  globe. 

209.  Once  upon  a  time,  as  C.  C.  was  preaching  to  a  large 
congregation  by  the  side  of  a  certain  river  in  that  land,  a  certain 
man  left  during  the  sermon  and  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the 
stream,  fleeing  from  hearing  the  word  of  God  preached  by  C.  C. 
A  serpent  approached  him,  and  suddenly  killed  him  in  presence 
of  the  crowd.  The  body  was  brought  to  C.  C,  who  made  the 
sign  of  the  cross  with  his  staff  on  the  breast  of  the  dead  man, 
with  the  result  that  he  was  restored  to  life  and  arose  before  all 
the  people.  He  returned  thanks  to  God  and  C.  C,  because  of  the 
miracle  that  had  been  performed  on  him.  As  a  result  of  that 
miracle,  a  great  many  of  the  crowd  believed  in  God  and  in  C.  C. 

210.  On  another  occasion,  a  Saxon  hurled  a  javelin  at  one 
of  C.  C.'s  monks,  intending  to  kill  him.  But  in  spite  of  the  sharp- 
ness of  the  javelin,  he  suffered  no  injury  save  the  cutting  of  his 
girdle.    C.  C.  cursed  the  Saxon  who  died  on  the  spot. 

211.  Once  upon  a  time,  as  C.  C.  was  writing  at  lona,  he 
heard  a  shout  in  the  harbour  of  the  island.  He  asked  those 
present  to  bring  the  man  who  raised  the  cry,  to  his  presence. 
And  he  told  them  that  he  would  come  to  kiss  his  own  feet  and 
would  upset  his  inkhorn.    Thereupon  he  composed  these  verses: 

A  rustic  is  in  the  harbour,        in  his  hand  is  a  club; 
He  will  come  to  my  little  horn,        and  will  spill  my  ink. 

He  will  stoop  down        to  give  me  a  kiss; 

He  will  upset  my  little  horn,        and  will  leave  it  without  ink. 


232  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

Et  do  firadh  an  faidetoracht  sin  C.  C.  mar  fa  gnath  leis  gach  ni 
adérud  se  d'firiidh. 

212.  Fechtas  eli  do  C.  C.  a  nlií,  7  do  cliuir  se  meithel  do 
buain  arbha  do  bi  ag  an  coimthinol,  7  do  cuir  se  Baithin  7  na 
manaich  leo,  7  do  an  fen  re  haghaidh  coda  na  meitlili  d'ullni- 
hughadh;  7  do  furail  mart  do  cur  da  bruith  fa  a  comhair.  Agus 
do  bi  senlaech  mor  d'feraib  Erenn  fare  C.  C.  an  iiair  sin,  7  fa 
brathair  do  fen  é.  i.  Maelumha  mac  Baedáin  do  Cineol  Eogain 
mic  Neill.  Agus  do  motliaigh  C.  C.  ocarus  ar  an  senlaecli,  7  do 
gab  truaidhe  mor  'na  timchell  é,  7  do  íiarfai^  de  cred  i  an 
tsaitli  ass  mo  do  itliedli  se  anuair  do  bi  se  óg.  AdubaíVt  an 
senlaech  co  n-ithed  se  mart  do  saith.  'Fech  do  sáith  anoss  ar  an 
mart-sa  na  meithle',  ar  C.  C.  Do  fech  Maelumlia  sin,  7  do  ith  se 
an  mart  uile.  Tainec  Baithin  cuca  iar  sin,  7  do  fiarfaf^fA  do 
Colum  Cille  narb  ullamh  cuid  na  meithli.  Do  indeis  C.  C.  do  gach 
ni  da  nderna  se  re  cuid  na  meithli,  7  do  cuaidh  Baithin  do 
monmar  go  mor  ar  C.  C.  trid  sin,  'A  Bhaitin',  ar  se,  'do  b'urussa 
le  Dia  ar  n-anacöi  ort';  7  do  furail  C.  C.  cnamha  an  mairt  do 
cruindiugafZ  'na  fiadhwa/se,  7  do  thocub  a  lamha  {fol.  27 a)  os  a 
cind,  7  do  bendaigh  iad,  7  tainic  a  feoil  fen  orra,  7  tue  a  saith 
do  na  manchaib  7  don  meithil  dlie;  7  ni  hedh  amliain,  acht  da 
ticdis  lucht  na  hindse  uile  cuice,  dogebdais  a  ndil  don  mhart  sin 
tre  bendachtain  Coluim  Cille. 

213.  Fectus  eli  do  cuaidh  Caindech  ar  cuairt  a  ceud  C.  C,  go 
hi;  7  ag  tect  anoir  do,  do  fagaib  a  bachuU  a  ndermad  toir,  7 
iarna  faicsin  sein  do  C.  C,  do  cuir  aingel  De  lesin  mbachaill,  7  do 
chuir  se  a  lene  fen  les  co  Caindech,  mar  comartha  gradha  y 
duthrachta,  Indus  go  fuair  Caindech  abus  remhe  iad. 

214.  Fechtus  do  cuaidh  C.  C.  do  siladh  breitre  De  0  hi  cusan 
oilen  re  u-abartar  Muili;  7  tarla  da  lobur  decc  do,  7  do  iarratar 
derc  air.  'Ni  fuil  deirc  oir  no  airgeid  agam  daeib',  ar  Colum  Cille. 
Do  iarrutar  tre  dochus  daingen  air  a  slanuccadA  on  lubra  0  nach 
raibe  derc  eli  aige  doib.  Ar  na  thuicsin  do  C.  C.  co  raibe  aithn^re 
acu  ina  pecuib,  7  co  raibe  dochus  mor  acu  as  fen,  do  benduig  7 
do  coisric  se  tobur  do  bi  fan  inad  sin,  7  tue  ar  na  lobrai&A 
a  bfothrucadh  ass;  cor  slanaigedh  a  cedoir  iad  amail  do  slanaiged 
Naman  .i.  prindsa  ridiredh  righ  na  Sirie  do  bi  'sa  lubra  lena 


BETHA   COLUIMB   CHILLE.  233 

That  prophecy  of  C.  C.  was  fulfilled,  as  was  the  case  with  every 
prophecy  he  made. 

212.  On  another  occasion  at  Ion  a,  C.  C.  sent  a  party  to 
cut  some  corn  belonging  to  the  community.  Baithin  and  the 
monks  were  sent  along  with  them,  while  C.  C.  remained  at  home 
to  prepare  their  meal.  He  ordered  a  whole  beef  (ox)  to  be 
boiled  for  them.  A  big  old  Irish  warrior,  a  relative  of  his,  was 
staying  with  him  at  the  time,  to  wit,  Maelumha  mac  Baedain 
of  the  race  of  Eoghan,  the  son  of  Niall.  C.  C.  noticing  him 
hungry,  took  compassion  on  him,  and  asked  him  what  quantity 
of  food  satisfied  him  at  a  meal  in  his  younger  days.  'A  whole 
beef,  replied  the  old  warrior.  'Here  it  is',  says  C.  C,  'the  beef 
prepared  for  the  party'.  Maelumha  having  beheld  it,  eat  the 
whole  of  it.  Thereafter  Baithin  returned,  home  and  asked  C.  C. 
was  the  party's  meal  ready.  C.  C.  told  him  of  its  fate,  whereat 
Baithin  murmured  very  much  at  C.  C.  'God  can  easily  protect 
us  against  thee,  o  Baithin,'  says  C.  C.  And  having  ordered  the 
bones  of  the  ox  to  be  brought  to  him,  he  raised  his  hands  over 
them,  and  blessed  them,  and  they  took  on  again  their  own  flesh. 
And  there*  was  enough  for  the  monks  and  the  party,  and  not 
only  that,  but  even  if  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  island  were 
to  come,  there  would  still  be  enough  for  all  in  that  ox,  through 
the  blessing  of  C.  C. 

213.  On  another  occasion,  Cainnech  went  on  a  visit  to  C.  C. 
to  loua.  When  he  was  returning  home,  he  discovered  that  he 
left  his  staff  behind  him.  When  C.  C.  saw  that,  he  sent  an  angel 
with  it  to  Cainnech  along  with  his  own  shirt,  to  signify  his 
personal  love  and  affection  for  him.  And  Cainnech  found  them 
awaiting  him  at  home. 

214.  Once  upon  a  time,  C.  C.  went  from  lona  to  an  island 
called  Muili,  to  preach  the  gospel  there.  He  was  met  by  twelve 
lepers,  who  asked  him  for  an  alms.  'Silver  and  gold  I  have 
none',  says  C.  C.  They  implored  him  with  great  confidence  to 
cleanse  them  of  tlieir  leprocy,  since  he  could  not  give  them  alms. 
When  C.  C.  saw  that  they  were  sorry  for  their  sins  and  had 
great  confidence  in  himself,  he  blessed  and  sanctified  a  w^ell  that 
was  in  that  place,  and  made  the  lepers  bathe  therein.  They 
were  cured  on  the  spot,  like  Naaman  the  leper,  general  of  the 


234  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

fotruccadh  secíit  n-uaire  a  srutli  Eorthanain  re  tecusc  hEliseus 
faidh,  amail  mebro/^es  ebisdil  an  tres  luain  don  corghus  mor. 
In  diebus  illis  Naman  prindceps  milisie  regis  Sirie.  Et  amail 
raebruighter  a  lebur  na  Rigride  'sa  Pipla.  0 


215.  Fechtus  do  Gridhoir  beil  oir  .i.  Papa  na  Romha  ag 
estect  2áÍYÍnn  in  a  eclais  fen  'sa  Roimh,  go  facaid  se  aingli  De 
7  cross  croind  acu  ga  lecen  ar  an  altoir  'na  fiadnaise;  7  do 
brethnaighetar  na  carthanail  do  bi  faris  an  Papa  an  cros  do 
togbail,  7  nir  fed  enduine  acu  a  tocbail.  Agus  dob  ingnadh  le 
each  sin.  Agus  mar  do  conda?Vc  an  Papa  sin,  teid  fen  da  hindsaige, 
7  do  glac  se  i,  7  do  erich  si  les  co  humhal.  Is  andsin  adubÄa?>t 
an  Papa:  'Ni  cuccam-sa  no  docum  enduine  eli  do  Romhanchaibh 
do  cuir  Dia  an  cros-sa  acht  docum  C.  C.  mic  Feidlim  .i.  an  nech 
naemta  as  mo  ina  bfoillsigend  Dia  a  grasa  fen  do  clanduib  na 
mban'.  Et  do  cuir  an  Papa  clerich  da  muindtir  fen  le  a  cend 
C.  C.  go  hi  2).  Agus  do  foillsig  aingel  De  do  C.  C,  go  raibe  techta 
an  Papa  cuice  7  an  cros  sin  leo.  De  raid  C.  C.  le  Baithin  7  risna 
manchuib:  'Ata  coindemh  uassal  onoruch  cugaib  anocht',  ar  se,  .i. 
'muindtir  Gridoir  Papa  7  ullmhuighidh  biad  7  deoch  'na  n-oirchill'. 
Is  andsin  adubhairt  Baithin:  'Ni  full  do  biad  no  do  digh  againd 
doib',  ar  se,  ^acht  enbairghen  7  enpota  fina  do  bi  re  haghaidh  na 
n-aifrend'.  Tainic  muindtir  an  Papa  don  baili  fai  sin,  7  do  gab 
naire  mor  C.  C.  uime  sin ,  7  do  furail  se  an  becan  fina  7  arain 
sin  de  tabhairt  ina  fiadnaise  cuige,  7  do  bendaig  e,  Indus  co 
raibhe  a  saith  arain  7  fina  acu  fen  7  ag  muindtir  an  Papa.  Agus 
ni  headh  amain,  acht  da  tigdis  a  raibe  isna  tirthaib  cuca  an  uair 
sin,  dogebdais  a  saith  arain  7  fina  mar  an  cedna.  Et  tucc  an 
Papa  an  cross  sin  do  C.  C.  Cowadli  di  goirther  an  cross  mor  C.  C. 
aniugh.  Agus  conadh  i  ass  airdmhind  do  C.  C.  a  Toraig  tuaisceart 
Erend,  ag  denumh  teart  7  mirbhol  ó  sin  alle,  ar  n-a  cur  anoir 
do  Colum  Cille  0  hi  go  Toraidh. 

216.  Tue  C.  C.  buidechus  romhór  do  Dia  7  don  Papa  isna 
tidluicibh  romhóra  f  uair  se  uatha  mar  adubramar  romainn  'sa  scel- 
sa  tuas,  7  do  tinnscain  moludh  do  denumh  do  Dia  andsin  .i.  an 


1)   See  IV.  Reg.,  5. 

*)  See  Leabhar  Breac,  p.  109  a,  and  Reeves'  Adam.  pp.  318,  319. 


BETHA    COLÜIMB   CHILLE,  235 

army  of  the  king  of  Sj'ria,  when  he  bathed  seven  times  in  the 
Jordan,  at  the  word  of  Eliseus  the  prophet;  as  is  related  in  the 
epistle  of  the  third  Monday  in  Lent:  In  diebus  Ulis  Naaman, 
princeps  militiae  regis  Syriae.  The  same  is  related  in  the  Book 
of  Kings  in  the  Bible. 

215.  Once  upon  a  time,  as  the  golden  -  mouthed  Gregory, 
Pope  of  Rome,  was  hearing  mass  in  his  church  in  Rome,  he 
beheld  angels  lowering  a  wooden  cross  in  his  presence  on  the 
altar.  The  cardinals  who  were  present  tried  to  remove  it,  but 
in  vain.  They  all  wondered  thereat.  When  the  Pope  noticed 
that,  he  came  near,  and  taking  hold  of  it,  removed  it  easily. 
Then  the  Pope  said:  'Not  to  me  or  to  any  other  Roman  has 
God  sent  this  cross,  but  to  C.  C.  son  of  Feidlim,  to  wit,  the  holy 
man,  the  most  favoured  from  on  high  of  the  sons  of  men.'  The 
Pope  sent  some  of  his  own  clerics  with  it,  to  C.  C.  in  lona.  An 
angel  from  heaven  made  known  to  CO.,  that  the  Pope's  messengers 
were  coming  to  him  with  the  cross.  Then  C.  C.  said  to  Baithin 
and  the  monks:  'A  noble  honourable  party  will  visit  you  to-night, 
to  wit,  Pope  Gregory's  people,  and  let  ye  get  ready  food  and 
drink  for  them.'  Then  Baithin  replied:  'We  have  neither  food 
nor  drink  for  them,  save  one  loaf  of  bread  and  a  jar  of  wine 
that  were  reserved  for  the  masses.'  Presently  the  Pope's  party 
arrived,  and  C.  C.  was  greatly  confused  on  that  account.  And 
ordering  the  little  wine  and  bread  that  was  left  to  be  brought 
to  him,  he  blessed  them,  when  lo!  there  was  sufficient  bread 
and  wine  for  his  own  people  and  the  Pope's  party;  yea,  even 
if  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  had  come  then,  they  would 
likewise  have  had  sufficient  bread  and  wine.  The  cross  was 
handed  over  to  C.  C;  and  it  is  called  at  this  day  the  big  cross 
of  C.  C.  It  is  the  chief  relic  of  C.  C.  in  Tory,  in  the  North  of 
Ireland ;  C.  C.  having  sent  it  thither  from  lona ;  and  it  has  been 
working  miracles  and  wonders  ever  since. 

216.  C.  C.  was  filled  with  gratitude  to  God  and  the  Pope, 
for  the  very  great  gifts  which,  as  we  have  already  said,  they 
bestowed   on  him.     He  then  set  about  composing  a  hymn  in 


236  ANDREW   KELLEHER. 

t-Altusi)  C.  C.  ainm  an  molta  sin;  7  leighend  rochruaidh  ro-onorach 
ro-uassal  an  moladh  sin  ina  tucc  sé  eolus  uadh  a  seicreidib  na 
diagaclita,  7  go  hairidhe  mar  labhair  sé  co  mor  do  thuicsin  na 
Trinoide ;  7  do  f oillsigli  se  moran  d'eolusaib  diamhracha  and  leth 
risna  duilib  talmawda;  7  itir  gach  eolus  da  nderna  se  and,  adubairt 
se  go  fuil  daine  fai  an  talumh-sa  7  a  .cossa  anis,  7  gu  fuil  siad 
ag  aitreb  a  tire  7  a  talmhan  fen  mar  atámaid-ne  ag  aitreb  ar 
tire  fen,  7  gorub  inand  Dia  da  creidend  siad  7  sinde.  Et  do  cuir 
se  triur  cleriuch  da  mlmindtir  fen  lesan  moludh  mbenduighte 
naemtha  sin  dorinde  se  do  Dia,  da  taisbenadli  do  Grighoir  Phapa 
docum  go  moladh  se  é;  7  do  bi  an  Papa  sin  ronaemtha  ann  fein. 
Et  do  cuiretar  na  clericli  sin  C.  C.  tri  caiblidil  uatha  fen  ar  lar 
an  molta -ssa,  7  do  benatar  tri  caibdil  da  nderna  C.  C.  ass,  da 
fechain  an  aitheonadli  an  Papa  a  legend  fen  tar  an  legend  do 
rinde  C.  C.  no  an  inand  moladh  doberadh  se  orra.  Ocus  docuatar 
(fol  27h)  ar  sin  dochum  na  Romha.  Mar  do  cuala  an  Papa  muindtir 
C.  C.  don  baile,  do  furail  se  a  llecen  ina  cend  fen,  7  do  indesitar  na 
clerich  gorub  lesan  moladh  sin  do  cuir  C.  C.  iad,  da  taisbenad  do 
san.  'Gabthur  dund  é,  ar  Grighoir.  Et  mar  do  tindscain  siad 
an  moludh  do  gabail,  do  erich  an  Papa  'n-a  sesamh,  7  mar  do 
tindscain  siad  na  tri  caibdil  dorindetar  fen  do  gabail,  do  suid  an 
Papa;  7  mar  do  tindscanatar  an  cuid  eli  do  rinde  C.  C.  don 
moladh  do  gabail,  do  eirich  an  Papa  'n-a  sesamh,  7  do  bi  se  'n-a 
sesamh  no  gor  gabudh  an  moladh  uile.  Ocus  do  bud  ro-ingantach 
le  a  raibe  do  lathair  mar  dorinde  an  Papa  sin,  7  do  fiar[f]uigetar 
de  cred  fa  nderna  se  sin.  'Dorindes',  ol  se,  'an  uair  do  tindscnatar 
na  clerig  tossach  an  molta  ud  do  gabhail,  do  [c]ondarc-sa  aingliu 
De  maille  riu  7  siad  [g]o  ro-onoruch  'n-a  timchell,  7  mar  do 
tindscnatar  na  tri  caibdil  airidhe  ud  don  mo[l]adh  do  gabail,  do 
imghetar  na  haingli  iiaha,  7  do  suidhesa  mar  do  condarc  na 
haingil  ag  imtect.  Et  mar  do  tindscnatar  an  cuid  eli  don  moladh 
do  gabail,  do  impodur  na  haingeil  cuca  aris.  Mar  do  condarc-sa 
na  haingil  ar  n-impodh,  do  erghess  7  do  badhus  am  sesumh  no 
gor  gabadh  an  mo[l]adh  uile.  'Is  fir  sin,  a  athair  naemtha',  ar 
na  clerich.  'As  maith  an  t-adbhur  do  bi  agad  7  as  orainde  fen 
do  bi  an  seel -sin  ag  na  hainglib  ler  fagaib  siad  sind'.    Et  do 


')  i.  e.  the  hymu  Altus  Prosator.  According  to  the  preface  of  this  hymn, 
the  immediate  cause  of  its  composition  was,  •  to  beg  God's  pardon  for  the  three 
battles  he  had  caused  in  Erin'. 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  237 

praise  of  God.  The  Altus  of  C.  C.  is  its  name.  It  is  a  verj- 
sublime  and  noble  composition,  but  very  hard  to  understand.  In 
it  he  displaj-ed  knowledge  of  the  mj'steries  of  the  divinit}',  and 
especially  great  understanding  of  the  Trinity.  He  disclosed  much 
hidden  knowledge  regarding  earthly  creatures,  and  among  other 
things,  he  said  that  there  are  people  under  this  earth,  with  their 
feet  towards  us,  and  that  they  live  in  their  land  and  country, 
just  as  we  live  in  ours,  and  that  they  believe  in  the  same  God 
as  we  believe.  And  he  sent  three  of  his  own  clerics  with  that 
blessed  holy  work  in  praise  of  God  to  Pope  Gregory,  to  get  his 
opinion  of  it.  That  Pope  was  a  very  holy  man.  And  the  clerics 
inserted  three  chapters  of  their  OAvn  composition  in  the  middle 
of  the  work,  and  eliminated  three  chapters  of  C.  C.'s  composition, 
to  see  whether  the  Pope  would  notice  the  difference,  or  bestow 
on  them  like  praise.  After  that  they  arrived  in  Eome.  The 
Pope  having  heard  of  their  arrival,  sent  for  them.  They  told 
him  that  they  were  sent  by  C.  C,  to  show  him  that  hymn  of 
praise.  'Read  it',  says  Gregory.  When  they  began  to  do  so,  the 
Pope  stood  ^up.  When  they  came  to  their  own  three  chapters, 
he  sat  down.  And  when  tliey  began  to  read  C.  C.'s  composition 
again,  the  Pope  stood,  and  thus  he  remained  to  the  end.  Those 
present  were  greatly  astonished  at  the  action  of  the  Pope,  and 
they  asked  him  why  he  had  done  so.  'When  the  clerics  began 
the  recital',  says  he,  'I  saw  them  surrounded  by  angels  with  great 
honour,  and  when  they  began  those  three  particular  chapters,  the 
angels  disappeared.  With  that  I  sat  down.  When  they  resumed 
the  other  part  of  the  hymn  of  praise,  the  angels  came  back  to 
them  again,  with  what  I  stood  up,  and  thus  I  remained  during 
the  rest  of  the  recital.'  '  Tis  true,  holy  Father ',  reply  the  clerics, 
'you  had  good  reason  for  your  action,  and  well  we  knew  why 
we  were  deserted  by  the  angels.'  And  having  disclosed  everj-- 
thing  they  begged  the  Pope's  pardon.  And  the  Pope  said  that, 
notwithstanding  their  evil  deed,  he  would  forgive  them  through 
respect  for  C.  C.  Thereupon,  praising  C,  C.  very  much,  he  said 
that  with  the  exception  of  the  man-god  Jesus  Christ  there  never 
had  been,  and  never  would  be  a  human  being  greater  than  he 


238  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

indisitar  na  clerich  o  tus  go  deredh  gacli  ní  dá  ndernutar  fen,  7 
do  iarratar  a  maithemli  ar  an  Papa;  7  adubaii't  an  Papa,  gerb  olc  a 
ndernatar  co  mdiiüif edh  sé  doib  é  a  n-onúir  C,  C.  Ocus  do  mol  se  C.  C. 
go  romhúr  andsin,  7  aduba/rt  se  nach  tainic  7  nach  ticfa,  a  fecmais 
daendachta  Crist,  duine  bud  ferr  ina  é  in  gach  uile  subaltaighe  7  do 
mol  se  an  t-Altus  go  romhor  mar  an  cedna,  7  do  f agaib  se  do  buaduib 
air,  gebe  dogebhadh  iiair  gach  lai  é,  nac  daimeóntai  coidhce  he. 

217.  Et  fos  da  derbudh  sin  do  bi  clerech  airithe  ag  a  raibe 
duthracht  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  Ocus  do  gnathaigefZA  se  au  t-Altus 
do  radh  uair  gach  lai.  Tesda  enmac  muirnech  do  bi  aige,  7 
adubairt  se  6  do  leg  C.  C.  bas  docum  a  mic,  nach  gebud  se  an 
t-Altus  CO  brath  aris;  7  do  bi  companuch  áiridhe  ag  an  clerech 
7  do  gellatar  da  cheli,  gebe  acu  duine  dogebudh  bas  ar  tus,  a 
techt  d'indisin  scel  don  fir  eli.  Tesda  companuch  an  cleirich  ar 
tus,  7  tainec  se  d'indisin  scel  don  clerech.  'Cindus  atai?'  ol  in 
clerech.  'Do  slanaidh  Dia  me',  ol  se,  '7  ata  droch-scel  agam 
duid-se'.  'Cred  sin?'  ol  an  clerech.  'Tu-sa  do  damnadh',  ol  se, 
'trid  mar  do  treicis  an  t-Altus  do  rádh.'  'In  bfuil  furtacht  ar 
bith  air  sin?'  or  an  clerech.  'Ata',  ar  se  '.i.  an  t-Altus  do  radh 
fo  tri  gach  lai  an  fedh  beir  at  hethaidh  a  n-eraic  ar  licis  tort 
de  gan  radh';  7  do  gabudh  an  t-Altus  fo  tri  gach  lai  ó  sin  amach 
gú  a  bás.  Ocus  do  slanaigh  Dia  7  C.  C.  an  clerech  sin  docum 
na  glóii'e  suthaine  iar  sin. 

218.  Is  andsin  aduba?>t  an  Papa  re  muindtir  C.  C,  'Muna 
beith  med  mo  churaim-se',  ar  se,  'do  taeb  na  ndaine  eli,  do 
rachuind  ar  cuairt  docum  C.  C,  7  ós  air  sen  nach  fuil  a  leithéid  sin 
do  curam,  ticedh  se  chucam-sa'.  Do  imghetar  muindtir  C.  C.  tar 
a  n-ais,  7  do  indsetar  do  C.  C.  go  raibhe  an  Papa  ga  iarraidh  ar 
cuairt  cuice.  Gluasis  C.  C.  andsin,  7  ar  techt  fa  cuig  mile  decc 
don  Eoimh  do,  do  benatar  cluicc  na  Eomha  uile  uatha  fen;  7  nir 
fedadh  cosc  doib  7  do  bidhgatar  lucht  na  ßomha  uili  uime  sin. 
Et  do  gab  ingnadh  mór  iad.  'Xa  bidh  ingnadh  oruib  fan  ni  úd', 
bar  an  Papa,  'Colum  Cille  an  naem  erlumh  ata  ag  techt  am 
cend-sa,  7  as  do  doberid  na  cluic  an  onúir  úd;  7  ni  teáíaider 
cosc  doib  no  co  ti  se  fen  don  baile.'  Is  andsin  do  erich  an  Papa 
amach  7  moran  do  mhaithibh  na  Romha  faris,  maille  re  honóir 
7  re  reverians  mór,  a  coinde  C.  C;  7  ar  rochtain  a  celi  doibh, 
do  pogsad  a  celi  7  doronsad  luthgairecZ  7  gairdechus  imarcuch  re 
roile;  7  do  filleatar  don  baili  ar  sin;  7  ar  ndenamh  slectana  do  C.  C. 


BETHA   COLÜIMB   CHILLE.  239 

in  every  virtue.  And  having  commended  the  Altus  very  highly 
likewise,  he  granted  that  whosoever  should  recite  it  daily  should 
never  be  condemned  to  hell. 


217.  In  proof  whereof  a  certain  cleric,  who  was  devoted  to 
God  and  C.  C,  used  to  recite  the  Altus  daily.  It  happened  that 
an  only  son,  who  was  beloved  by  him,  died.  And  the  cleric  said 
that  since  C.  C.  allowed  his  son  to  die,  he  would  never  again 
recite  the  Altus.  The  cleric  had  a  comrade,  and  both  of  them 
agreed  that  whichever  of  them  would  die  first,  should  return 
with  tidings  to  the  other.  The  comrade  died  before  the  cleric, 
and  returned  to  him  with  news.  'How  fares  it  with  thee',  saj^s 
the  cleric.  'God  has  saved  me',  says  he,  'and  I  have  bad  news 
for  you'.  'What I'  says  the  cleric.  'Your  soul  is  lost',  says  he, 
'for  having  neglected  to  say  the  Altus'.  'Can  nothing  save  it?' 
replies  the  cleric.  'Yes',  says  he,  'by  reciting  the  Altus  thrice 
daily,  during  the  rest  of  your  life,  to  make  up  for  past  neglect.' 
And  henceforward  he  used  to  recite  the  Altus  thrice  daily 
till  his  death.  Thereafter  God  and  C.  C.  bestowed  eternal  glory 
on  him, 

218.  Then  the  Pope  said  to  C.  C.'s  people:  'Were  it  not  for 
my  pressing  duties  towards  others,  I  should  visit  C.  C,  says  he, 
'and  since  he  is  not  so  busy,  let  him  visit  me'.  When  C.  C.'s 
people  returned  home,  they  told  him  that  the  Pope  wished  him 
to  visit  him.  Thereupon  C.  C.  set  out  for  Rome,  and  when 
within  fifteen  miles  of  it,  all  the  bells  began  to  toll  of  them- 
selves, nor  could  they  be  stopped.  Thereat  the  whole  of  Rome 
was  startled,  and  was  filled  with  wonder.  'Do  not  wonder  at 
that',  says  the  Pope,  'for  the  holy  patron,  to  wit,  Colum  Cille, 
is  coming  to  visit  me,  and  the  bells  are  tolling  in  his  honour, 
nor  can  the  be  stopped,  till  he  arrives.'  Then  the  Pope,  accom- 
panied by  many  of  the  Roman  nobles,  went  out  to  meet  C.  C, 
with  great  honour  and  reverence.  And  having  met,  they  em- 
braced each  other  with  exceeding  great  joy  and  rejoicing,  and 
tiien  returned  to  the  city.  After  they  had  worshipped  in  the 
great  temple  of  Rome,   the  bells  stopped  of  themselves.    And 


240  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

a  tempull  mor  na  Eoraha,  do  coiscetar  na  cluic  uatlia  fen.  Ocus 
ar  mbeitli  aimser  do  C.  C.  fa  onóir  móir  faris  an  Papa,  do  gab  sé 
ced  aige  fa  techt  da  tir  fen,  7  do  lig  an  Papa  a  bendacht  les 
7  do  fag'aib  C.  C.  a  bendacht  aige  sen ;  7  tue  an  Papa  tidluicthe 
mora  do  C.  C.  andsin  .i.  gebe  baile  da  bailtibh  fen  a  n-oirdeocliadh 
C.  C.  do  each  oilithri  do  denamh,  luaigidhecht  sdasiúin  na  Romha 
do  beith  ag  an  duine  do  denadh  an  oilithre  sin.  Ocus  as  é  baile 
{fol.28a)  da  tuec  C.  C.  an  onóir  sin  .i.  do  Doire  7  ssé  fen  a 
n Albain;  ocus  asse  inadh  inar  ordaigh  se  an  oilithre  sin  do  denamh 
.1.  Ó  an  Viladh  ata  ag  port  na  long  'sa  cend  toir  don  baili,  cowuige 
an  t-impódh  dessiul  ata  'sa  cend  tiar  de. 

219.  An  uair  tratli  do  enaidh  C.  C.  a  n- Albain,  tancutar 
maithe  Lethe  Cuind  7  go  háirithe  a  phráithre  fen  ,i.  clanda 
Conaill  7  Eoghain  7  elawdu  Cuind  uile,  ar  cuairt  chuice  rian 
imtecht  a  hErind  do;  7  do  fiarfazVZ/^etar  de  cía  he  an  naem  no 
an  clerech  do  fuiefedh  se  'n-a  inadh  fen  acu  no  da  creidfidis  mar 
athair  spirudálta.  Tar  a  eis  sin  do  labuir  C.  C.  riu  7  assedh 
adubairt;  'Fuicfeat-sa  triúr  naemh  agaib,  diteónus  ar  gach  n-olc 
sib  acht  go  creide  sib  doib  7  eo  nderna  sibh  a  comairli  .i.  Colman 
Ela  7  Colman  Lainde  mac  Luacháin  7  Mocaemhóg  Comruire  a 
Midhe;  7  bed  fen  ga  bur  ndiden  oss  a  cend  sin  ge  deeh  uaib  a 
n- Albain,  7  do  gébh  0  Dia  gach  duine  do  bera  esonoir  do  na 
naembib  sin  fáguim  agaibh,  bass  do  tabairt  a  eedoir  do'.  Tarla 
cocadh  mor  ina  diaidh  sin  edir  Brandumh  ^)  mac  Echach  LaigAew 
7  Leth  Cuind,  eo  tainic  Brandamh  for  sluaiged  a  Leith  Cuind, 
cor  gabud  longport  les  a  termond  Cluana  hiraird. 

Do  cuiretar  Leth  Cuind  an  triur  naem-sa  do  fagaib  C.  C.  acu 
d'iarraidh  sithe  ar  righ  Laighen,  7  do  taircsifi  cora  do,  7  ni  derna 
an  ri  sith  no  coir  ar  a  comhairli.  'Dogebaim-ne  ó  Dia  bass  do 
tabairt  duid-se  7  gan  do  tren  do  dul  nias  faide  ina  in  t-inadh-sa 
ina  bfuil  tu  a  Leith  Cuind,  0  nach  gabond  tu  ar  comairli',  ar  na 
naeimh.  'Ni  ferr  sib  no  an  neeh  naemtha  do  gell  damh-sa  nach 
fuighinn  bás  noco  caithind  sacramaint  as  a  laimh  fen',  ar  Brandum 
.i.  Maedóg  Ferna.  Do  rindetar  na  naeim  escaine  ar  Brandumh  an 
uair  sin,  0  nar  gabh  se  a  comhairli  ar  sith  do  deuumh.    Ocus 


1)  The  storj'  about  Brandubh  is  taken  literally  from  the  Book  of  Lecan, 
fol.  183a.    See  also  Reeves'  Adam,  p.  205. 


BETHA   COLUIMB   CHILLE.  241 

C.  C,  having  spent  some  time  with  the  Pope  in  great  honour,  then 
got  leave  to  return  home.  And  the  Pope  gave  him  his  blessing, 
and  C.  C.  left  him  his  own  blessing.  Thereupon  the  Pope  granted 
great  favours  to  C.  C,  to  wit,  the  indulgence  of  the  Eoman  station 
to  be  gained  by  all  who  should  make  a  pilgrimage  to  whatsoever 
place  within  C.  C.'s  own  province,  which  the  latter  should  de- 
signate. And  though  away  in  Scotland,  C.  C.  chose  Derry  for 
this  honour.  And  he  ordered  the  pilgrimage  to  be  made,  from 
the  calvary  situated  in  the  harbour,  east  of  the  town,  to  the 
right-hand  turn,  west  of  the  town. 


219.  When,  however,  C.  C.  was  on  his  way  to  Scotland,  the 
nobles  of  Leth  Cuinn  and  above  all  his  own  kinsfolk,  to  wit, 
Clan  Conaill  and  Clan  Eoghain  and  the  whole  of  the  Clan  Cuinn, 
came  to  him  before  he  left  Ireland,  to  find  out  what  holy  person 
or  cleric  would  he  appoint  as  his  deputy  or  who  would  be  their 
spiritual  director.  Then  C.  C,  speaking  to  them  said:  'I  shall 
leave  you  three  holy  men,  who  shall  protect  you  against  every 
evil,  if  only  you  be  faithful  to  them  and  follow  their  advice. 
They  are  Colman  Ela  and  Colman  Lainne  mac  Luachain  and 
Mochaemhog  Comraire  in  Meath.  And  though  I  shall  go  away 
to  Scotland,  I  shall  (still)  be  your  protector  over  them,  and 
shall  obtain  from  God,  that  whosoever  shall  dishonour  the  holy 
men  I  leave  you,  shall  immediately  die.'  Thereafter,  a  war  hav- 
ing broken  out  between  Brandubh  mac  Echach  of  Leinster  and 
Leth  Cuinn,  the  former  made  a  hosting  into  Leth  Cuinn,  and 
encamped  in  the  sanctuary  of  Clonard. 

Leth  Cuinn  sent  those  three  holy  men  appointed  by  C.  C. 
to  make  peace  with  the  king  of  Leinster.  They  offered  him  fair 
terms.  But  he  refused  to  make  peace  or  accept  fair  terms,  in 
spite  of  their  advice.  'We  shall  obtain  from  God  to  strike  you 
down,  and  not  suffer  your  forces  to  advance  further  than  the  spot 
in  which  thou  art,  into  Leth  Cuinn,  since  you  despise  our  ad- 
vice', say  the  holy  men.  'Ye  are  no  better  than  the  holy  man, 
namely  Maedog  Ferna,  who  promised  me  that  I  should  not  see 
death,  till  I  receive  the  sacrament  from  himself,  replies  Brandubh. 


ZeiUohrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  16 


042  ANDREW   KET.l.EHETR, 

tainic  do  brith  na  hescaine  sin  7  an  gelltanais  tue  C.  C.  doib, 
gebe  dogenadh  a  n-esonóir  go  ngerreochadh  se  fen  a  saeghal, 
nach  tainic  se  tairis  sin  a  Leith  Cuind  7  gor  marbudh  ar  an 
sluaighed  sin  fen  é.  Et  rucatar  na  diabuil  a  anum  'san  aeier  a 
n-airde  leo,  7  do  bátur  ga  pianudh  and.  Do  bi  Maedlióg  an  uair 
sin  re  hagaidli  meithli  a  búi  ag  búain  arba  do;  7  do  cuala  se 
sian  na  lianma  ga  pianudh.  7  do  cuaidh  se  tre  cumhachta  De  'san 
aeieór  a  n-airde  a  ndiaidh  na  ndiabal,  7  do  bi  ag  cathugad  riu 
fa'n  anam  sin  Branduibh.  Ocus  do  cuadur  iarsin  os  ceand  hi 
C.  C.  a  n-Albain.  Ocus  do  bi  C.  C.  ag  scribneoracht  an  uair  sin, 
7  do  foillsigh  aingel  De  an  ni  sin  do.  Ocus  ba  truag  les  an 
t-anum  ga  pianadh,  add  gerb  é  fen  fuair  0  Dia  saegal  Branduibh 
do  gerrugadh  trid  gan  comairli  na  naemh-sa  da  mhuindtir  fen 
adubrumar  romhainn  do  gabail  ar  sith  do  deuumh  re  Leith  Cuind ; 
7  do  cuir  a  delg  in  a  phruti),  7  do  ling  a  n-airde  'san  aier  do 
cuidiugadh  le  Maedhóg,  anam  Branduib  do  biiain  do  na  demnaib. 
Ocus  do  batur  ar  an  cathugad  sin  no  cu  ndechutar  os  cind  na 
Romha.  Tuitiss  a  delg  as  brat  C.  C,  gor  ben  ar  lár  a  fiadhnuisi 
Grigoir  Papa.  Tocbais  Grighoir  an  delg  7  aithnigheis  é.  Do 
cuatar  na  diabuil  iarsin  co  ro-ard  is  an  aier,  do  teithemh  remhe 
C.  C.  Lenais  C.  C.  iad,  7  do  cuaidh  os  a  cind  san  aier  co  cuala  se 
ceiliubrad/i  muindtire  nimhe;  7  ba  hiad  so  tossaighe  na  salm 
aderdis  ag  moludh  an  Tigerna  .i.  Te  decet  .u.^);  7  Benedic  .a.  ni.3) 
7  Laudate  pueri^);  7  do  beiredh  C.  C.  ar  a  naemhuib  7  ar  a 
manchuib  fen  a  radha  a  tossach  a  trath  7  a  ceilebradh  6  sin 
amach.  Et  fuair  C.  C.  0  Dia  an  t-anum  sin  Branduib  do  bi  ga 
pianadh  ag  na  demhnaib  ris  in  re  sin,  do  cur  in  a  corp  fen  aris 
indus  CO  ndernad/i  se  aithrighe  in  a  ^ecadh,  7  co  mbeith  se  'n-a 
óclách  maith  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  ó  sin  amach,  7  co  ngabudh  se 
sacramaint  ass  láimh  Maedhoig  Ferna  a  pongc  a  bais,  amail  do 
gell  se  do.  Do  impo  C.  C.  mar  a  raibe  Grighoir  iar  sin  a  ndiaidh 
a  deilg,  7  do  fasdo  an  Papa  delg  C.  C.  aige  fen  7  do  léicc  se  a 
delg  fen  le  C.  C.  as  a  haithli.  Ocus  do  bo  ro-ingantach  le  Grighoir 
a//-de  na  didhluicthe  7  imad  na  ngras  7  med  na  mirbuileci  tue 
Dia  do  C.  C.  re  a  ndenamh  an  uair  sin.    Tic  C.  C.  remhe  iar  sin 


1)  Read  bhrut. 

2)  I'salm  64. 

3)  Psalms  102,  103. 
*)  punto  Ms, 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  243 

The  holy  men  then  cursed  Brandubh,  because  of  his  refusal  to 
make  peace  on  their  advice.  On  account  of  that  curse  and  the 
promise  made  to  them  by  C.  C,  that  whosoever  would  dishonour 
them,  would  be  cut  down  before  his  time,  he  was  prevented  from 
advancing-  further  into  Leth  Cuinn,  and  was  slain  during-  that 
very  expedition.  And  the  demons  bore  his  soul  aloft  into  the 
upper  regions,  and  were  torturing^  it  there.  Maedhog  was  at 
that  time  with  the  men  who  were  cutting  corn  for  him.  Having 
heard  the  soul  in  trouble,  he  ascended  the  heavens  by  the  power 
of  God,  in  pursuit  of  the  demons,  A  struggle  ensued  between 
him  and  the  demons  for  the  soul  of  Brandubh  till  they  appeared 
over  I  C.  C,  in  Scotland.  An  angel  revealed  that  fact  to  C.  C, 
who  was  engaged  at  writing  at  the  time.  He  was  grieved  at 
the  soul  being  in  pain,  though  it  was  through  himself  that 
Brandubh's  life  was  cut  short  by  God  for  refusing  to  carry 
out  the  advice  of  the  aforesaid  holy  men  of  his  own  people,  in 
regard  to  making  peace  with  Leth  Cuinn.  Having  pinned  on 
his  cloak  he  leaped  aloft  to  help  Maedhog  in  rescuing  Brandubh's 
soul  from  the  demons.  And  the  struggle  lasted  till  they  arrived 
over  Rome,  when  the  pin  of  C.  C.'s  cloak  fell,  and  landed  in 
presence  of  Pope  Gregory.  The  latter  picking  it  up,  recognized 
it.  Thereafter,  the  demons  ascended  very  high  into  the  heavens, 
fleeing  from  C.  C.  And  C.  C,  pursuing  them,  got  beyond  them, 
so  that  he  heard  the  singing  of  the  heavenly  choirs.  These 
were  the  initial  words  of  the  psalms  they  were  singing  in  praise 
of  the  Lord,  to  wit  Te  decet  .u.,  and  Benedic  a.  m.  and  Laudate 
pueri.  Henceforward,  C.  C.  caused  his  holy  men  and  monks  to 
recite  them  at  the  beginning  of  their  office  and  choral  singing. 
And  C.  C.  obtained  from  God  that  Brandubh's  soul,  which  had 
been  tormented  during  all  that  time  by  the  demons,  be  restored 
to  its  body;  so  that  he  would  repent  of  his  crime,  and  serve  God 
and  C.  C.  faithfully  in  future,  and  receive  the  last  rites  from 
Maedhog  Ferna,  at  the  hour  of  death;  as  he  had  promised  him. 
C.  C.  returned  to  Gregory  for  his  pin.  But  the  latter  kept  it, 
and  then  gave  his  own  pin  to  C.  C.    And  Gregory  was  very 


16* 


244  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

CO  hi,  7   do  fagaib  se  an  dealg  sin  Griglioir  Papa  ag  fer  a 

inaidh  fen  a  nhl.  a  comartha  7   a  cuimlmiugadh  na  mirbuiled 
mor  sin. 


220.  Fectus  eli  do  C.  C.  7  da  coimthinol  a  nlil,  7  ar  tect 
aimseri  na  nóna  cuca  dob  ail  les  an  sacrista  cloc  na  nona  do 
búaiu.  {fol.  281)  7  do  cuaidh  se  d'iarruidli  C.  C.  'sa  duirrthi^  a 
ngathuigedli  se  a  duthracht  do  denamh  do  Dia,  da  chedugadh  de 
cloc  na  nona  do  búain;  7  ni  fuair  se  and  sin  he,  7  do  iarr  se 
gacb  inadh  eli  mar  saeil  se  a  beitb,  7  ni  fuair  se  é ;  7  tainic  se 
mar  a  raibe  an  coimthinol  7  do  indis  se  sin  doib.  'Ben-sa  an 
clocc',  ar  siad,  '7  gebe  hinadh  a  bfuil  CO.,  tiucfa  se  fa  guth  an 
cluic '.  Do  ben  an  sacrisda  in  cloc  iar  sin,  7  do  conncatar  C.  C. 
cuca  7  delrudh  ro-mor  in  a  agaidh  7  lasrucha  teudtiiZAe  in  a 
timchell,  7  arna  faicsin  don  coimthinol  amlaidh ')  sin  do  sailetar 
CO  raibe  ferg  air,  7  do  lecetar  ar  a  ngluinib  uile  iad,  7  do  iarrutar 
ma  do  rindetar  misdiiaim  fan  a  luas  do  benatar  an  clocc,  a  mai- 
themh  doib.  Ai'  faicsin  umla  7  ecla  in  coimthinoil  do  C.  C, 
adubairt  se  riu  gan  ecla  do  beith  orra  7  nach  raibe  ferg  air 
riu;  7  do  fiarfa/^/ietar  san  scela  de  ca  raibe  se  an  fad  do  bi  se 
in  a  fecmais  fen.  Frecruis  CO.  iad  7  assed  adubairt:  'Do  bádlms 
fen  7  Caindech  naemhta',  ar  se,  'ag  cathugadh  re  demhnuib  san 
aiér  a  n-airde  ag  Q.VL\á.%Q\\ngadh  le  hespog  Eogan  Arda  Srath 
anam  carat  do  fen,  do  bi  ga  pianadh  acu  re  haimse«?-  fada, 
do  buain  dibh,  7  nir  ail  lem-sa  gan  techt  do  fressdal 
na  nona  an  uair  do  cuala  in  clog  ga  buain;  7  is  fan  a 
luas  do  benadh  é  do  bi  ferg  oram  rib -si,  gan  a  leicin 
dam  fuirech  ris  an  anam  do  buain  do  na  diabluib;  7  gidedh 
rucc  aingel  De  oram  ag  techt  in  huar  bfiadnaise  damh  d'ecla 
CO  mbeith  ferg  orum  rib,  7  da  indisin  damh  cor  saér  Dia 
an  t-anam  sin  adubramar  romhaind  am  onúir  fen,  0  nar 
fed  me  fuirech  ren  a  buain  amuigh  gan  techt  fa  guth  an 
cluic  do  fresdul  na  trath;  cor  moradh  aium  Dei  7  Colaim  Cille 
de  sin. 


*)   amlaidh  amlaidh  MS.    See  'Book  of  Lecan',  fol.  103a,  and  Reeves' 
Adam.  p.  205. 


BETH  A  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  245 

much  struck  by  C.  C.'s  very  rare  gifts  and  the  number  of  his 
graces,  as  well  as  by  the  greatness  (number)  of  the  miracles 
worked  by  C.  C,  at  that  time,  by  the  power  of  God.  There- 
after C.  C.  returned  to  lona.  And  he  bequeathed  Gregory's  pin 
to  his  own  successor  in  lona  in  proof  and  in  memorj^  of  those 
great  miracles. 

220.  On  another  occasion  that  C.  C.  and  his  community 
were  at  lona,  the  sacristan,  when  evening  had  set  in,  desired  to 
toll  the  bell  of  None.  He  went  to  seek  C.  C.  in  the  oratory,  where 
he  was  wont  to  pray  to  God,  in  order  to  get  his  leave  to  toll 
it.  Having  failed  to  find  him  there,  he  searched  every  other 
place  where  he  thought  he  might  be,  but  in  vain.  And  coming 
to  the  community,  he  laid  the  matter  before  them.  'Ring  the 
beir,  reply  they,  'and  wherever  he  is,  he  will  come  at  the 
sound  of  the  bell'.  The  sacristan  then  rang  the  bell.  And  they 
beheld  C.  C.  coming  towards  them,  with  radiant  countenance  and 
surrounded  by  lightning  flashes.  When  the  community  beheld 
him  in  that  wise,  they  thought  he  was  angry,  and  falling  on 
their  knees,  they  begged  his  pardon  if  they  had  acted  imprudent- 
ly in  causing  the  bell  to  be  rung  so  soon.  C.  C.  seeing  their 
humility  and  their  dread  of  him,  told  them  to  fear  not,  and  that 
he  was  not  angry  with  them.  And  they  asked  him  where  he  had 
been  during  his  absence  from  them.  C.  C.  answering  said :  *  Holy 
Cainnech  and  I  were',  says  he,  'striving  against  the  demons  aloft 
in  the  heavens,  in  order  to  rescue  from  them  Bishop  Eoghan,  his 
confessor,  whom  they  had  been  torturing  for  a  long  time,  and  I 
could  not  refrain  from  attending  None,  when  I  heard  the  sound 
of  the  bell.  And  I  felt  angry  towards  you  for  having  it  rung 
so  soon,  not  being  allowed  to  remain  to  rescue  the  soul  from 
the  demons.  However,  lest  I  should  be  angry  with  you,  an 
angel  of  God  overtook  me,  as  I  was  coming  towards  you,  and 
announced  to  me  that  God  had  saved  the  aforesaid  soul  in  my 
honour  as  I  could  not  remain  to  rescue  it,  having  had  to  attend 
the  canonical  hours,  at  the  voice  of  the  bell.'  And  thereby  God's 
name  and  C.  C.'s  were  magnified. 


24G  ANDREW    KELLEHER, 

221.9  Do  bi  duine  airidhe  a  iiDisert  Garuidh  a  tuaiscert 
Osruidhe  a  nEriud  .i.  Longarad  a  aium,  7  fa  sai  in  gacli  n-elai- 
dhuin  é  7  do  scribiid  se  morán  de  lebraib ;  7  do  chuaidh  C.  C. 
da  indsuige  d'iarruidli  coda  do  na  leabruib  sin  air,  7  do  foluid 
se  na  lebhair  ar  C. C.  'Is  ced  lium-sa',  ar  Colam  Cille,  'ma  'sa 
died  le  Dia  e  gan  do  leabuir  do  diil  a  foghnamli  do  nech  eili 
tar  héis  fen  go  brath'.  'Dober-sa  na  leabliuir  duid-se',  ar 
Longarudh,  '7  na  hescain  me  fein  na  na  lebuir  ni  as  mó'.  'Ni 
dingen  escaine  ort[s]a',  ar  Colam  Cille,  '7  gidedli  an  escaine 
dorindes  ar  na  lebruib,  ni  heidir  a  cur  ar  ais'.  Beris  C.  C.  na 
leabuir  les  iar  sin,  7  ar  dául  a  nAlbuin  do  rue  na  lebair  les,  7 
do  bi  do  chin  ar  na  leabríí?&  sin  aicce,  nach  taebudh  se  a  coimhéd 
re  duine  ar  bith  acht  ris  fen.  Ocus  an  uair  nach  bidh  se  ag 
leghoirecht  indta,  do  cuired  se  a  n-airde  'n-a  sella  fen  iad  os 
cind  na  leptha  a  ndenadh  se  an  meid  codulta  donidh  se.  Et 
uair  airidhe  do  bi  se  'sa  sella  sin  ag  radh  a  trath  7  ag  denamh 
a  duthrachta  do  Dia,  7  nech  airidhe  da  mhanchuib  fen  darub 
ainm  Baithin  mailli  ris,  do  tuitetar  na  leabhuir  adubhrumar 
romhaind  don  ealchuing  ar  a  rabhutur  7  doronatur  torand  romhór 
ag  tuitim  doib.  'Truagh  sin',  ar  C.  C,  'oir  fuair  an  ti  oc  á  rabutar 
na  lebhair  úd  bas  san  uair-si  fen  .i.  Longarudh  7  ag  a  cained  7 
a  comartha  a  bais,  do  tuitetar  na  lebhuir  anos,  7  doronutar  an 
torand  ainmesardha  úd';  7  dorinde  na  roind-se: 

Is  marb  Lon        do  chill  Gharudh,  mor  and  on; 
d'Erind  co  n-ilur  a  trebh        as  dith  leghind  7  scol. 

Atbath  Lon        do  cill  Garudh,  ro  gab  don, 

is  dith  léighind  7  scol        d'inis  Eirind  dar  a  hor. 

Et  Ó  an  uair  sin  a  fuair  Longarudh  fen  bas,  ni  fedadh  euduine 
'sa  bith  enfocul  do  legadh  isna  lebruibh  sin  ó  sin  amach  tresan 
escuine  adubramar  rómaind  dorinde  C.  C.  orra,  an  uair  do  folaigh 
Longarudh  air  lad;  7  ni  dechaid  claechlódh  no  sal  no  dorchudas 
ar  bith  ar  a  litrib,  7  do  mhairetar  na  leabair  sin  aimser  foda 
a  nhi  a  ndiaidh  C.  C.  ar  an  cor  sin.  C'onadh  amlaidh  sin  do 
firadh  Dia  gach  ni  da  n-abradh  C.  C. 


')   See  Fél.^  p.  198. 


BETHA    COLUIMB    CHILLE.  247 

221.  A  certain  man  named  Longarad  lived  in  the  Hermitage 
of  Garad,  to  the  North  of  Ossorv,  in  Ireland.  He  was  skilled  in 
all  the  arts,  and  wrote  many  books.  C.  C.  went  to  him  for 
some  of  those  books,  and  he  hid  them  fi^om  him.  "I  will  it,  if 
God  wills  it',  says  C.  C,  'that  your  books  be  of  no  more  avail 
for  ever  to  anyone  after  your  death'.  'I  shall  give  them  to  you', 
says  Longarad,  'and  curse  not  me  and  my  books  any  more'. 
'  I  shall  not  curse  thee ',  says  C.  C,  '  but  the  curse  on  the  books 
cannot  be  revoked '.  C.  C.  took  the  books  with  him ;  and  such 
was  his  affection  for  them,  that  he  would  not  entrust  them  to 
anybody  else's  keeping  but  his  own.  And  when  he  was  not 
studj'ing  them,  he  used  to  put  them  in  his  own  cell,  over  the 
bed  in  which  he  slept  the  little  sleep  he  allowed  himself.  On 
a  certain  occasion,  when  he  was  saying  his  office  and  praying 
in  his  cell,  along  with  a  certain  monk  named  Baithin,  the  afore- 
said books  fell  from  their  shelf,  thereby  causing  a  very  great 
noise.  'Alas!'  saj'S  C.  C,  'the  former  owner  of  those  books  has 
just  died,  to  wit,  Longarad,  and  by  their  falling  and  the  great 
noise  caused  thereby  they  are  lamenting  and  announcing  his 
death.'    And  he  composed  these  stanzas: 


Dead  is  Lon  of  Kilgarrow,  0  great  hurt! 

To  Ireland  of  many  tribes        it  is  ruin  of  study  and  of  schools, 

Lon  of  Kilgarrow  has  died.  .  .  . 

To  Ireland  over  her  border        it  is  ruin  of  study  and  of 

[schools. 

And  ever  since  Longarad's  death,  nobody  in  the  world  could 
read  a  word  of  those  books,  because  of  the  aforesaid  curse  of 
C.  C.  on  them,  when  Longarad  hid  them  from  him.  And  the 
letters  have  suffered  no  change  or  defilement  or  blur.  And  thus 
those  books  remained  in  lona  for  a  long  time  after  the  death 
of  C.  C.    Thus  it  is  that  God  made  true  all  the  sayings  of  C.  C. 


248  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

222.  Fechtus  dochiiatar  ceithri  mic  Luig[d]ech  Laimdlieirc 
do  seilg-  7  d'fiadlmch  .i.  Crimthand  7  Cairbre  7  Gael  7  Ferudhuch, 
CO  tue  Cairbre  urchur  sleighe  docum  an  fiadba,  co  tarla  tre  Chael, 
gur  rnarb  acedóir  é.  Agus  do  bi  Crimthand  ag  iarruidh  érca  ar 
Cairbre  'san  gnimh  sin,  7  tarla  imresain  etorra  fa  an  éruic  sin 
7  fa  oighrecM  Chaeil;  7  nir  fed  Ri  Erend  no  naim  Erend  a  sidhu- 
gadh  (fol.  29a)  no  cor  cuiredar  d'fiaclmib  orra  dul  C!<5an  uasulatliair 
7  CO  primfaidh  nimlie  7  talman  .i.  co  Colum  C,  do  bi  an  uair  sin 
'san  inadh  airithe  re  n-abarthm  hi,  a  rigacht  Albun;  0  ass  e 
dogebai?/i  a  fis  0  Dia  gach  ni  budh  ferr  indenta  etorra.  Do 
gluaisetar  eland  Luighdech  Laimdherg  do  dul  a  n Albain;  7  assedh 
ba  lin  doib  .i.  cethrar  ar  xx  re  gaisced  7  cethrur  ban  .i.  mna 
na  desi  sin  oXamdi  Luighdech  Laimdeirc,  7  a  da  cuma?  coimidechta, 
7  ochtar  amhító  do  bidh  ag  bruith  a  selga  7  a  fiad«.  Et  fós  do 
bidh  ag  iascairecht  doib  an  fad  do  beidis  ar  muir  ag  dul  7  ag 
techt.  Do  foillsiged  an  ni  sin  do  C.  C,  7  do  labair  re  nech 
naemtha  do  bi  fáris  an  uair  sin  darbh  ainm  Baithin,  7  assed 
adubaiVt  ris:  'Atáid  aidhedha  uaisli  d'feruib  Erend  cugaind  anocht', 
ar  se,  .i,  ^clann  Luigdech  Lainihdeirg,  7  dentar  tene  fa  n-a  comhair 
a  tigh  na  n-aidhedh.    Co wadh  and  aspert  an  rand-sa^): 


'Miihigh  tene  a  tech  n-aidhedh,        do  gab  teimhel  treb  taidhen, 
is  na  trégim  na  damha        ar  roimhéd  gradha  Gaidhel. 

Oir  ni  thigedh  aidhedha  da  indsaighe  nach  indesidh  sesean  da 
mhanchaib  go  mbidis  cuca  sul  do  ticdis  don  baile,  7  do  bi  an 
uiret  sin  do  coimhed  ag  Dia  ar  feli  7  ar  nairi  C.  C.  nach  lecedh 
se  aidhedha  na  cend  gan  fis  do  fen,  d'ecla  co  mbeith  naire  air 
da  mbeith  se  aindis  ar  a  cind.  Do  cuiredh  se  a  aingel  fen  le 
sceluib  cuice  remhe  na  haidhedhaib.  Do  firudh  an  ta.iäetorucht 
sin  C.  C.  leith  re  doind  Luigdhech  Laimhdeirg;  oir  rancatar 
cuige  an  oidce  sin,  7  do  bi  se  go  roluthgairech  rompa,  7  do 
reidigh  se  etorra,  7  tue  righe  do  Cairbri  acht  gér  b'óige  é  ina 
Crimthann,   7   gidh  é  do  rinde  an  marbadh;  ó  nach  da  deoin 


1)  See  RC  XX,  p.  140. 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  249 

222.  Once  upon  a  time,  the  four  sons  of  Lughaidli  Eed-band, 
to  wit,  Crimthann,  Cairbre,  Gael  and  Feradhach  went  a-hunting. 
Cairbre  cast  a  spear  at  tlie  deer,  and  it  happened  to  hit  Gael, 
causing  him  instantaneous  death  •).  Grimthann  sued  Gairbre  for 
compensation  for  that  deed.  And  thej'  quarrelled  over  the  com- 
pensation as  well  as  over  the  inheritance  of  Gael.  The  King 
of  Ireland  and  her  holy  men  having  failed  to  settle  matters, 
prevailed  on  them  to  visit  the  patriarch  and  chief  prophet  of 
heaven  and  earth,  to  wit  Golum  Cille,  who  was  then  in  a  certain 
place,  called  lona,  in  the  kingdom  of  Scotland;  since  it  was  to 
him  God  made  known  the  best  way  of  settling  their  dispute. 
The  children  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  set  out  for  Scotland.  And 
their  party  consisted  of  twenty-four  warriors  and  four  women, 
to  wit,  the  wives  of  the  two  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  and 
their  two  waiting-maids,  and  eight  mercenaries  who  cooked  the 
game  and  the  deer  (they  caught).  While  they  were  at  sea,  both 
going  and  coming,  they  also  fished.  Golum  Gille  foresaw  their 
approach,  and  addressing  a  holy  person  named  Baithin,  then  in 
his  company,  said:  'Noble  guests  of  Irish  blood  are  visiting  us 
to-night',  says  he,  'to  wit,  the  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg,  and 
let  a  fire  be  lit  for  them  in  the  guest-house'.  He  then  composed 
this  quatrain: 

It  is  time  (to  put)  a  fire  in  the  guest-house,       darkness  has  come 

[into  the  abode  of  companies. 

Let  us  not  neglect  the  guests,        because  of  our  great  love  of 

[the  Gaels. 

For  he  was  wont  to  tell  his  monks  of  the  approach  of  guests 
before  their  arrival.  And  G.  G.'s  hospitality  and  sense  of  shame 
were  safeguarded  to  such  an  extent  by  God,  that  He  did  not  let 
guests  visit  him  unawares,  lest  he  should  be  filled  with  shame  if 
they  found  him  unprepared.  And  so  He  was  wont  to  send  his 
own  angel  beforehand  with  news  of  their  coming.  G.  G.'s  prophecy 
with  regard  to  the  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  came  true;  for 
they  arrived  that  night,  and  G.  G.  welcoming  them  with  great 
joy,  settled  their  dispute.  And  to  Gairbre  though  younger  than 
Crimthann,  he  gave  the  kingship;  since  the  mui^der  committed 


1)  See  RC  XX,  p.  140  'and  Coirbre  killed  Cael  as  he  was  straying  in 
the  shape  of  the  deer',  i.  e.  Coirpre  mistook  him  for  the  deer. 


250  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

dorinde  se  é,  7  ar  méd  a  aitlir/p/ie  and  7  ar  febhus  a  hethadh 
7  a  gimnlmrthadh  secli  Crimthand  coniúce  sin,  7  tue  tanuistecht 
do  Crimtliand;  7  do  léic  reidh  da  tigh  iad  Simlaid  sin.  Gonadh 
and  asspert  an  rand-sa  .i.: 

Righe  duid,  a  Cairpri  cain,      7  dot  sil  ad  degaidh; 

gan  toigecht  adriid  's  do  rath,      a  Cairpri  móir  m/c  Luigdech  1). 


Et  fos  conadh  and  aspert-samh  an  rand-sa  eli: 

Feith?,^,  a  Christ,  an  muir  mall        do  Cairbre  7  do  Crimthand; 
go   roissidh   slán  ceill  gan  meirg        dia  tir  mac  Luigdech 

[Láimhdheirg. 

Et  as  demhin  an  ni  nach  fédadh  Ei  Erend  no  naeimh  Erind  do 
réitech,  corub  docum  C.  C.  do  chuirdis  a  réitech  go  hí,  amhail 
derbhus  an  scel-sa  7  moran  do  sceluib  eli  mar  foillseochus  an 
betha  a  n-inadh  eli  remaind  sisana. 

223.  Fechius  do  cuir  an  nech  naemtha  .i.  Findia  niöc  Ua 
Fiathruch  manach  da  coimthinol  fen  re  gnoaighib  'n-a  aenar  gan 
compánuch  les,  7  tarla  ben  do  ar  in  sligidh,  7  do  cuaidh  si  da 
giiidhe,  7  ni  raibe  sesiun  ga  gabhail  sin  uaithe,  7  do  chuir  si 
lamh  and  fa  deredh  no  gorb  ecen  do  a  comhairli  do  denamh,  7 
do  lin  tuirrse  7  aithrechi(5  é  iar  sin  fa'n  pecadh  sin  do  denumh; 
7  ar  filledh  tar  a  aiss  do  mar  a  raibe  Findia,  tue  se  a  culpa  do 
7  tue  Findia  espo?óid  dó-san,  7  adubairt  nach  raibhe  pudhar  and 
sin  7  corub  mór  do  dainibh  maithe  do  mell  an  t-aidhberseóir 
remhe  sin  7  gor  gab  Dia  aithrighe  uatha  7  go  ngebudh  uadha- 
san  mar  an  cedna;  7  ar  n-erghe  don  manuch  ó  Findia,  tainec 
an  t-aibirseóir  a  ndeilb  duine  cuice  7  do  fadóigh  se  teine  pecaidh 
an  midóchais  and,  7  adubairt  se  ris  narb  ferrde  do  an  espoíóid 
sin  tucc  Findia  do,  7  gur  bee  an  bieth  aithr/^Ae  do  cuir  se  air, 
7  adubairt  ris  dul  mar  a  raibe  Comhghall  Bendchair  7  a  culpa 
do  tabairt  7  breath  aithrighi  do  gabail  uadha.  Téid  an  manuch 
mTomh  mar  a  raibe  Comgall   7   tue   a   culpa  do;   7  ass  i  breth 


0   I.  c,  p.  142: 

Cen  tudecht  etnit  rorath        cliiit,  a  Choirpre  meic  Lugdach. 
Stokes  translates  'without  quarrelling,  great  grace  (?),  to  thee  0  Coirbre  son 
of  Lugaid'. 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE,  251 

by  him  and  for  which  he  had  done  great  penance  was  not  wilful, 
and  since  he  had  heretofore  led  a  better  life  and  had  done  better 
deeds  than  Crimthann.  But  to  Crimthann  he  gave  the  tanistry; 
and  thus  he  sent  them  home.    Then  C.  C.  composed  this  quatrain: 

Kingship  to  thee,  0  gentle  Cairbre,       and  to  thy  seed  after  thee, 
without  (anything)  coming  between  thee  and  thy  grace,    0  great 

[Cairbre,  son  of  Lughaidh! 

He  also  composed  this  other  quatrain: 

Calm,  0  Christ,  the  tedious  sea       for  Cairbre  and  for  Crimthann ; 
That  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg's  son,  without  harm,       may  reach 

[their  home  safe  and  sane^)! 

And  it  is  clear  that  whatever  could  not  be  settled  by  the  King 
of  Ireland  or  her  hoi}'  men  used  to  be  referred  to  C.  C.  in  lona 
for  settlement;  as  the  above  story  proves  and  many  others,  as 
will  appear  from  the  following  Life. 

223.  Once  upon  a  time,  a  holy  person,  to  wit,  Findia  mac 
ui  Fiathrach,  sent  one  of  his  monks  on  business,  all  alone  and 
unattended.  He  met  a  woman  on  the  wa}-.  She  solicited  him. 
He  refused  to  go  with  her.  At  last  taking  hold  of  him,  she 
forced  him  to  do  her  will.  Thereafter  he  was  filled  with  grief 
and  sorrow  for  his  sin,  and  on  returning  home  to  Findia,  confessed 
it  to  him.  And  Findia,  having  absolved  him,  said  it  could  not  be 
helped,  and  that  many  a  good  man  had  been  previously  deceived 
by  the  devil,  whose  repentance  God  had  accepted,  and  that  He 
would  accept  his  in  like  manner.  When  the  monk  left  Findia, 
the  devil  appeared  to  him  in  the  guise  of  a  man  and  enkindled 
within  him  the  sin  of  despair  saying  that  he  was  no  better  for 
Findia's  absolution,  and  that  the  penance  imposed  on  him  was 
too  small.  And  he  told  him  to  go  to  Comhghall  of  Bangor  and 
confess  his  crime  to  him  and  accept  his  penance.  Thereafter  the 
monk  goes  to  Comhghall  and  confessed  his  sin  to  him.  And 
Comhghall  gave  him  the  same  penance  as  Findia  had  previously 


^)  See  RC,  XX,  p.  143.    Stokes  translates  'that  they  may  come  sane, 
without  ill-will,  from  the  land  of  Lugaid  Redhaud's  sous'. 


252  ANDREW   KELLEHER, 

aithrig-lie  do  cuir  Comgall  air  .i.  an  bretli  do  cliuir  Findia  reme 
sill  air,  7  adubairt  ris  mar  in  cedna  aithrighe  do  denamh  in  a 
pechaf?7i  7  co  mbeith  Dia  reidli  ris.  Et  ar  fagbail  Comgaill  don 
nianach,  tarla  an  t-aibirseoir  'sa  deilb  cedna  dó,  7  do  labuir  ris 
7  as  edh  adiibairt  gan  creidemli  do  enni  da  ndubairt  Comghall 
ris  7  gur  ro-mlio  a  pecudli  ina  in  breth  aithrighe  do  cuir  sé 
air,  7  adubairt  se  ris  diu  mar  a  raibe  C.  C.  7  breth  aitlirighi  do 
gabhail  uadlia.  Teid  an  manuell  mar  a  raibe  C.  C,  7  mar  dob'ail 
las  a  culpa  do  tabairt  do,  do  foillsigh  C.  C.  fen  dosan  gach  ni 
dar  imtliigh  air  ó  thus  co  deredh;  7  do  adaimh  an  manuch  corb 
fir  do  C.  C.  sin.  'Go  mbendaighe  Dia  thú',  ar  Colam  Cille,  'as 
mór  an  buaidrerf/í  7  an  merughadh  sin  do  cuir  an  diabul  fúd. 
Nar  tuicc  tu  gur  lor  duit  med  na  nibreth  aithrighe  do  chuir 
{fol.  29h)  Findia  7  Comgall  ort,  7  bidh  a  fis  agad',  ar  se,  'da 
ndernta  i^ecuidhe  fer  ndomhain  nach  fuil  breth  -dithrighi  da  laghad 
do  cnirtedh  an  sagart  da  tiubartha  do  culpa  ort  7  a  hie,  nac 
fuil  tu  reidh  re  Dia  at  pecadh  acht  co  raibhe  aithrighe  agad; 
7  is  dod  chur  ar  sechrán  7  ar  merughadh  do  cuir  an  t-aiberseóir 
a  midochas  tu,  7  do  cuir  se  a  ceill  duid  cor  becc  na  bretha 
aithrighi  do  cuir  Findia  7  Comhghall  ort,  indus  da  faghad  se  ar 
an  sechran  creidimh  sin  tliu,  go  tiubradh  se  bas  duid  7  go  mberudh 
se  hanum  a  pianuib  siraidhe  sutha^we  itrend;  7  bidh  a  fis  agad 
nach  fuil  pecadh  ris  nach  co  mór  an  midochus^),  7  da  derbhudh 
sin  as  mó  do  pecaidh  lúdas  in  a  midochas  ina  a  mbrath  an 
Tigerna;  7  ó  do  chuaid  tussa  a  midochus,  7  ó  do  creid  ti'i  on 
diabul  nar  maithedh  do  pecudh  duid  ar  son  laghad  na  mbreth 
aithrighi  do  cuiretar  na  nainih  sin  ort,  cuirimse  cúig  bliadhna 
dec  ar  aran  7  ar  uisce  ort,  indus  corub  móide  creidfes  tu  co 
maithfe  Dia  do  pecadh  duit,  an  breth  aithrighi  mor  sin  do  chur 
fort.  Do  bendaigh  7  do  coisric  C.  C.  an  manuch  iar  sin;  7  ni 
raibe  ar  breith  don  diabul  an  pecadh  sin  an  midóchais  do  cur 
fai  0  sin  amach  tres  an  mbendughadh  sin  C.  C.  Et  is  follas 
duind  as  so,  nac  edh  amhain  do  claidhedh  C.  C.  na  diabuil  a  leith 
ris  fen  acht  co  claidedh  se  a  leith  ris  na  dainib  eli  iad.  Et  fos 
as  follus  duind  ass  na  neithe  nach  fedaeis  naeim  iarthair  domhain 
do  soirbhiughadh,  corub  cuice  do  cuiredh  Dia  a  soirbiughadh  7 
a  réitech. 


')   Leg.  nach  fuil  pecadh  co  mor  ris  an  midochus. 


BETHA   COLÜIMB  CHILLE.  253 

given  him,  and  likewise  told  him  to  repent  of  his  sin  and  that 
God  would  pardon  him.  The  monk  on  leaving  Comhghall  met 
the  devil  in  the  same  guise,  who  addressing  him,  said  to  take 
no  notice  of  what  Comhghall  had  told  him,  and  that  his  sin  was 
much  greater  than  the  penance  that  had  been  imposed  on  him. 
And  he  told  him  to  go  to  C.  C.  and  accept  penance  from  him. 
The  monk  goes  to  C.  C,  and  as  he  would  fain  confess  his  sin  to 
him,  C.  C.  himself  revealed  to  him  all  that  had  happened  to  him 
from  the  outset.  And  the  monk  admitted  the  truth.  'God  bless 
you',  says  C.  C,  'the  devil  has  caused  you  much  worry  and 
confusion.  Did  you  not  understand  that  the  penance  imposed  on 
you  by  Findia  and  Comhghall  was  enough?  And  bear  in  mind', 
says  he,  'that  even  if  you  were  guilty  of  the  sins  of  the  men  of 
the  world  (no  matter  how  small  might  be  the  penance  your 
confessor  might  impose  on  you  to  be  performed),  that  j'ou  are 
all  right  in  the  eyes  of  God,  if  you  are  truly  sorry  for  your  sin. 
And  it  is  to  lead  you  astray  and  to  confuse  you  that  the  devil 
has  brought  you  to  despair,  and  he  impressed  on  you  that  the 
penance  imposed  on  you  by  Findia  and  Comhghal  was  insignificant, 
so  that  having  led  you  to  despair,  he  would  kill  you  and  bear 
your  soul  to  the  everlasting  pains  of  Hell.  And  be  it  known  to 
you  that  there  is  no  sin  as  great  as  the  sin  of  despair.  In  proof 
whereof  Judas  sinned  more  by  despair  than  by  his  betrayal  of 
the  Lord.  And  since  you  have  given  way  to  despair  and  have 
taken  the  devil's  word  that  your  sin  was  not  forgiven  you,  on 
account  of  the  small  penance  imposed  on  you  by  those  saints, 
I  put  you  on  bread  and  water  for  fifteen  years,  so  that  on  account 
of  that  great  penance  you  may  the  more  believe  that  God  will 
pardon  you  your  sin'.  Thereafter  C.  C.  gave  him  his  blessing 
and  benediction,  and  henceforward  the  devil  could  not  tempt 
him  to  despair,  because  of  C.  C.'s  blessing.  Hence  it  is  clear  to 
us  that  not  only  was  C.  C.  wont  to  defeat  the  devils  in  regard 
to  himself,  but  also  as  regards  others.  And  moreover,  it  is  clear 
to  us,  that  whatever  the  saints  of  the  Western  world  found 
impossible  to  settle  used  to  be  referred  by  God  to  C.  C.  for 
settlement  and  arrangement. 


254  ANDREW  KELLEHER. 

224.  Fechtus  do  C.  C.  a  nhl,  7  do  cliuir  an  t-aidbirseoir  fa 
mnai  airidhe  'sa  popiil  sin  grad  ro-mor  do  tabairt  do,  da  fechain 
an  tidedh  trithe  a  tarraing-  dociim  pecaidh  do  denamh  ria;  0  nar 
fed  se  fen  a  clai  no  a,  nilielladh  no  buaidli  do  breitli  air  lé  a 
cuirfef//i  se  docum  pecaidh  bice  no  moir  do  denamh  riamh  é  do 
taeb  a  co?Vp  fen;  7  do  cuaidh  an  gradh  tue  an  ben  sin  do  tar 
modh  aice,  indus  gorb  ferr  lé  bas  d'fagail  iná  gan  techt  d'foill- 
siughadh  an  gradha  sin  do  C.  C,  da  fis  an  fuigedh  si  nadha  a 
toil  do  coiniliuadh  leith  re  peacadh  do  denamh  ria.  Agus  do 
gluais  si  mar  a  raibhe  se  do  chur  a  hindtinde  a  ceill  do.  Ar 
n-a  faicsin  sin  d'fir  gradiiigthe  na  genmnaidechta,  7  d'iir  claite 
na  n-aibirseoradh,  7  d'fir  congbala  aithnidhedh  De  co  laidir  n-a 
sesamh,  7  d'fir  scrisda  na  n-uile  locht  ass  fen  7  as  each,  do  aithin 
se  an  t-adbhur  fa  ndechaidh  an  ben  sin  n-a  fladnaise  sul  do  indes 
si  fen  scela  do.  Agus  do  labuir  C.  C.  ria  7  assedh  adubairt:  'A 
ben',  ar  se,  'smuaintigh  ar  breithemhnus  bratha  7  smuaintigh 
gorub  0  marbuib  tainic  tu  7  co  mbia  tu  ar  na  marbuib';  7  do 
benduigh  7  do  coisrie  se  uadha  i  iar  sin  indus  co  tainic  do  bridh 
an  bendaigthe  sin  C.  C,  gach  uile  ainmian  da  raibe  timehell  a 
gradha  aice  do  dul  ar  cul  úaithe,  7  a  gradh  d'fuirech  'n-a  inadh 
fen  aice  air  d'estect  breithre  De  7  senmóra  uadha  7  do  gabail 
creidmhe  7  crabuidh  uadh;  indus  eo  raibe  an  ben  sin  'n-a  mnai 
naemtha  fa  deoigh;  cor  morudh  ainm  De  7  C.  C.  de  sin. 

225.  Do  bi  neeh  naemtha  áirithe  a  n-Erind  darbh  ainm 
Finden,  7  do  bi  clu  crabuidh  7  genmnaidhechta  air,  7  do  coimhéd 
se  gloine  7  oghacht  a  coirp  gan  melludh  do  breith  don  diabal 
air,  7  do  foglaim  se  eena  7  eolas  as  a  óige;  7  do  smuain  se  in 
a  menmain  fen  C.  C.  do  lenmain  a  nAlpain,  7  do  batar  a  braithri 
7  a  cairde  colluidhe  ga  toirmese  sin  uime.  Et  teid  co  nech  glic 
Sivsaid  dobo  brathair  do  fen  do  bi  n-a  clerech  ro-maith  darb  ainm 
Colman  7  1)  do  denamh  eomairli  ris,  7  do  foillsigh  se  do  an  triall 
do  bi  fai.  Is  andsin  adubairt  Colman  ris:  'Bidh  a  lis  agad,  a 
Findein,  ma's  ferrde  le  C.  C.  fen  tu  da  lenmhain,  nach  eidir  a 
toirmese  umad;  7  aderim-si  red  braithnö  gan  a  bachudh  dit  a 
lenmhuin,  oir  nir  cuir  a  dóchus  ann  riamh  7  ni  raibe  gradh 
dariribh  ag  en  duine  air  nach  tiubradh  Dia  grasa  don  duine  ar 
a  son';   7  ar  an  pongc  sin  fen  do  gair  Finden  ainm  C.  C.  mailli 


*)    Sic  MS.  Leave  out. 


BETHA   COLUIMB   CHILLE.  Í255 

224.  Once  upon  a  time,  when  C.  C.  was  at  loria,  the  devil 
incited  a  certain  woman  of  the  congregation  to  love  him  in- 
ordinately to  see  if  she  would  succeed  in  getting-  him  to  sin 
with  her;  since  he  himself  could  not  overcome  or  deceive  him  or 
ever  prevail  on  him  to  commit  sin.  great  or  small,  as  regards 
his  own  person.  The  woman's  love  became  uurestrainable,  so 
that  she  preferred  death  rather  than  abstain  from  coming  to 
show  her  love  for  him.  in  order  to  get  him  to  fulfil  her  desire 
and  sin  with  her.  She  set  out  to  him  to  declare  her  mind  to 
him.  When  this  was  seen  by  the  lover  of  chastity,  and  the 
subduer  of  the  demons,  and  the  strong  upholder  of  the  command- 
ments of  God,  and  the  destroyer  of  all  vices  in  himself  and  in 
others,  he  understood  her  motive  in  coming  before  ever  she 
spoke.  And  C.  C.  addressing  her  said:  'Woman',  says  he,  'call 
to  mind  the  Last  Judgment  and  thy  origin  from  death  and  thy 
end  in  death'.  And  thereafter  he  gave  her  his  blessing  and 
benediction  from  a  distance.  As  a  result  of  that  blessing  all 
her  inordinate  desires  ceased,  and  her  love  for  him  resided  in 
its  proper  place,  on  hearing  the  word  and  speech  of  God  from 
his  lips,  and  on  his  instilling  into  her  faith  and  piety;  so  that 
at  last  she  became  a  holy  woman. 


225.  There  lived  in  Ireland  a  holy  person  named  Finnian, 
who  was  noted  for  his  piety  and  chastitj-.  He  preserved  his 
purity  and  chastity  in  spite  of  the  wily  attacks  of  the  Evil-one, 
and  from  his  youth  he  advanced  in  wisdom  and  knowledge.  He 
bethought  himself  to  follow  C. C.  to  Scotland;  and  his  relatives 
and  ftiends  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  that  idea.  He  sets  out 
to  a  wise  old  relative  of  his  and  a  very  good  cleric  to  boot 
named  Colman,  to  get  his  advice.  He  laid  his  plans  before  him. 
Then  Colman  said  to  him:  'Be  it  known  to  you,  0  Finnian,  that 
if  C.  C.  himself  prefers  you  to  follow  him,  no  obstacle  can  be 
placed  in  your  way,  and  I  forbid  your  relatives  to  oppose  your 
following  him;  for  all  who  ever  trusted  in  him  and  sincerely 
loved  him,  obtained  grace  fi-om  God  for  his  sake.'  And  there 
and  then,  Finnian  invoking  the  name  of  C.  C.  witli  great  affection 


256  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

ré  duthracht  mór  7  re  gradli,  7  do  íarr  se  air  grasa  d'fagail  0 
Día  dó  in  a  onóir  fen;  7  nir  mor  cor  áesAaigh  deiredli  an  anma 
sin  ren  a  bei  anuair  fuair  se  spirad  fáidlietoraclita  0  Dia.  Et 
ar  cluinsin  gach  comraidh  da  ndearna  Col  {fol  30  a)  man  7  Finden 
do  macamh  óg  do  bi  do  látliair  and  sin  darb  ainm  Irial,  do  gair 
se  ainm  C.  C.  7  do  iarr  air  grassa  d'faghail  do  fen  0  Dia  mar 
an  cedna.  Is  andsin  do  labhuir  Finden  tre  spirad  faidhetorachta 
7  assedh  adubairt:  'An  tenga  sin,  a  Iriail,  ler  goiris  an  t-ainm 
benduightlie  naemtlia  sin  .i.  C,  C,  biaidh  si  fen  bendaiglite  naemtha 
Ó  so  amacli,  7  biaidh  bias  7  grasa  ag  each  ar  gach  enni  da 
laibeora  si  coidhce  aris;  7  gen  co  fuil  ein  ag  each  anoiss  ort, 
biaidh  ein  mór  aris  acu  ort  sa  coimhtinol-sa  in  a  bfuil  tufen 
anoss  ac  siludh  7  ag  senmoir  breithre  De  doibh'.  Et  do  indis 
Irial  gach  ni  da  ndubramar  andso  d'ab  naemta  airithe  darb 
ainm  Segenns,  7  do  indis  an  t-ab  sin  d'Adhamhnan  iad.  Et  ata 
Adhamnan  naemta  ga  mebrughadh  cor  foillsigh  Dia  moran  eli 
tre  spirad  faidhetorachta,  ar  furailemh  C.  C,  don  Finden-sa  adu- 
bramar  romhaind,  7  go  hairidhe  cor  foillsigh  se  do  mar  do  reid- 
hechadh  se  an  imresain  do  bi  itir  na  naemaib  fa  fésda  na  case 
a  fiadhnaise  Ciarain.  Et  as  follus  dúind  ass  so  gebe  len  a  b'ail 
gradh  do  bheith  aige  ar  C.  C.  no  cengal  do  beith  aige  ris,  go 
tiubra  Dia  grassa  do  amail  tucc  se  do  na  naemaib-se  adubramar 
romhaind  .i.  do  Finden  7  do  írial. 

226. 0  Fechtus  eli  do  Colum  Cille  a  nhí,  7  do  togaib  a 
rusca  suas  docum  nimhe  7  adubairt  na  briathra-sa:  'As  bendaigthe 
conáich  an  ben  'sa  hanam  ataid  aingli  De  do  breith  leo  docum  na 
cathrach  nemdha  anois'.  Agus  do  bi  duine  cröibtech  airithe  do 
lathair  and  sin  ag  estecht  ris  an  comhradh  sin  C.  C.  darb  ainm 
Generifebus -),  7  ass  e  do  bidh  os  cind  baciiis  ag  na  manchaibh, 
7  tue  a  aire  gu  ger  don  comhradh  sin  7  do  coimheid  go  descreidech 
in  a  menmain  e.  Et  do  léicetar  sin  tarrsa  go  cend  mbliadna  on  la 
sin.  Is  andsin  adubairt  C.  C.  ris  an  nech  cedna  sin  do  raidhsemar 
romhaind:  'Ag  siud  anum  na  mna  dar  labrus  at  fladhnuisi  bliadain 
cus  an  la  aniugh',  ar  se,  'ag  tabairt  aircissi  ar  anam  a  fir  posda 
fen,  7  ata  si  ag  tabairt  cobrach  do  a  n-agaid  na  ndrochspirad 
ata  ga  pianadh,   7   ag  cuidiughadh  le  hainglib  De  a  anum  do 


1)   Taken  literally  from  Adamnan.    See  Reeves'  edition,  pp  208 — 209. 
^)    Genereus  in  Adamnan. 


BETHA   COLUIMB   CHILLE.  257 

and  love,  asked  him  to  obtain  the  grace  of  God  for  him  in  his 
honour.  And  that  name  had  scarcely  passed  his  lips,  when  the 
spirit  of  prophec3'  took  possession  of  him.  And  a  youth  who  was 
present  named  Irial,  having  heard  this  conversation  between 
Colman  and  Finnian,  invoked  the  name  of  C.  C.  and  asked  him 
to  obtain  the  grace  of  God  for  him  in  like  manner.  Then  Finnian 
prophetically  said:  'That  tongue,  0  Irial,  wherewith  thou  hast 
invoked  that  blessed  holy  name,  to  wit,  C.  C,  shall  be  blessed 
and  hoi}'  henceforward,  and  there  ^vi\\  be  delight  and  grace  with 
all  in  everything  it  shall  utter  for  evermore.  And  though  thou 
art  not  regarded  by  all  with  affection  now,  thou  wilt  one  day 
be  greatly  loved  by  the  community  in  which  thou  art  now,  when 
thou  sowest  and  preachest  the  word  of  God  among  them.'  Irial 
told  a  holy  abbot  named  Segenus  concerning  everything  we  have 
said  here;  and  he  in  turn  informed  Adamnan  concerning  them. 
And  holy  Adamnan  relates  that  God,  at  the  prayer  of  C.  C,  pro- 
phetically revealed  many  other  things  to  the  aforesaid  Finnian, 
and  especially  that  the  latter  would  settle  the  controversy  among 
the  holy  men  regarding  the  Easter  Festival,  in  the  presence  of 
Ciaran.  Hence  it  is  clear  to  us,  that  whosoever  would  fain  love 
C.  C.  or  join  him,  would  receive  the  grace  of  God,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  aforesaid  saints,  to  wit,  Finnian  and  Irial. 


226.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  gazing  towards 
heaven  said:  'Blessed  and  lucky  is  the  woman  whose  soul  the 
angels  of  God  are  now  bearing  to  the  heavenly  city.'  A  certain 
holy  man,  named  Generifebus,  who  was  present  at  the  time,  heard 
that  remark  of  C.  C.  It  was  he  who  superintended  the  bakery 
of  the  monastery.  He  paid  close  attention  to  C.  C.'s  remark,  and 
kept  all  to  himself.  And  nothing  further  was  said  about  it  for 
exactly  a  year  to  the  day.  Then  C.  C.  said  to  the  aforesaid 
person:  'Behold',  says  he,  'the  soul  of  the  woman  I  spoke  of  in 
your  presence  a  year  ago  exactly,  pleading  for  the  soul  of  her 
husband.  She  is  helping  him  against  the  evil  spirits  who  are 
torturing  him,  and  assisting  the  angels  of  God  in  bearing  his 
soul  into  everlasting  glory.'    And  scarcely  had  he  ended  that 


Zeitschrift  l".  celt.  Philologie  X.  17 


258  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

breitli  do  caitemh  na  gloire  suthaine'.  Agiis  ní  mor  gor  delaigli 
deredh  an  comraidli  sin  riú  an  uair  do  condcatav  na  liaingle  ag 
breitli  na  n-anmond  sin  leo  a  íiaitlies  De;  7  do  bi  an  t-annm 
sin  na  nina  go  lutligliairec[ii]  frithoiltecli  fá  anum  a  íir  posda 
fen.  Agus  as  follus  dúind  as  so  gur  lec  Dia  moran  do  ruinibh 
a  secréide  diadha  fen  re  C.  C. 

227.  Fechtus  eli  do  Cohim  Cille  a  nhí,  7  do  gair  se  a  descibul 
fen  cuige  .i.  Diarmaid;  7  ba  lie  an  Diarmaid  sin  do  bidh  do  gnatli 
in  a  seicreidib  secli  cacli,  7  adubairt  ris:  'Erigii  co  luath',  ar  se, 
'7  desigli  na  baltóra  7  cuir  a  culaidhecha  orra;  oir  is  aniugb  as 
coir  sollamam  bais  Brenaind  naemtha  do  denamh'^).  Frecrus 
Diarmaid  é  7  assedli  adubairt  ris:  'Cred  fa  cuirthai  an  tsollamain 
sin  da  denam  7  nach  facubair  tectadha  cindte  a  hErind  do  berudli 
deimhin  bais  Brenaind  dib'?  'Dena  mar  adubart-sa  rit',  ar  C.  C, 
'oir  do  condarc-sa',  ar  se,  'flaitbes  De  foscailte  aniugb  7  aingli  De 
ag  techt  a  coinde  anma  Brenaind,  7  tucutar  deh-adh  7  solus  don 
tsaegul  uile  an  uair  sin'. 

228. 2) .  Fecbtus  eli  do  Colam  Cille  a  nbí,  7  adubairt  ren  a 
mbancbaibb  lad  fein  d'ullmbugbadb  co  luatli  docum  na  n-aifrend 
7  sollamain  an  lai  sin  do  mliedugbadb  a  n-onoir  an  te  'sa  banam 
do  cuaidb  d'indsaiglie  flaitliesa  De  an  la  soin.  Et  adubairt  C.  C, 
gen  co  raibe  se  fen  dingbala  cuice,  go  n-aibeoradb  se  an  t-aifrend; 
7  ar  cricbnugbadb  na  boifige  doib  connice  an  inadli  a  fuil  cuimlme 
ar  ainm  Martain  'sa  prefaid,  adubairt  C.C.  ris  na  mancbuib:  'Aniug 
as  coir  daeib  cuimlme  bais  Colmain  Esi^oig  do  beitb  agaib  fuair 
bás  a  cúigedb  LaigZ/ew  a  nErind,  7  do  condarc-sa  aingli  De  ag 
breitb  a  anma  leo  do  caitbemii  na  gloire  sutbaine'.  Agus  do  bi 
an  combradh  sin  ar  cuimne  ag  na  mancbaib  no  gu  facatar  daine 
naemtba  eli  a  liErind  tucc  a  dembin  doib,  corub  e  an  la  sin  fen 
adubairt  C.  C.  bas  d'fagbbail  do,  fuair  Colman  Espog  bás;  cor 
moradli  ainm  De  7  C.  C.  de  sin. 

229. 3)  Fecbtus  eli  do  Colam  Cille  a  nbí,  7  do  cruindigb  na 
manaigb  cuice  san  inadh  a  raibe  se  fen,  7  do  labuir  riu  7  assedh 
adubairt:  'Racbud-sa  ani  {fol.  30h)  ugh',  ar  se,  'sa  cuid  siar  don 
oilen-sa  le  gnoaigbibb   airithe  7  na  lenudb  necb  ar  bitb  me;   7 


1)   See  Pluimner's  V.  S.  H.,  I,  p.  151,   and  Reeves'  Adam.,  pp.  209  — 210. 
^)   Taken  literally  from  Adamnan.    See  Reeves'  edition,  page  210 ff. 
8)  Taken  literally  from  Adamnan.    See  Reeves'  edition,  page  217  £f. 


BETIIA    COLÜIMB    CHILLE.  259 

conversation  wlien  they  beheld  the  angels  bearing  those  souls  to 
Heaven;  and  the  woman's  soul  was  joyful  and  glad  because  of 
the  soul  of  her  husband.  Hence  it  is  clear  to  us  that  God  re- 
vealed many  of  His  divine  secrets  to  C.  C. 


227.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  calling  to  his  presence 
his  own  disciple,  to  wit,  Diarmaid,  the  same  wiio  was  wont  above 
all  others  to  be  in  his  confidence,  said  to  him:  'Go  quickly',  says 
he,  'and  get  ready  the  altars,  and  put  on  the  cloths,  for  to-daj'' 
it  behoves  us  to  celebrate  the  death  of  holy  Brendan.'  And  Diar- 
maid said  in  reply:  'Why  hold  that  celebration,  since  you  have 
not  seen  trustworthy  messengers  from  Ireland  bringing  certain 
news  of  his  death?'  'Do  as  I  have  told  you',  says  CO.,  'for  I 
beheld',  says  he  'the  heavens  opened  to-day,  and  the  angels  com- 
ing for  Brendan's  soul,  and  the  whole  world  was  then  lit  up  with 
splendour  and  brightness.' 

228.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  told  his  monks  to 
get  ready  quickly  for  mass  and  to  solemnise  that  day  in  honour 
of  him  whose  soul  went  to  Heaven  on  that  day.  And  C.  C.  said 
that  though  unworthy  to  do  so  i)  he  himself  would  say  the  mass. 
And  on  coming  to  that  part  of  the  office  where  there  is  mention 
of  Martin's  name  in  the  preface,  C.  C.  said  to  the  monks:  'To-day 
it  behoves  you  to  commemorate  the  death  of  Bishop  Colman,  wlio 
died  in  Leinster  in  Ireland,  and  I  beheld  the  angels  of  God 
bearing  his  soul  into  everlasting  glory.'  The  monks  were  mind- 
ful of  these  words  till  they  saw  other  holy  people  from  Ireland 
who  confirmed  what  C.  C.  had  said  concerning  the  death  of  Bishop 
Colman  on  that  day.  God's  name  and  C.  C.'s  were  magnified 
thereby. 

229.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  having  assembled 
the  monks  in  his  presence,  addressing  them  said:  'To-day',  says 
he,  'I  shall  go  to  the  Western  part  of  this  island  on  certain 
business  and  let  nobody  follow  me.'    The  monks  agreed  to  that. 


1)    Qaamlibet  indignus  sim,  Adam.,  see  Reeves'  edition,  p.  211. 


17* 


260  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

do  toiliglietar  na  manaigh  sin  do.  Agus  teid  remhe  san  inadh 
in  ar  gliell  dul,  7  do  lean  manuch  airithe  é  gan  fls  do  fen,  ler 
b'ail  a  iis  do  beith  aige  créd  é  an  t-adbliur  fa  ndeachaidli  se 
san  naignes  sin,  7  do  folaidli  é  fen  a  cnocan  tsleibe  do  bi  os  cind 
an  inaidli  a  raibe  C.  C.  as  a  facu  se  amliarc  air.  Agus  as  amlnidli 
do  condairc  se  é  a  croisflghill  7  a  agaidh  siias  ar  nemli  7  é  a 
guide  De  co  dutbrachtucli  7  leighión  d'ainglib  gaclia  taeblia  de; 
oir  ba  bés  do  na  hainglib  teclit  do  tabairt  solais  do  C.  C.  an 
uair  do  bidh  se  go  dólásacli  on  a  beith  ag  denamh  crabiiidh  a 
n-inaduib  fuara  ansochra,  no  ó  beith  'n-a  sesamh  a  n-uisce  go  a 
smeig  ag  radii  urnaidlite  rofaide  a  n-aimseruib  geimlireta  no 
sneaclitamla,  no  on  aibsdinians  romúr  do  cuiredli  se  ar  a  corp 
fen  do  dith  bidh  7  dighe.  Et  ass  e  adbur  fa  tue  Dia  an  taispénad- 
sa  na  n-aingel  don  manach,  do  médughadh  anma  CO.;  0  nar  b'ail 
le  C.  C.  fen  a  medughadh  leth  ris  na  taisbentazM  do  bertai  do 
d'foillsiughadh  do  each.  Oir  ni  foillsighedh  se  coidhce  iad  d'ecla 
gloir  dimhain  do  beith  do  fen  and  muna  thuicedh  se  riachtanas 
a  les  a  foillsigh[tli]e  do  beith  ar  dainibh  eli  leath  amuig  de  fein; 
mar  tá  guidhe  do  cur  ar  annm  duine  do  gebudh  bas  no  le  guidhe 
do  cliur  ar  dhainib  do  beith  a  nguasaeht  mara  no  tire,  no  muna 
beith  medughadh  anma  no  onúra  do  nech  naemtha  eli  and  é  da 
foillsiugadh.  Et  ar  crichnughadh  a  urnaidhe  do  Colam  Cille,  do 
imgheatar  na  haingle  uadha  7  do  fill  fén  tara  ais  docum  na 
mainistrech,  7  tue  na  manaigh  cuige  7  do  ü?iYtaigh  dib  cia  acu 
do  len  é  a  n- agaidh  na  haithne  do  chuir  se  orra;  7  adubratar 
na  manaigh  do  bi  saer  iar  sin  nach  raibe  a  lis  sin  acu  fen.  Ar 
na  cloisdin  sin  don  manuch  do  lean  é,  do  lee  ar  a  gluinibh  a 
fiadnaise  C.  C.  é  7  adubairt  gur  pecaigh  se  fen  co  mór  7  do  iar 
se  a  maithem  do;  7  do  maith  C.  C.  sin  do  ar  tuicsin  a  umla  7 
a  aithrechais.  Et  in  a  diaidh  sin  rue  C.  C.  an  manuch  sin  les 
a  n-inadh  ar  leith,  7  do  iarr  air  gan  an  radhurc  ainglidhe  sin 
do  condairc  se,  d'indesin  do  énduine  an  cein  do  beith  se  fen 
n-a  beathuigh.  Et  ar  faghail  bais  do  Colam  Cille,  do  io'iWsigh 
an  manach  cedna  an  radhurc  sin  do  condairc  se  do  na  manchuib; 
gor  morudh  ainm  De  7  C.  C.  de  sin.  Et  da  derbudh  sin,  goirther 
cnocan  na  n-aingel  aniugli  don  cnocan  sin  in  a  bfaca  in  manuch 
na  haingle  timcell  C.  C. 

230.   Fechtus  do  Colam  Cille   a  n-oilen  airithe  a  nAlbain, 
7   do  bi  doiuend  ainmesardha  and  an  uair  sin;  indus  cor  erich 


BETHA    COLUIMB    CHILLE.  261 

He  sets  out  to  tlie  appointed  place,  and  a  certain  monk  who 
would  fain  know  the  motive  of  his  journey  to  that  wilderness, 
followed  him  unawares.  He  hid  himself  in  a  hillock  overlooking 
the  place  occupied  by  C.  C,  whence  he  got  a  view  of  him.  And 
he  beheld  C.  C.  looking  towards  Heaven,  with  his  hands  out- 
stretched in  the  shape  of  a  cross  and  surrounded  by  a  legion  of 
angels.  For  the  angels  were  wont  to  come  to  console  C.  C.  when 
in  a  state  of  gloom  as  a  result  of  pious  exercises  in  cold  rough 
places,  or  from  being  standing  up  to  his  chin  in  water  engaged  in 
protracted  prayer,  or  from  very  long  abstinence  from  food  and 
drink  whereby  he  used  to  chastise  his  body.  And  God  allowed  this 
vision  of  the  angels  to  be  seen  by  the  monk  for  the  exaltation 
of  C. C.'s  name;  since  the  latter  did  not  seek  to  exalt  it  by  re- 
vealing to  others  the  visions  seen  by  him.  For  he  never  dis- 
closed them  lest  it  should  fill  him  with  vain -glory,  except  he 
understood  that  such  was  necessary  for  others  besides  himself; 
for  instance  to  pray  for  the  soul  of  somebody  who  had  died 
or  for  people  in  peril  by  land  or  sea,  or  except  when  their, 
manifestation  would  redound  to  some  other  holy  person's  honour 
and  credit.  When  C.  C.  had  finished  his  prayers,  the  angels  left 
him,  and  he  returned  to  the  monastery.  And  having  summoned 
the  monks  to  his  presence,  he  asked  them  which  of  them  followed 
him  contrary  to  his  orders.  Thereupon,  the  monks  who  were  inno- 
cent said  that  they  knew  not.  When  the  monk  who  had  followed 
him  heard  that,  he  fell  on  his  knees  in  the  presence  of  C.  C,  and 
confessing  his  great  sin  asked  to  be  forgiven.  And  C.  C.  forgave 
him  when  he  saw  that  he  was  humble  and  contrite.  There- 
after, C.  C.  taking  that  monk  apart  begged  of  him  not  to  dis- 
close that  angelic  vision  witnessed  by  him  to  anyone  during  his 
own  lifetime.  After  C.  C.'s  death,  that  same  monk  revealed  the 
vision  he  had  seen  to  the  monks ;  and  God"s  name  and  C.  C.'s 
were  magnified  thereby.  In  proof  whereof  the  Hillock  of  the 
Angels  is  at  this  day  the  name  of  the  hillock  in  which  the  monk 
saw  C.  C.  smiounded  by  the  angels. 


230.    Once  upon   a   time,   C.  C.  was  in  a  certain   island  in 
Scotland.   It  was  exceeding  bad  wheather  at  the  time ;  so  that  a 


262  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

sdoirm  adbaZ-mliór  ar  in  fairge,  7  do  bi  C.  C.  7  a  manaigh  a 
tigh  airidhe  'san  oilen  an  tan  sin.  Et  do  cuir  fa  aithne  ar  a 
manchaibli  biadh  7  deoch  7  uisce  inwalta  do  beitli  co  des  acu, 
7  tene  d'fadógh  ar  cend  na  n-aidhedh  do  bi  ag  techt  cuca  an  la 
sin.  'Cindus  bud  éidir  le  necli  'sa  doman  an  fairce  do  siubal 
aniugli  re  med  na  sdóirme  ata  uirre?'  ar  na  maniiig.  Is  andsin 
adubairt  C.  C:  'As  deimhin  co  tiucfa  odaoch  Dia  .i.  Caindech 
naemtlia  i),  san  uair  reme  espertain  aniugli  cucaib,  7  dobera  ante 
gá  full  na  huile  clinmacht  a  nimli  7  a  n-ifren,  ar  muir  7  ar  tir, 
ciunus  do';  7  ar  cur  an  lai  tarrsa  doib  conuice  an  uair  airitlie-si 
adubairt  C.  C.,  docondcatar  an  long  a  raibe  Caindech  cuca,  7  do- 
cuatar  'na  coinde,  7  tainic  se  a  tir  sa  port  a  rabutar-san  ar  a 
cind;  7  do  bi  lutgliair  mór  ar  C.  C.  7  ar  na  manchaibli  remhe 
7  do  Mrtaigh  manucli  do  manchuibh  C.  C.  do  Caindech  cred  far 
thairc  se  an  fairce  do  siubal  ina  commor  sin  do  sdoirm  7  do 
doinind,  7  adubairt  Caindech  co  bfuair  se  ciunus  ó  Dia  'san  uair 
airithe  adubramar  romaind  don  ló;  7  do  molutar  na  manuigh 
Dia  7  C.  C.  go  himarcuch  trid  sin,  7  adubratar  cor  follus  do 
each  nach  raibhi  ni  sa  doman  'na  dorchadus  ar  C.  C. 

231.  Fechtus  ell  do  C.  C.  a  nhí  7  dorinde  gaire,  7  do  ÚRÍraidh 
manuch  airidhe  de  créd  é  an  t-adbur  fa  nderna  se  an  gaire  sin. 
Adubairt  C.  C.  gorab  nech  naemta  airite  darbh  ainni  Colman^) 
do  bi  ag  techt  ar  cuairt  cuige  fen  an  la  sin,  7  gur  erich  ^ntadh 
7  sdoirm  ar  an  fairce;  indus  co  raibe  se  fen  7  a  raibe  'na  luing 
a  ngúasacht  a  mbáite  {fol.ola),  7  go  raibe  Colman  fen  ar  a 
gluinibh  a  tosach  an  arthraigh  ag  bendugadh  na  fairce  reimhe 
7  gacha  taeba  de,  7  co  raibe  ecla  mór  air,  7  co  raibe  se  ag 
guidhe  De  co  duthrachtach  fa  furtacht  d'faghail  do  on  gnsisacJit 
mor  sin  a  raibe  se;  7  adubairt  C.  C.  nach  baithf/(?e  é  7  co  n- 
éstfedh  Dia  a  guidhe  7  co  tmhradh  se  chmus  do,  7  corb  e  dob 
adbur  do  Dia  ag  léiccen  an  michiúnMÍs  sin  cuice,  do  mhedughadh 
a  fuirechruis  7  a  duthrachta  acus  da  chur  a  ceill  do  co  raibe  a 
cumhachta  fen  ar  muir  7  ar  tir;  7  adubairt  C.  C.  co  tiucfadh 
Colman  san  uair  sin  feu  do  ló  da  n-indsaighe.  Agus  do  firadh 
an  faidhedoracht  sin  uile;  7  do  indis  Colman  fen  gar  imdigh  gach 
enni  dib-sin  air  amail  adubairt  C.  C,  gur  moradh  ainm  De  7 
C.  C.  de  sin. 


1)  See  Plummer's  VSH,  I,  p.  161,  and  Reeves'  Adam.,  p.  27  ff. 

2)  See  Reeves'  Adaiii.,  p.  29. 


BETHA   COLUIMB   CHILLE.  263 

yevj  great  storm  arose  at  sea.  C.  C.  and  his  monks  were  at  that 
time  in  a  certain  house  in  the  island,  and  he  ordered  the  latter 
to  prepare  food  and  drink  and  washing  water  and  to  kindle  a 
fire  for  the  guests  who  were  coming  to  them  that  very  day. 
'How  could  anyone  in  the  world  travel  by  sea  to-day  with 
such  a  storm?'  reply  the  monks.  Then  C.  C.  said:  'It  is  certain 
that  the  servant  of  God,  to  wit,  holy  Cainnech  shall  visit  you 
to-day  before  vespers,  and  He  who  is  Ruler  of  Heaven  and  Hell, 
sea  and  land,  shall  give  him  a  calm  voyage.'  And  having  spent 
the  day  till  the  time  referred  to  by  C.  C,  they  saw  coming 
towards  them  the  vessel  which  had  Cainnech  on  board.  They 
went  to  meet  him,  and  he  landed  in  the  harbour  where  they 
were  awaiting  him.  And  C.  C.  and  the  monks  welcomed  him 
with  great  Joy.  One  of  the  monks  asked  him  why  he  attempted 
to  travel  in  such  stormy  and  foul  weather.  Cainnech  replied 
that  God  gave  him  calm  weather  at  the  aforesaid  time  of  day. 
Thereat  the  monks  were  loud  in  their  praise  of  God  and  C.  C, 
and  said  that  it  was  clear  to  everyone  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  world  hidden  from  to  C.  C. 

231.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  happened  to  laugh, 
and  a  certain  monk  asked  him  the  reason  of  it.  C.  C.  replied 
that  a  certain  holy  person  named  Colman  was  coming  to  visit 
him  on  that  day,  and  that  a  hurricane  had  arisen  at  sea,  so  that 
the  latter  and  all  on  board  were  in  danger  of  being  drowned, 
and  that  Colman  himself  in  a  state  of  great  terror  was  on  his 
knees  in  the  front  part  of  the  vessel,  blessing  the  sea  in  front 
and  on  every  side  of  him  and  praying  God  fervently  to  rescue 
him  from  the  great  danger  wherein  he  was.  C.  C.  added  that 
he  would  not  be  drowned,  and  that  God  would  hear  his  prayer 
and  send  him  calm  weather,  alleging  that  the  reason  why  God 
liad  allowed  that  storm  was  to  increase  his  watchfulness  and 
fervour  and  to  remind  him  that  His  power  extended  over  sea 
and  land.  And  C.  C.  declared  that  Colman  would  visit  them  that 
very  hour  of  the  day.  That  prophecy  was  fulfilled  to  the  letter, 
and  Colman  himself  told  them  that  everything  came  to  pass  as 
C.  C.  had  foretold.    God's  name  and  C.  C.'s  were  magnified  thereby. 


261  ANDllEW    KELT>EHER, 

232. 1)  Feclitus  eli  do  Colum  Cille  a  nlií,  7  tancatar  (lias 
airidhe  dou  popal  da  indsaiglie  7  a  ndis  m«c  fariii,  7  do  Mrtaigh 
necli  acii  de  cred  lii  an  cailideclit  a  racliadli  a  mac  fen  no  cindass 
do  teicemliadli  do  'sa  saeglial.  Frecrais  C.  C.  é  7  assedli  adubairt: 
*Cia  he  an  la  aniugli?'  ar  se.  'An  satliarn',  ar  an  t-oclach.  'Mass 
e',  ar  C.  C,  'dogebha  do  mac-sa  has  dia  haine-si  cugad  7  andliiic- 
fidlier  sectmain  ó  aniug  sa  mainestir-se  fen  é.'  Do  fiarfaidli  an 
dara  necli  scela  a  mic  fen  de  mar  an  cedna.  Frecrais  C.  C.  é  7 
assedli  adubairt:  'Docife  do  mac-sa  eland  a  clamrfe',  ar  se,  '7 
dogeba  se  bás  a  n-aeis  foirbtlie  7  adlaicflf/Aer  'san  oilen-sa  e'. 
Agus  tainic  g^acli  nl  dib-sin  amliail  adubliairt  C.  C. 


»)   See  Eeeves'  Adam.,  p.  45. 


BETHA    COLUIMB    CllILT.E.  265 

232.  On  another  occasion  when  C.  C.  was  at  lona,  two 
certain  persons  of  the  congregation  accompanied  by  their  two 
sons  came  to  see  C,  C.  One  of  them  asked  him  what  reputation 
liis  own  son  would  have,  or  what  his  lot  would  be  in  the  world. 
And  C.  C.  answering  said:  'What  day  is  this?'  says  he.  'Saturday', 
replies  the  youth.  'Well',  says  C.  C,  'your  son  shall  die  next 
Friday  and  shall  be  buried  this  day  week  in  this  monastery.' 
The  other  sought  for  information  regarding  his  son  in  like  manner. 
And  C.  C.  said  in  reply:  'Your  son  shall  see  his  grand- children', 
says  he,  'and  he  shall  die  at  an  advanced  age  and  shall  be  buried 
in  this  island'.    Everything  came  to  pass  as  C.  C.  had  foretold. 

Great  Crosby,  Lancashire. 

Andrew  Kellehek. 


A  FIR  NA  HEGNA  D'lARROIGH. 


The  following  poem  is  printed  here  from  the  British  Museum 
MS.,  Egerton  136,  fol.  133  b.  This  is  a  paper  quarto,  the  bulk  of 
which  was  written  circa  1630.  The  contents  are  mainl}"  religious 
prose  of  a  type  common  in  15*^  and  16^^  century  MSS.  The 
article  immediately  preceding  our  text,  however,  is  a  religious 
poem,  headed  Muiris  0  liEodhusa  ct,  and  begins:  Tosach  ar 
mhetliadh  has  de.  It  contains  36  quatrains  of  dehide,  and  treats 
of  Christ's  birth  and  crucifixion.  A  transcript  made  from  the 
present  MS.  by  Aodh  Ó  Dálaigh  is  in  H.  1. 11  (no.  1285),  fol.  79. 
The  provenance  of  the  MS.  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  clearly  Northern. 
At  fol.  95  is  a  note  in  a  somewhat  later  hand:  Ag  so  leabhear 
(sic)  Cormaic  Mic  Farthalain  7  go  ndena  dia  trocuire  air  an  ti 
ro  sgriohh  6  7  oram  plifein  mur  in  cccdna.  Our  poem  has  been 
written  by  a  hand  not  later  than  the  second  half  of  the 
17^^  century  in  a  blank  space  on  fol.  133b,  and  the  scribe  has 
added  the  note:  Sin  duit  a  Fadruig  Mic  Solnimli  y  hcndacht  Ids 
cliiigaipli  cehe  me  d'f'eraipJi  an  donihuin.  It  is  immediately  pre- 
ceded b}^  the  quatrain: 

Le  dia  hheirim  a  hhuidhe 

heith  mo  lisiiidlie  a  gcuing  crabaidli; 

cora  dhamh,  a  dhe  dhuiligh, 

no  hheith  a  luirigh  fuair  fainnigh. 

[„To  God  I  give  thanks  that  I  sit  under  a  yoke  of  piety;  fitter 
so  for  me,  0  God  of  the  elements,  than  to  be  clad  in  a  corslet 
of  freezing  chain -mail."] 

There  is  nothing  to  show  the  date  of  the  poem  or  its  author. 
But  perhaps  we  should  not  be  far  wrong,  if  we  conjectured  the 


A   FIR   NA    HEGNA   d'iABROIGH.  267 

author  to  be  one  of  the  Northern  school  of  poets  of  about  1600, 
who,  like  Giolla  Brighde  Ó  hEodhusa,  had  exchanged  the  rule  of 
the  bardic  order  for  the  rule  of  St.  Francis. 


1.  (A)  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroiyh! 
hlieiili  ria  is  ohuir  eiyciallaigli 
gan  gradh  is  cgla  an  athar, 
madh  ail  h'egna  d'oUmhachadh. 

2.  Bimaoin  do  dJiuine  air  doman 
hheitli  ag  iarraidh  ealadJion, 

na  mcs  go  hfhuige  se  sin, 
(i)s  gan  guidhe  do  dhenomh. 

3.  Ceird  gach  suadh  is  e  do  ni 
mac  de  athar,  an  t-airdrigli; 

fa  luacli  na  ceirde  is  e  is  ferr, 
ni  feirde  an  te  nach  ttuiginn. 

4.  Da  hhfaga  duine  ar  a  dhan 
an  mheid  iarrus  go  hiomlan, 

ni  hhia  sc  ar  huil  do  hhunadh 
's  gan  toil  dc  da  dheomighadJi. 

5.  Deis  a  dhenta  's  a  dhiola, 
le  dia  ag  dcanamh  cissiogha 
hhur  n-egna  dohcir  gan  hhuil, 
(a)  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroidh! 

1.  Thou  that  followest  after  poetry!  't  is  but  a  fool's  deed 
to  meddle  with  it  without  the  love  and  fear  of  the  Father,  if 
thou  wouldst  bring  thine  art  to  perfection, 

2.  Vain  for  any  man  on  earth  to  be  seeking  after 
art  —  never  think  that  he  will  attain  to  it  —  if  he  offers 
no  prayer. 

3.  't  is  the  son  of  God  the  Father,  the  high  king,  that 
brings  to  birth  the  work  of  every  man  of  art,  and  he  it 
is  that  best  rewards  it  —  ill  for  him  that  understands 
this  not. 


268  ROBIN    FLOWER,    A    FIR   NA    HEGNA   D'iARROIGH. 

4.  If  for  his  poem  a  man  get  all  his  asking  utterly, 
he  will  not  be  on  the  wa}^  of  stable  good,  if  God's  grace 
will  it  not. 

5.  When  once  the  poem  is  made  and  sold,  if  thou  art 
unfriends  with  God,  it  brings  thine  art  all  to  nought,  thou  that 
folio  west  after  poetry! 

Thou  that  followest  after  poetry! 

London.  Robin  Flo  we  u. 


NOTE.  After  this  article  had  been  sent  to  press  I  found 
that  the  poem  had  already  been  printed  from  three  modern  copies 
atMaynooth  (Murphy  70,  p.  113.  72,  p.  48;  Renehan  84,  p.  51)  by 
T.  P.  O'Nowlan  in  the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  4  ser.,  XXIV, 
p.  393.  But  as  these  copies  are  late  and  corrupt,  it  seems  well 
to  print  this  earlier  copy.  In  the  first  of  the  MSS.  mentioned 
the  poem  is  ascribed  to  St.  Ciarán.  R.  F. 


FLANN  MANISTRECH'S  GEDICHT; 

RÉDIG  DAM,  A  DE  DO  NIM, 
CO  BÉMIG  A  N-INNISIN. 


Nachdem  J.  MacXeill  i)  die  Ansicht  ausgesprochen  hatte,  das 
Gedicht  FlaiHi's.  das  die  sämtlichen  „AVeltkönige"  bis  auf  Kaiser 
Leo  III.  aufzählt,  sei  aus  den  Synchronismen  geflossen,  das  die 
Rezensionen  des  Lebor  Gabála,  die  ich  mit  B  I  and  C  bezeichnet 
habe,  enthalten,  habe  ich  dem  entgegenstellt,  dafs  der  Inhalt 
beider  Denkmäler  vielmehr  das  umgekehrte  Abhängigkeitsver- 
hältnis wahrscheinlich  mache  2).  Ich  kannte  damals  im  genaueren 
Wortlaut  nur  die  Schhilsstrofen  des  Gedichts,  da  ich  mir  nur  zu 
diesem  schon  von  Mac  Xeill  veröffentlichten  Stück  die  Varianten 
aus  dem  Book  of  Hy-Maine  notiert  hatte.  Hätten  mir  damals 
auch  die  unmittelbar  vorhergehenden  Strofen  vorgelegen,  deren 
Kenntnis  ich  jetzt  der  stets  bereiten  Freundlichkeit  von  E.  I.  Best 
verdanke,  so  hätte  ich  viel  positiver  sprechen  können.  Flann 
führt  seine  Tabelle  bis  zum  neunten  Jahr  Leos  III.  (s.u.).  Mit 
anderen  Worten,  er  hat  einfach  Beda's  Chronica  in  irische  Verse 
umgesetzt,  die  bekanntlich  eben  mit  diesem  Jahr,  d.i.  725  n.Chr. 3), 
abschliefsen.  Dafs  zwei  Chronisten,  einer  in  England  und  einer 
in  Irland,  zufällig  mit  Leos  neuntem  Jahr  abgebrochen  hätten, 
ist  natürlich  nicht  anzunehmen;  auch  der  Wortlaut  weist,  wie 
sich  zeigen  wird,  auf  Beda. 


i)  An  Irish  Historical  Tract,  dated  A.  D.  721  (Proceedings  of  the  R.  Ir, 
Academy,  Vol.  XXVIH,  Sect.  C,  125  ft".). 

2)  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und  Literaturdenkmälern,  2.  Serie,  S.  9 
(Abhandl.  der  K.  Ges.  der  Wissensch.  zu  Güttiugen,  NF.,  Bd.  XIV,  Mr.  3). 

ä)  S.  Mommsen,  Chronica  Minora  III,  226  (Mon.  Germ.  Hist.,  Auct. 
Antiquiss.  XIH). 


270  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

Ich  gebe  die  neun  letzten  Strofen  des  Gedichts,  bezeichnet 
mit  den  letzten  Buchstaben  des  lateinischen  Alphabets  P — Z,  nach 
drei  Handschriften  und  emendiere  sie,  so  gut  es  geht: 

M    =  Book  of  Hy-Maine  (R.  I.  A.,  D.  IL  1),  fol.  103  r,  a. 
D')  =  R.  I.  A.,  D.  IV.  3,  nach  alter  Bezeichnung  fol.  36  (84), 
nach  neuer  37  r. 

L    =  Book  of  Lecan  (R.  I.  A.,  23.  P.  2),   nach  alter  Be- 
zeichnung fol.  22  V,  b,  nach  neuer  S.  48,  b. 

Die  beiden  letzten  Handschriften  haben  das  Gedicht,  etwas 
gekürzt,  mit  den  Synchronismen  ins  Lebor  Gabála  eingeschoben. 

F.  Anastais  íánaisse  tair        cen  támthaisse  trebliadain; 

oc  Necea  co  ndaithgnim  dois        ro'n-aithrig  in  tres  Téothois. 

Q.  Téothois,  óenbliadain  a  ré        fo  chúemríagail  christaide; 
ó    ro'chloi    cialla    ceu    chair,         noi    mbliadna   don    tres- 

[Léomain. 

R.  Ó  chétbliadain  lúil  ros'gab        co  tétriagail  tres-Léoman 
fiad  gach  slúag  co  ndaithe  dál        atxhíiad  flaithe  na  Rómán 

S.  Co   flaith   Fergail,    íir    ro'gab        Temraig   —   ros*n-acht 

[annalad  — 
is  Murchada  —  main  co  miud  —        is  Chathail  chaím  a 

[Caissiul. 

Wichtigere  Varianten: 
P.  tanaisde  M.      tliair  D,  M.      tri  bliadnalb  M.      Neicia  M.      condathgnim 
J),  co?Klathg-ni»t  tois  (aus  tais  horrigin-t)  L,  cen  daith  uiara  uois  M.      rus 
naitlirigh  M,  rowathrigba  L,  ronatliguÍHi  D.     in  om.  D,  L.      Teothais  D, 
Teotbws  L. 

Q.  Teotbais  M.  co  csemriagail  D.  arochlaicialla  M  (der  Rest  der 
Zeile  fehlt);  ós  each  cloe  cbiallna  D,  osgacblsecbiallna  L.  don 
tj-esblia-  L. 

R.  On  D,  L.     rusgab  M.      c(et)riagail  L,  M.      tresleomain  I),  tres  blia-  L. 

sh;aígb  as  daitbe  dan  M.      atcuadh  L,  adcbuaídb  M. 
S.  Fergail  om.  L,  D.      rusgabb  M.      dornacbt  awnalad  (andal  D)  ami-  L,  D. 

Murchadh  M.       co  main   M,   maeu  L.      mid  M,  miulb  L.      Caisil  M. 


')  Von  dieser  Hs.  babe  icb  nur  die  zwei  ersten  Strofen  vollständig 
vor  mir,  zu  den  folgenden  nur  ein  paar  wichtigere  Varianten.  Sie  liest  aber 
im  Allgemeiueu  wie  L. 


FLANN    MANISTRECH's    GEDICHT    RÉDIG    DAM   USW.  271 

T.  Cacli  flaith  —  fáilte  os  gargbri  glaiii  —       frisTcáite  ardrí 

[in  domain 
Ó  Nin  CO  Leo  lemnacli(?)  lang      roTÍm  co  hengacli  aen-Flann. 

Y.  Flann  feigbind  ro"ben  brig  mbreth,        fer  léigind  min  Mai- 

[nistrecli, 
ro'glé  tre  a  gnim  a  gutli        re  cacli  rig  do  réidiugud. 

X  Tri  cliét  bliadan  bretliaib  blat        is  a  cethair  cethrachat 
Ó  cliond  (?)  —  is  mórglicc  in  mod  —      cen  chronic  do  réidiugud. 

Y.  Concliobur  clannmin,  fo-chen!        Áed,  Gairbítli,  Díarmait 

[dúrgen, 
Donncliad,  dá  Niall  cen  snim  snéid       rig  na  ré  sea  co  roréid. 

Z.  A  tlirinóit  tréoda  na  tor,        rob  déoda  mo  dallmonar, 
corom-tócba  it  rigtlireib  réil        m'  forom  dot  rigtliig  roréid. 

[Rédig. 

Wichtigere  Varianten: 
T.  fáilte  om.  M.      os  a  ghairgbrigh  uglain  M,  gairbri  L.     frisraitea  aírdríg 

M,  airdri  L.     co  Leo  leamnach  lang  M,  co  Leomain  na  dann  L.     rosrim  L. 

CO  lieaughach  M,  int  eolas  L. 
V.  feidbind  romben  L.        breath  L,   nibrleigíud  M  (eth  fer  ausgelassen). 

rogleaá  M.        triaua  gnim  L,  tre  gnínih  M.        rena  righ  M. 
X.  (Diese  Strofe  fehlt  in  L  u.  D)  breathaibh  blad  M.      ceathaír  .xl.  ad  M. 

chroíuíc  M. 
Y.  ghiinmín  M.       na  cneadh   (für  fochen)  L.       duírgean  M.       co  mbrigh 

ba  at  iad  righa  na  re  sea  M.      na  re  sin  L. 
Z.  (Diese  Strofe  fehlt  in  L  u.  D)  thriuoid  —  corom  togha  ad  righthreibh 

neill  —  dod  —  roreigh  M. 

F.  Anastasius  der  Zweite  im  Osten,  drei  Jalire  ohne  Pest- 
reliqnien;  bei  Nicaea  mit  rasender  i),  rascher  Tat  enttronte  ihn 
der  dritte  Theodosiiis. 

Q.  Tlieodosius,  ein  Jahr  (war)  seine  Zeit  unter  der  lieblichen 
Christenregel;  nachdem  er...'-^)  ohne  Tadel,  (regierte)  der  dritte 
Leo  neun  Jahre. 

R.  Vom  ersten  Jahr  des  Julius,  der  sie  (die  Eegierung) 
ergriff,  bis  zur  heifsen  (?)  Regelung  des  dritten  Leo  habe  ich 


>)   Zu  dois  vgl.  doise  .i.  däsacht  bei  Stokes  zu  O'Dav.  1G3. 

")  Was  heiht  ro'chloi  ciallaH  Umschreibung  für  „nachdem  er  gestorben 
war"  ?  Der  Text  ist  nicht  sicher,  aber  die  Lesart  von  DL  nicht  besser,  ciallna 
wohl  überhaupt  kein  Wort. 


272  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

vor  allen  Scharen,  die  sich  rasch  versammeln,  die  Regierungen 
der  Römer  berichtet 

S.  bis  zur  Regierung  Fergals,  des  Mannes,  der  sich  Temairs 
bemächtigte  ~  die  Annalistik  hat  von  ihm  (Temair)  berichtet  (?)  — , 
und  Murchads  —  ein  Juwel  mit  Met  —  und  des  lieblichen  Cathal 
aus  Cashel. 

T.  Jeden  Fürsten  —  eine  Freude  über  lauterem,  schroffem 
Hügel  — ,  zu  dem  man  Hochkönig  der  AVeit  sagte,  von  Ninus 
bis  auf  Leo,  den  Anhänger  (?)  der  Gelage  i),  hat  der  einzige 
Flann  wortreich  aufgezählt. 

V.  Der  scharfsinnig-gesangreiche  Flann,  der  wuchtige  Urteile 
gefällt  hat  (?),  der  Mann  des  feinen  Studiums  in  Monasterboice, 
dessen  Stimme  hat  durch  ihre  Tat  es  zustande  gebracht,  die 
Zeit  eines  jeden  Königs  klar  (eigentlich:  leicht)  zu  machen. 

X  344  Jahre  nach  kräftigen  Urteilen  ...  2)  —  gar  klug  ist 
die  Weise  —  tut  keine  Chronik  kund. 

Y.  Conchobur  mit  den  feinen  Kindern^)  —  willkommen!  — 
Aed,  Gairbith,  Diarmait  Durgen,  Donnchad,  zwei  Niall  ohne 
niedrige  Sorge,  das  sind  ganz  klar  die  Könige  dieser  (unserer)  Zeit. 

Z.  0  dreifache  Dreieinigkeit  der  Scharen,  möge  mein  blindes 
Tun  göttlich  sein,  damit  mein  Getöne  (mein  Lauf?)  mich  in  deine 
klare  Königswohnung  zu  deinem  ebenen  Palast  erhebe ! 

Mit  den  beiden  ersten  Strofen  vergleiche  man  Bedas  Text^): 
Jahr  der  Welt  4670:  Anastasius  an.  III  .  .  . 
„       „         „      4671:  Theodosius  an.  I.    Ilic  electus  in  inpera- 
iorcm,  Anastasium  apiid  Niceam  ciuitatem 
graui  proelio  uicit  daioque  sibi  sacramcnto 
clericiim  fieri  ac  preshiterum  fecit  ordinari. 
■ijyse  uero  . .  .  cum  esset  catJiolicus  etc. 
„       „         „      4680:  Leo  an.  Villi 


1)  Icmnach,  das  durch  die  Alliteration  und  den  Reim  mit  engach  gesichert 
scheint  (also  nicht  etwa  leomnach),  kenne  ich  nicht.  Zur  Glosse  la7tg  .i.  fled, 
die  mehrfach  überliefert  ist,  s.  Stokes,  Metr.  Gloss.,  S.  80  (Bezz.  Beitr.  19,  90). 
Etwa  lenmnadi  lang?    Danach  habe  ich  übersetzt. 

^)  Ó  chond  ist  mir  nicht  klar;  es  scheint  etwas  wie  „von  da  an"  zu 
bedeuten.  An  einen  Eigennamen  kann  man  nicht  denken,  da  zu  jener  Zeit 
kein  Cond  regiert  hat.    Ist  etwa  d  chiunn  zu  lesen? 

^)  glan-mín  M  gibt  einen  besseren  Reim  mit  Gairbith,  zerstört  aber  die 
Alliteration. 

*)  ed.  Mommseu,  S.  318  ff. 


FLANN    MANISTKECh's    GEDICHT    RÉDIG    DAM   USW.  273 

Es  liandelt  sich  also  keineswegs  um  einen  irischen  Traktat. 
Sondern  Flann  hat  im  11.  Jahrhundert  Bedas  Chronik  versifiziert 
und  glaubte  bestimmen  zu  können,  dai's  zu  Ende  des  dort  ver- 
zeichneten Abschnitts  in  Irland  Fergal,  Murchad  und  Cathal 
geherrscht  haben.  Das  stimmt  zwar  nicht  für  das  neunte  Jahr 
Leos,  da  Fergal  nach  der  irischen  Annalistik  schon  722  erschlagen 
worden  ist,  wohl  aber  für  die  Eegierungszeit  Leos  im  Allgemeinen; 
denn  Fergal  scheint  710—722,  Murchad  712—727,  Cathal  712—742 
regiert  zu  haben  ^).  Aber  von  da  au,  sagt  Flann,  fehlt  eine  Chronik. 
Er  glaubt  (nach  Str.  X)  344  Jahre  später  zu  dichten.  Auch  das 
ist  nicht  möglich,  wenn  man  vom  Jahr  725  ausgeht ;  denn  Flann 
ist  1056  (AU)  gestorben,  konnte  also  um  1069  nicht  mehr  dichten. 
Er  hat  sich  demnach  irgendwie  verzählt  oder  falschzählende 
Annalen  benutzt.  Hat  er  etwa  Leos  neuntes  Jahr  in  das  Jahr 
versetzt,  das  wir  712  n.  Chr.  nennen,  so  könnte  er  das  Gedicht 
in  seinem  letzten  Lebensjahr  1056  verfafst  und  sogar  die  um  712 
regierenden  irischen  Fürsten  richtig  bestimmt  haben.  Aber  natür- 
lich ist  das  unsicher.  Die  zeitgenössischen  Könige,  die  er  in  Str.  Y 
nennt,  lassen  leider  sehr  weiten  Spielraum  (c.  1045  — 1056) '^). 

MacNeill  (a.  a  0.  139)  machte  es  Schwierigkeit,  dafs  in  den 
Prosa -Sj'uchronismen  mit  dem  Ende  {forha)  der  Eegierung  Leos 
gerechnet  wird.  Doch  hielt  vermutlich  schon  Flann  selber,  sicher 
der  Prosabearbeiter  des  12.  Jahrhunderts  die  anni  nouem  für 
die  volle  Eegierungszeit  Leos,  also  das  neunte  Jahr  für  ihren 
Schlufs.  MacNeill  ist  seit  jener  Abhandlung  so  tief  in  die  Ent- 
stehungsgeschichte der  irischen  Annalen  eingedrungen,  dafs  er 
vielleicht  schon  selber  gesehen  hat,  was  ich  oben  auseinander- 
gesetzt habe. 


0   MacNeill  a.  0.,  S.  139. 
»)   MacNeill  a.  0.,  S.  138. 

Bonn.  E.  Thukneysen. 


Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  lg 


COMHRAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN. 
TAIN  BÓ  CÚAILNGE. 


The  Fir  Diad  episode  of  the  Tain  Bo  Cúailnge  has  been 
analysed  and  discussed  by  Nettlau  in  the  Revue  Celtique  X  330  ff., 
XI23ff.  318  ff.,  where  several  versions  are  printed  and  collated 
by  him.  But  he  did  not  make  use  of  that  contained  in  the 
Franciscan  Convent  MS.  no.  16,  beyond  printing-  the  opening  and 
and  closing  lines  (XI  329  ff.).  Professor  Thurne3''sen  in  his 
masterly  paper  on  the  transmission  of  the  Tain  (ZOP  IX  438) 
having  remarked  on  the  need  of  an  edition  of  this  MS.  and  that 
of  Egerton  106,  the  following  transcript  has  been  undertaken. 
The  MS.,  a  small  paper  quarto  (19  by  14  cm.)  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  has  been  described  by  Nettlau  (1.  c.  326).  In  addition  to 
the  pieces  mentioned  by  him,  it  contains  also  poems  by  Tadhg 
Dall  0  Huiggin,  Eochaidh  0  Heoghusa,  Fearflatha  0  Gnimh, 
Muiris  óg  Mac  an  Bhaird,  Maol  Muire  Mac  Craith,  Flann  óg 
Mac  Craith,  Conchobar  Ruadh  Mac  Conmidhe,  &c.  For  convenience 
of  comparison  I  have  added  the  numbers  of  Nettlau's  paragraphs 
within  brackets.  The  word- division  of  the  MS.  has  not  been 
strictly  adhered  to,  and  punctuation  and  capitals  have  been 
added.  The  extension  of  contractions  is  indicated  by  italics,  but 
not  in  every  instance,  where  no  real  purpose  would  have  been 
served. 

As  I  found  it  necessary  in  the  preparation  of  this  text  to 
collate  that  of  H.  2.  12,  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  would  be  useful 
to  append  a  fresh  transcript  of  this  important  fragment,  especially 
as  Nettlau  was  obliged  to  pass  over  sixteen  lines,  which  in  a 
short  visit  to  Dublin  he  could  not  attempt  to  decipher,  and  as 
it  was  possible  also  to  improve  upon  several  of  his  readings.  This 
fragment  is  no.  15  of  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  loose  vellums 


COMHKAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULATNN.  275 

preserved  in  a  wooden  case  in  Trinity  College  Library,  and  marked 
H.  2. 12.  It  consists  of  a  single  gathering-  of  two  leaves  (26  by 
20  cm),  one  column  to  the  page,  belonging-  probably  to  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  recto  of  the  first  leaf  has  been  damaged  by  water 
evidently,  and  is  much  effaced  and  stained  towards  the  centre, 
and  also  dilapidated.  There  are  several  rents  and  fractures 
in  this  portion,  round  which  the  membrane  has  become  so 
fragile  as  to  require  the  most  delicate  handling.  The  letters 
lost  in  these  rents  are  indicated  here  by  dots  within  paren- 
theses ().  The  writing  is  in  places  almost  entirely  effaced, 
only  the  faintest  white  traces  remaining,  which  could  not  be 
read  at  all  without  the  aid  of  parallel  passages  in  LL  and 
elsewhere,  to  which  Windisch's  monumental  edition  furnished 
a  useful  clue.  On  the  other  hand,  where  no  such  clue  was 
available,  the  decipherment  of  passages  in  reality  less  illegible 
had  to  be  abandoned,  after  many  whole  mornings  were  spent 
in  the  attempt.  As  it  is,  I  hope  I  have  set  down  nothing  that 
is  mere  guess-work,  that  cannot  be  verified  with  some  patience 
by  others. 

Neither  MS.  can  be  said  to  be  very  good.  From  the  wrong 
division  of  words  it  is  apparent  that  the  scribe  of  F  did  not 
always  understand  what  he  was  copj'ing,  nor  have  I  always 
succeeded.  There  are  several  obscure  passages  in  both  versions. 
For  unravelling  some  of  these  I  have  to  thank  my  friend 
Dr.  0.  J.  Bergin,  who  was  almost  always  ready  with  fruitful 
suggestions  when  appealed  to.  Some  difficulties,  however,  still 
remain  to  be  cleared  up. 

Perhaps,  in  such  late  manuscripts  it  would  have  been 
more  consistent  with  the  orthography  of  the  period  to  extend 
the  tall  e,  and  the  symbols  for  en,  er,  ed  as  ea,  ean,  ear,  ead. 
In  the  often  recurring  name  Fer  Diad,  the  symbol  has  been 
silently  extended  Fer,  italics  being  used  in  both  versions  only 
in  the  oblique  cases.  In  H.  2.  12  the  symbol  for  ar  has  often 
a  slight  hook  over  the  a;  it  is  not  clear  whether  the  scribe 
intends  it  alwaj^s  for  air,  but  I  have  so  extended  it,  following 
Nettlau. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  O'Reilly,  Librarian  of 
the  Franciscan  Convent,  and  to  the  Librarians  of  Trinity  College, 
for  the  facilities  so  kindly  afforded  me  when  transcribing  the 
manuscripts. 

18* 


276  K.  I.  BEST 


COMHRAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCVLÄINN  ANDSO. 

Franciscan  Convent  MS.  16 

(pp.  83—102) 

[2]  As  andsin  do  liiomraidheadh  ag  feroibh  Eirionw  cia  budh 
coir  do  chatliughadh  &  do  chruadhchomhrsig  re  Coin  ccatliblmagliac/i 
cCülainn  a  mocha  na  maidne  arnamaroch.  Adubradar  each  uile 
gurab  é  an  feidhm  nach  fuloingther  &  an  boirbfreagartach  biodh- 
hadh  7  an  trénmhil/d/i  ti-asgartha  tromchomhloinw  &  an  coghain- 
chneasachi)  a  hlorrus  Domhna«  .i.  due  7  dearbhchomhalta  Con 
cCulamw  bttdhein  &  a  cheile  comhghaisgidh  7  comfoghlama  .i. 
Fer  Diadh  mac  Damham  mic  Daire  Domnandoigh'-)  .i.  an  mWidh 
ar  morchalmac/ii  os  feroibh  Domnanw  uile,  or  ni  raibhe  cleas  goile 
no  gaiscidh  ag  Coin  cCulahm  nach  raibhe  ag  Fior  Dhiadh  acht 
cleas  an  gháoi  bhulga  nama.  Gidheadh  dar  leosan  do  bhi  iongabh- 
áil  an  chleasa  sin  fein  ag  Fior  Dhiadh,  doigh  as  cneas  coghna  7 
cnamha  baoi  uime  gonach  gondaois  airm  naid  iolfgebhoir  a  n-am 
chatha  no  corahlamw  é. 

[3j  Ar  sin  faoigheas  Meadhbh  feasa  &  teachda  ar  ceand 
Fir  Dhiadh.  Ro  er  &  ro  aither  Fear  Diadh^)  na  teachta  sin,  or 
do  aithin  an  t-adhbhar  fa  raibhe  Meadhhh  dia  tbochiiireiZ/i  .i.  do 
cathughai?/i  7  do  chomhrag  re  charoid  7  re  cumpanac/i  fein  re 
Coin  cCulamw.  lar  sin  fseigheas  Meadhhh  a  draoithi  &  a  deighfilidh 
ar  ceand  Fir  Dh.  dia  seir  7  dia  egnach  'na  fiaghnoisi  go  ttwrtho- 
gbad^eis  teora  bolg  fora  ghnuis  0  ainimh  7  0  esishuidh  muna 
tmrisedh  leo.  Do  eiridh  Fer  D.  leo  iar  sin  iiair  ba  husa  lais  gsei 
glmiscidh  dfulang  naid  gaei  aoire  7  aithisi. 

[4]  7  tainic  gusan  ppiibaill  a  mbaei  Meadhbh  &  Oirill,  & 
feraid  fáilti  fris  diobh  lionoibh,  7  do  cuiredh  Fionnabhair  ingen 
Oiriolla  7  Meadhba  (84)  fora  dheaslaimh.  7  as  si  do  ibheadh  dos 
gach  cuirn  7  gach  copain  nodbertháoi  áFior  D.  Anuair  ba  siibach 
tortsio'ilidh  Fer  D.  &  each  ar  cheana  aduba/rt  Meadhbh,  'Maith 
amh  a  anam  a  Fhir  D.,  an  bfeadrois  ciodh  'ma  iiugadh  san  fpuball 
thú?  'Ni  feadíír  on',  ar  Fer  Diad,  'achd  maithe  Eireww  uile  and, 
7  nach  meisde  doibh  misi  mar  gach  laoch  do  heith  mailli  friu'. 
'As  fior  sin',  ol  Meadhbh,  '&  ni  huime  sin  tucamairne  tusa  cugoinw 


1)   congenchnesach  YBL.  ^)  domnandoig/i  MS. 

")   Fear  D.  added  above  line. 


COMHRAG   FIK   DIADH    &   CHON   CCULAINN.  277 

don  oliur  sa,  acht  dia  iaroidh  ort  comhrag  Con  cCulamn  do  diong- 
bhail  dhin  a  u-atli  an  comhriiig  ar  uair  na  maidne  moiche  amaracli 
do  cionn  ^dXXaigli  &  etála  7  comlia  mora  eile  dfagháil  uáine'.  'Ca 
comha  sin  amli?'  ar  Fer  D.  'Xi  handsa  són',  ar  'Meadhbh  '.i. 
tionithacht  da  fer  deg  d'edach  gaclia  datlia.  7  buinne  niadh  hudh 
coimhreamhar  7  hudh  comhfada  re  roigh  laimhe  laeich  0  iond  a 
mheoir  go  hiond  a  glmalanw  d'airgead  ?LÍth\egth?i,  7  an  t-eo  oir 
ata  am  brut  sa  fein  a  ndeacliadí(r  deich  n-uinge  .xx.  do  dergór 
&  deich  lethuinge  d'airgead  7  deich  cclocha  fichead  do  criosdol,  7 
cudruma  Moighe  nAirph  do  mhin  Mhuighe  hAoi,  7  feis  a  cCruachoin 
do  gres,  7  fion  do  dháil  fort  and,  7  mHngen  sa  do  mnaoi  doit,  7 
saoirsi  dot  uainn  7  dot  cinel  ar  oboir  7  ar  sluaig/jerfA  7  ar  gach 
dáil  ghábhuidh  ar  cheana,  7  deich  .c.  bó  dorn  tanoidh  si  fein,  7 
gach  maith  oile  0  sin  suas'. 

[5]  'As  mor  na  comhaiZa  sin',  ar  each,  '7  dia  ccomhoillter 
iad  dia  re  na  ccomal  uaimsi',  ol  Meadhbh.  'As  mor  iad',  ol  Fer  D., 
'7  gidhad  mor  as  agadsa  fein  fuicfighter,  7  ni  ba  raisi  b<»>-us  uaid 
iad  idir  ar  dol  do  comhrag  rem  cumpanach  fein  re  Coin  Q,Q\\\ainn\ 

[7]  'As  fior  trá',  ol  Meadhbh,  as  tre  coir  n-indligh^),  'an 
briathor  tue  Cu  Culamw'.  'Cia  briathor  sin,  a  M.?'  ol  Fer  D. 
'AdubaíVí',  arsí,  'na  hudh  folair  leis  do  thuitim  si  a  n-oirighin 
gaisgidh  isan  cheidionadh'.  'Nir  coir  dhosan  sin  do  radh',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'doigh  amh  ni  meatachd  no  milaochzís  ro  fidirsiomh  formsa 
riamli,  7  tuig-2)  se  gomadh  misi  nodsoichfe  isan  maidin  amaroch 
go  hath  an  chomhruig  cuige'.  'Adfia  buaid  7  beandacht',  ol  M., 
'is  ferr  lind  sin  ina  meatachd  no  milaochus  do  braith  ort,  doigh 
cöndalph  do  dhaoinibh  bitdheasda,  7  ga  cora  dhosan  sochar 
Uladh  do  áhénum  &  a  mathoir  do  Thtiathoihh  de  Banann  ina 
doitsi  sochor  Connacht  do  denamh,  doigh  as  mac  urradh  do  Con- 
dachtuibh  thu,  7  is  siad  Tuatha  de  Banann  da  bfoilsiomh  tug 
diom  bloig  ar  Fearuibh  Bolg  da  bfiulisi  a  ccath  Muighe  Turedh 
gur  chuirsiod  fa  daoirchios  durfognamha  iad  iarttain'. 

[9]  'Tapoir  urra  damhsa  risna  comhadha  re  geallois  a 
WieadhW,  ol  Fer  D.,  '&  doberimsi  fa  mbreithir  gomadh  (85)  me 
ce7duine  rachus  go  hath  an  chomhroig  a  mucha  na  maidne  amärach 
a  ccoinde  7  a  ccomhcZail  Con  cCula«m'.  'Dogebhtwr  go  deimhin', 
ol  Meadhbh,  'gach  urradh  hus  ail  let'.  As  cuma  ro  bhaoi  da 
radh  7  adubaiVt  an  laoidh  sum:  Rodfia  buaidh  iden    'IS  iad  cuir 


»)   n-indligh-  MS.  ^)   toingimsa  YBL. 


278  R.  I.  BEST, 

iaroimsi  amh',  ar  Fer  D,  ',i.  righ  ar  riogliaclit  do  chosnamh  mo 
dala  a  cciort  catha  7  conihloinw,  7  fLlidh  fri  liaoradh  go  ro  tliogbuid 
bulga  neimhe  tor  na  gnuisibli  ro  aorfadaois  0  acois  7  0  breachtradh 
an  dána,  7  mag  M  uert  comhlainn  dia  ndiceanutar  oineach,  7 
draoi  fri  draoiglieachta,  7  cainte  fri  glaimhcd/i,  7  hrughaidh  fri 
doimhiadli  do  dhioglioilt  monab  tualoing  ttabhoigh'.  'Dogliebbair 
sin  uile  a  Fhir  Dh',  ol  M.,  're  each  7  iar  ccacli  accuinge'. 

[11]  IS  andsin  tan-oidh  ^leadhhh  modh  n-aroidlii)  ar  Fer 
nDiag  urn  an  comhrag  do  dhénam  re  seisi[r]  comaoisi  curad"^) 
mochtrath  arnamaroch  damadh  usa  leis  a  oba  ina  comhrug  re 
Coin  cCwlainn  ni  Istmadh  he  0  mhoirg/iriosadh  'Me(idhbh?L  air, 
7  do  cesingail  Fer  Dh.  cor  seisir  ar  Mheidhbh  am  tioradh  na 
ngesilladh  soin  dho  dia  ttaothsad  Cii  C.  leis. 

[12]  Baoi  fer  amlira  áJJltaibh  a  hfíSíglmuise  na  coroigheachta 
sin  .i.  Ferghas  mac  Eosa  Riiaidh  mic  Rudhra?^/ie,  7  ro  dhiult 
Fearghus  dol  isan  slánoigheacht  sin  áFMor  D.  Tig  Fergus  roimhe 
cum  an  phubuill  a  mbaoi  a  mhuinnter  fern.  'IS  saoth  7  as  goirt 
lind  an  gniomh  domther  amarach  a  óga',  bar  Fearghus.  'Ga 
gniomh  soin?'  ol  na  hoig  uile.  'Cm  Chulainn  do  maxhadh  amarach', 
ol  Fergus.  'Cia  le  marbhthar  he?'  ol  na  fiora.  'Mallacht  a  chadhois 
7  a  cumoinw  fair  .i.  a  c[h]ara  7  a  chomhalta  fein  .i.  Fer  D.  mac 
Damain  mic  Daire  Domlmannuigh,  7  a  oga',  hnr  Fergus,  ^eirgedh 
neach  agoibh  le  rabhadh  7  le  hoirisiochd  uáinne  gus  ar  ccaroid 
7  gus  ar  mbrathoir  ionmiiin  .i.  go  Coin  ccathbuadhoigh  cCxúaimi 
da  fios  an  bfuigfese  an  t-áth  áFior  D.  isan  mhaidin  si  amaroch'. 
'Truagh  amh  sin',  ar  siad,  'uair  gemadh  tusa  wobeth  san  ionadh 
a  bfoil  Cu  Culrtm«  as  dearbh  nach^)  roisiodh  rabaf?/i  uainne  thú'. 
'Geibhter  m'eocha  fZ«msa',  ol  Fergus,  '7  innillter  mo  charbad  go 
ndeachoiní^  iarttain  go  hath  an  comhlamw  &  go  n-indisind  do 
Choin  cCwlainn  an  ti  tig  a  n-oiris  an  comla?>m  cuige  amaroch'. 
Do  gapharf/i  na  heocha  dFergiis  7  do  hinnkiZ  an  carbad  7  tain2C 
roimhe  go  hath  an  comlainn  go  hairm  a  mbaoi  Cm  Chulainn. 

[H.  2. 17.  =  Wi.  1809]  IS  MdXaidh  baoi  Cm  C.  an  la  soin  7 
a  druim  frisan  ccairthe  a  ccrich  Rois  7  se  ag  imirt  buanfoigh  re 
a  aroidh  fein,  uair  ass  amlaid  baoi  Laogh  mac  Raoi  in  gaphra*) 


1)  =  maeth  u-áraig,  LL. 

*)  07   xcith  mark  of  asjnration  over  0,  MS.,  ra  sessiur  curad  LL,  etc. 

3)  n^  MS. 

*)  Raoi  ingaphra  MS.,  here  and  passim. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  279 

an  uair  sin  7  a  driiim  re  Coin  cCiüainn  &  ni  ilmigldedh  an  miol 
moiglie  an  magli  gan  fios  do.  7  do  hercclh  leth  mbrandoigheaclita 
ar  Choin  cCwlamn  7  doniodh  toraire  i)  7  forcoimei  ar  kluagh  (86) 
cheithre  n-ollchoig-ead  Eirionn  do  Choin  cCulam«  na  ceand  sin. 
'Aonchairpeacli  sunda  chugoind  a  ppuba  a  Chuagain',  bi<r  Laogh. 
'Ciondus  cairpeach  sin  a  Láoigli?'  ol  Cu  Culamw,  '7  tabhoir  a 
t]iuarusgb/íai7  dúin'.  'Carbatt  cain^)  raor  and',  bliar  eision,  '7  as 
samhalta  liomsa  re  hionwa  rioghrata  romoire  toratar  an  cuingidh 
si  an  carbad  fail  ina^)  heoclia  dubha  deinw^ecZ/ia  gana^)  ccuingibh 
doniiordoibli  datha,  cond.  ttarbhclilar  umhoidhe,  cowa  bfersibh^) 
credumlia,  cowa  ccreit  craos  tana  cleas  aird  clogad  chaoin.  Do 
foil  isan  carbad  laocli  moingleabhar  maothcorcra  mala  duph 
mongsuileach  rioghcZa  romhor  roisclethan,  ulcha  dhnalac/i  ghabh- 
lanoch  fair  go  roichionw  tar  a  maoiliochdair  sios  seadidoir  go 
ndidna?/i  triar  laocli  a  lo  dhoininde  7  dearddoin  hheith  fa  fasgadli 
na  hulcha  sin.  Ba  samhalta  re  doisbliile  mor  os  fiodhba?V?/i  an 
folt  drongach  dualach  dondchas  baoi  forsan  laoch  baoi  san  carbad. 
Brat  ioldathac/i  uaine  uime.  Gasan^)  gleglaw  gealairgid  isan  brut 
osa  bruinne.  Leine  geal  chulpuideach  a  ccusdal  fria  a  geilchneas. 
Geilsciath  go  ttuaigmhioluibh  deargoir  for  a  chliú  go  ttri  rothai&7i 
caoimhdhentha  credhumha  ara  ilioiWedh  osa  airdleaba/rf/i  teora 
ndrong  ndeiceanmAoir  fa  tairsge  uillionw  an  oglaoigh.  Sleagh 
tredruimneach  go  bfeadanoibh  oir  7  go  bfonusgaibh  airgid  aoinghil 
tar  an  ccarbad  amhaiZ  ba  samhalta  leamsa  re  tuinwsiomh  tren- 
clmruidh  ')a  n-ada/^A*)  mhóranfmc/A  seasdan  7  siobaZ  an  carbuid 
7  na  n-each  n-alloind  n-allata  full  fan  marcach  full  and.  'Fior 
amh',  ol  Cu  Cvlamn,  'as  se  .u.  Fergus  mac  Eoigh  an  fer  full  and 
go  raibadh  7  go  scéla  chugamsa  re  bferoibh  Erenn  lais.  7  ni 
cloidhiomh  iaroinn  a  n-indtigh  na  lainde  moire  sin  foil  leision, 
doigh  bliagham  resan  seel  sa  thána  bo  Cuailgne  fuair  Oirill  uair 
mbaoga?7  ar  Feargus  ag  coimhriachtoin  re  Meidhbh  ar  an  liter 
OS  Cruacham,  7  beantis  Oirill  a  cloidMomh  a  truaill  Fergussi  7 
cuirios  cloidheam/i  croinn  'na  ionadh,  7   tue  da  bhreithir  nach 


1)   fe  3IS.  =*)   Added  above  line. 

^)  MS.  has  Tna  with  1  erased,  a7id  an  i  stroke  added  over  n.  M.  2. 17. 
has  in  carbad  fuil  i  n-eachadhbadhaib  na  n-ech  sin.  YBL.  for  dib  echaib 
duba  &c. 

*)   =  gona.  5)   Jiead  fertsibh,    cf.  feirstte  ^'5^  1. 1. 

*)   Bead  casán.  ')    an  bis. 

«)   MS.  ag^. 


280  R.  I.  BEST, 

ttiobradh  áFergus  e  nogo  ttiosad  la  an  morchatha  airm  a  ttioc- 
fadaois  ceithre  hoUclioigvVZ/i  Ere««  a  n-áit  n-aonbhaile  ar  Gháirigh 
7  ar  lolgháirigh  a  ccath  mhor  tliana  bo  Cuailgne'.  'Fior  amh 
an  ni  sin  a  daltain',  hur  Fergus,  'uair  ni  fuil  cloidiomli  itir  innte, 
7  gemadh  innte  nobhiath  ni  hudh  oman  doitsi  7  ni  himeorthsei 
fort  é'.  [1830,  H.  2. 17]  'Mocean  do  thorachtoin  a  mo  ppuba  a 
Fergois',  ar  Cu  Culam«,  '7  ciod  nodgluais  iar  \)i\imedh  ngreine'. 
'Tairisi  liom  an  failte  sin',  bhar  eisin.  'Tairisi  doit  on',  ar  Cu 
C\úainn,  'uair  adíiása  aoghoigheacht  oidhche  sunwa  anochd,  uair 
da  ttaighle  liatli  léna  an  magh  rodbiasa  cagban  go  \etli,  7  da  (87) 
ttaighle  iasg  an  inmhear  rodbhiasa  eigne  go  \ctli  aroile  1),  &  biaidh 
dorn  bioh^V  7  dor«  feamwoidhe  7  dorn  fuluchta  7  deoch  a  gaineamh -) 
da  eisi  7  feis  ar3)  osarleaba  urluachra  go  ttuite  do  suantoirrchim 
codalta  fort,  7  foroire  do  denamh  doit  7  comhrag  re  laoch  tar  do 
chew«  nogo  ris  iomslán  docbum  dhunoidh  7  longpport  ter  nEire««. 
'As  agamsa  foghebha'.  'Is  ionfoghlaifZA  an  chuid  sin',  bhar  Ferghus. 
'As  fior  sin',  ol  Cu  Cula/««,  'as  cuid  tog\i\aidh  agamsa  hi,  doig 
atusa  on  luan  iar  samhoin  go  haos  na  huairi  si,  7  ni  dheacha/d 
adaigh-*)  n-aoigheachta  dom  crich  no  dom  cuigec//«  fein  achd  be<Y/i 
ag  trénfosdagh  icr  nErion«  ar  tanoigh  bo  Cuailgne  don  dmr  sa'. 
'Rodfla  buaidh  7  beannachtoin',  bwr  Fergus.  'Noc/<a  d'aoghoigh- 
eachta  ort  tanacsa,  \}Vi.  3174]  achd  da  indisin  doit  an  ti  tig  do 
chomhrac  riot  ath  re  headh  na  maidne  a  moiche  arnamarach', 
'Cloamar^)  uaid  donna ^)  ale',  bhar  C.  C.  'Mallacht  an  c/<adoigh 
7  an  chumoin«-  air  do  chara  fein  7  do  chomhdhalta  7  fer  comg- 
aisgidh  7  comhgniomha  .i.  Fer  D.  mac  Batnain  mhic  Daire\  'Tigeadh 
as  dono',  hur  C.  C,  'doigh  ni  rugMsa  troigh  teithidh  ar  sluaigerf/i 
thána  bo  Cuailgne  riamh  7  ni  mo  berad  roimhe  sion,  7  gidheadh 
cheana  nocha  dáil  as  deach  liom  dans.')  an  f?rtil  Fir  Dh.  [13]  7 
nocha  ara  uaman  etir  achd  ar  med  a  ghrádha  liom'.  'Na  haboirsi 
sin',  hur  Fergus,  'uair  as  coir  eagla  do  comrag  7  do  comla«« 
Fir  Dh.  uair  cneas  coghna  (sk)  fuil  uime  uile  7  ni  gabhoid^) 
airm  naid  iolfaobhair  greim  de,  7  as  maidhm  dilion«  7  biodhbha 
sochaide  e'. 


')  aroile  is  put  after  biaidh  in  MS. 

*)  ag  aineam/i  MS.  ^)   ar  added  above  line. 

*)  ag-  MS.  5)    do  amar  MS. 

6)  don  na  MS.  ')   da  MS. 

^)  airm  to  daingne  in  another  hand. 


COMHRAG    FIR    DIADH    &    CHON    CCULAINN.  "281 

[14]  'Na  raidh  sin  etir',  ar  C.  C,  'doigh  luighimsi  an  luighe 
luidhid  mo  thuatlia  nach  ba  luaithe  boigsibhen  ar  lar  abhan« 
no  gach  alt  7  gach  aidhe  dhe  fa  dheis  mo  cloidimh  se  da  tteag- 
mhadli  aoinfeclit  for  ath  an  comlain«  é,  óir  ni  ghabliaid  brechta 
daingne^)  druagh^)  re  marmoibh  no  riomsa  do  glirés^),  uair  isum'*) 
eolach  sa  a  hiuil  do  chleasoibh  draoiglieaclita  aige,  or  is  cian  os 
aithn/d/t  damlisa  7  dFior  Dh.  a  cceile\ 

[16]  'Leig  as  a  dhaltain',  bur  Fergus,  [3183]  'ni  mar  cocli 
comhchombruig  duitsi  Fer  D'. 

[19]  Is  andsin  tanoig  Fergus  roime  nach  abradaois  fir  F'lrenn 
gomadh  da  mbraitli  no  da  ttreigeu  nobhiath  da  mhetli  ni  hudh 
sia  ag  iomagallaw/i  re  Coin  cCulamw,  &  do  cheileabhoir  each  da 
cceile  aca,  [18]  7  aduba/rtt  Cu  C,  ^maith  7  sen  7  soladh  nach 
neach  oile  dfcroibh  Firenn  tainic  leisin  ttoisg  sin,  mma  ttiosdais 
(88)  ceithre  cuigidh  Eiriond  and  7  dohiidh  fo  li  liomsa  sin  on 
uair  do  bhiath  raon  aoinfli*  agamsa  orthaib '.  7  tainic  Fergus  iar 
sin  (sic). 

[21]  lomthusa  Chon  cCulamw  doberar  os  airtt  andso  adbert 
re  a  aroidh,  'Cred  as  coir  dhiiine  do  denamh  anois?'  *Do  fetor', 
ar  Laogh.  'As  samlaidh  adró  Fer  D.  dot  ionwsoighzi?/isi  fa  niiai- 
bi!)-[r]t[h]e  foilce  7  fothrag"-^)  7  ceithre  cuigidh  Firenn  áíedmd 
an  comhruig,  7  rob  ail  damhsa  do  aid  sa  a  n-ait  a  bfuighthea 
an  fothragadh  cc^na  fort  gusan  ionadh  a  bfoil  Einihear  ingen 
Fhorghoill  Mhanoch  go  Caorthand  Cluana  da  Dham  ar  Sliabh 
Fuaid'. 

Tsiinic  C.  C.  reimhe  7  baoi  araon  re  a  mnaoi  and  an  ad- 
aigh^)  soin. 

[23  YBL.  2431]  Ba  deimz'n  leo  ait  a  ccomragfadis  da  uaithne 
comhloinu  an  betha  gomadh  coimhthuittim ")  doibh  a  ndis  no  mma 
hadh  dhe  gomadh  he  Fer  D.  nothuitfe£?A  and,  doigh  nirbho  soirph 
comhrac  re  Coin  eG\ú.ainn  ar  úuaighedh  thána  bo  Cuailgne. 

[23.  24]  lomtusa  Fhir  D.  dels  a  chomad/i  do  snadhmarf/i  do 
rainic  chum  a  ppuible  7  a  mhuinwtire,  7  robsad  duba?^/i  doimcn- 


*)   Seco7id  hand  ends.  "^)   After  druagh,  no  erased. 

^)  Eg.  106  has,  according  to  Nettlau,  óir  ni  ghabhann  brég  daingen 
drúadh  riomsa  re  marbadh  do  ghrés. 

*)   is  umeolrtc/i  MS. 

^)  cf.  nuamaisi  foilce  figi  7  bertha  7  foilci  7  fothraicthi  YBL  2423,  and 
berrtha  núa  leo  LL.  107  b  8. 

«)  ag^  MS.  ')   t/mit  urn.  MS. 


282  R.  I.  BEST 


mnaigh  iad  an  ada?V//ii)  sin,  7  tuilis  an  miMdh  morchalma  an 
a.áaigh  1)  7  do  luidli  a  mlieisce  dlie  7  áochuaidh  a  choáladh  uadha, 
7  do  eirigh  'iia  suidlie  7  t^(C  lamh  tar  a  SLgaidh  da  níamhglilanaíZ/i 
7  gaft/iaid  lamh  for  a  aroidli  'ma  a  cliarbad  d'indeall.  'Geibh  ar 
n-eocha  dliúin  7  indill  ar  ccarbad,  doigh  as  mocbeirgeach  m^2) 
an  laoch  tig  inar  n-ag««V//i'. 

[25.  26]  'Dar  ar  ccuphus  amh',  ar  an  giolla,  'ni  toghairm 
socra  lind  an  ni  sin  .i.  dol  a  ccomhdail  Con  cCiúainn,  uair  gach 
a  ndeacha/d  dft'roibb  Eiram  riamh  'na  dhail  ni  térna  fer  indiste 
seel  as  nadhasan  diobh,  7  ni  lugha  tiocfasi  leis  ina  gach  aon 
laoch  eile'. 

[27.  27]  'Na  haboirsi  sin  a  ghiolla',  ar  Fer  D.,  'or  as  damhsa 
as  haithnü//i  an  laoch  iid,  7  as  Horn  tuitfeas.'  'Dar  ar  ccubus 
amh',  ar  an  giolla,  'as  drochti/rus  tochd  a  ndail  an  ti  tig  and', 
arse,  'uair  as  se  maith  7  olc  J]\adh  he,  7  as  mairg  ata  3,  bord 
a  iondsoighíí?/í,  7  had  cumaw  let  iia  7  let  iarmhua^)  e'. 

[30]  lar  sin  ro  ga&Ziadh  a  eocha  áFior  D.  7  do  hináledh  a 
charbad  7  tainic  go  longppo>-t  hter  nKivenu  hudh  thuaidh. 

[31]  'An  eadh  dob  ail  leatsa',  ar  an  giolla,  'd«Za  a  ndail 
C,  cC.  7  gan  ceileabrfli?/i  do  Mheidhph  7  dOirill  7  dferoibh  Eirmn 
ar  chena'?'  'Ni  head  amh',  ar  Fer  D.,  '7  iompogh  na  heocha  7 
an  carbad  dhuin  ar  fe>oibh  Eirenn''  0  nach  ttainic  C.  C.  fos  ar 
an  ath.  lompaighis  an  giolla  na  heocha  7  an  carbad  dochum 
an  áimaidh  ar  fearoibh  Eire««.  IS  andsin  dorala  Meadhhh  ag 
sriobhladh  a  fuail  uaithe  ar  urlar  na  piiible.  (89)  'An  cottlai? 
dhoit  a  Oirill?'  ar  Meadhbh.  'Ni  headh  amh',  bar  Oilill.  'An 
ccluinir  do  cliamham  nua  ag  ceileabhradh  doit?'  'An  é  doni  so?' 
bar  Oir ill.  'As  se',  hiir  M.  'Luighimsi  an  loighe  luighid  mo 
tlmatho  nach  ttiocfoidhse  ar  na  cosoiph  ceiiua  cugoibhsi  aris',  ol 
Oirill,  'an  te  doni  an  ceileabhradh  daoibhsi,  araba  a  ttaramoirne 
da  cleamhnus',  ar  Oivill,  'achd  go  ttaoithsad  Cu  C.  leis  fo  lind 
gemadh  coimtuitim  doibh,  ach  gemadh  terr  lind  Fer  D.  do 
ternamh  as'. 

[2485  YBL]  Tain/c  Fer  D.  roime  go  hath  an  chomhruic 
a  haithle  an  comhráidh  sin.  'Fegha  leat  amh  a  ghiolla',  bur 
Fer  D.  'an  tiiil  C.  C.  ar  an  ath?'    'Ni  brodh  beag  a  pfakc/i  e', 


1)   ag"  MS.  2)   =  mór  (?). 

8)  le  tua  7  le  tiar...  MS. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  283 

ol  an  giolla.  'Is  fior  am,  a  ghiolla',  liiir  Fer  Diagh,  '7  nocha 
ccwedaidh  Cii  QJiulainn  daiglifer  do  toclit  na  a,g\\aidh  go  sunda 
for  Uanoidhi),  7  an  trath  ro  cualaíí?  ro  fagaibh  an  t-ath.'  'Mór 
an  liac  Cu  Chnlahm  d'eguacli  'na  egmhais',  ar^)  an  giolla,  '7  an 
cumhain  let  an  trath  tugsawJi  an  catli  do  Ghernian  Garbhghlas 
OS  eochair  imlibli  mbara  hlocht,  7  ro  fagbhw/sse  do  chloidhemh 
ag  na  sluagha?7>/i,  7  gurab  é  Cu  Ciilainn  ro  marbh  cet  laocb  ag 
roditain  do  cloidimh  si  doridliesi  go  ttugadh  duitsi  é?  7  ni  he 
an  la  sin  aderadh  tusa  gomadh  terr  do  ghaisgedhach  tu  fein  oldas 
C.  C.  7  an  cumhain  let',  ol  an  giolla,  'ga  tech  'na  rabhamar  an 
adha?yi3)  gjn?'  'Do  fedar',  ol  Fer  D.,  'sa  ttoigh  rechtaire  do 
bhamar'.  'As  fior  gurab  ann',  ol  an  giolla,  '7  dochuadhaisi  go 
sotal  soightenach  romhainne  gurab  anwsin  dobert  an  t-aithech 
baoi  asan  tigh  beim  dond^)  aoil  treabhtlr^)  duidsi  a  mbiodhbacA 
do  dhroma  go  ttard  orchar  dliiot  tar  an  doras  amach,  go  ttainig 
C.  C.  asdeach  go  tt«c  beim  cloidimh  don  aithec[h]  go  nderna  da 
n-ordain  de,  7  ni  he  an  la  sin  adertha  gomad  terr  do  gaisgeciach  ^) 
thu  ina  C.  C.  'Egcoir  a  ndearnois  a  ghiolla',  ol  Fer  D.,  'nach 
ar  thus  tucoisi  an  comhoirle  sin  damh,  uair  ni  thiocfoinw  cum 
an  comlamn  damadh  eadh'. 

[32]  'Maith  a  ghiolla',  ol  Fer  D.,  'scaroidh  feirstte  7  fö)"geime 
mu  charboitt  fum  sunda  go  ndernoinw  suan  7  codladk,  or  ni  dernus 
cottlacZ  le  ceisd  an  comlainn  &  an  comhroig  do  ghabhuis  do  laimh, 
7  as  mocli  do  eii'gemar  aniú,  or  ni  trath  coinde  na  comh(7/iöla 
and'.  'Dar  ar  ccubhíís  amh',  ol  an  giolla,  'as  droichionadh  codalta 
so,  or')  as  crioch  hioálihadh  7  as  faighthe  namhad  7  as  belach 
bodhbha,  7  ni  crioch  ionloighthe,  7  ni  coir  a  dhenamh  7  ceithre 
cuigidh  Eirionw  ag  goin  7  ag  friothgoin  a  cheile,  7  gidhbe  imreas 
mela  no  mearoigheacht  fort  isan  codal  soin  ni  foighbhe  ioc  no 
inocland*)  and',  'Denw^a  m'fairi  si  7  m'forchoimhei  a  ghiolla',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'nach  tti  neach  dfey  oibh  Erenn  gan  r-dhadh  gan  rathugad/i 
chugam,  7  m^  dd  soiser  in  nte^)  menman  7  aigeanta  re  headh 
7   re  hathoidh  do  lo'.  (90)  lar  sin  scaoilis  an  giolla  ferstte  7 


1)  7  an  trath  to  gaisgedach,  note  6  infra,  m  another  hand. 

2)  an  MS.  3)    ag-  MS. 

*)  don  daoil  MS.  '")   trebennach  YBL. 

^)  Second  hand  ends.  ")    or  bis. 

*)  MS.  has  ioc -land,  ivith  two   caret   marks   over  and   under  the  c. 
=  eneclann. 

^)  Meaning  obscure.  . 


284  R.  I.  BEST, 

forgemne  an  charboitt  faoi,  7  tuilis  an  milidh  morchalma  'na  suan 
7  'na  coáladh  go  lieirge  laoi. 

[34]  lomtusa  Con  cCulainn  do  aithin  da  aroidli  a  eocha 
d'iomcoimlicY.  Tuirtheachta  ü  Laoigli  mic  Raoi  in  ghabhra  tarr- 
oidh  dlio  agi)  airighin  a  eacliroidhe  go  ttanoig  nel  liath  glilas 
na  maidne  moiche  &  ro  ghapM^doir  a  eachruidlie  7  do  inledar  a 
cliarbad  7  ro  eirniodar  a  chleasa  7  tanoig  roime  go  liairm  a 
mbaoi  Cti  Chnlainn,  7  nir  eiridh  C.  C.  go  modi  an  la  soin  gur 
foilc  7  gur  fothruig  7  gur  domhuil  feis  diothad  an  laoi  sin. 

[37]  7  ro  ling  'na  cliarbad  iar  sin  7  tainic  roimhe  go  hath 
an  chomhlamw. 

[38]  7  nirbo  cian  diogh  Mhór  mac  Raoi  an  gabhra  and  an 
tan  adcuala<d/i  fuaim  an  charbuid  chuige,  7  ro  gahh  grain  7 
omun  mor  é. 

[39]  7  tainic  roime  d'iondsoighííZA  a  thigerna,  7  iadhois  a 
di  láimh  uime  7  do  duisigh  asa  coáladh  e,  7  tue  lamh  tar  a  Sigaidh 
7  doroighne  roth  nuall  corcra  de  0  mullach  go  talmoin.  'Do  foil 
sund  Cm  Chulainn  chugad',  ar  logh,  'a  Fir  D'. 

[42]  'Ciondus  rodwsnacaghois  he  a  ghiolla',  ol  Fer  D.  '7 
an  ttuccois  leat  dhuin  fios  a  iorroidh  7  a  edoigh  7  a  charboid?' 
'Do  ugus  Ü',  bar  logh.  'Tabhuir  a  tuarttsspail  (sic)  dhúin',  ol 
Fer  D.  'Adconwarc  and',  hur  an  giolla,  'carbad  foill  fetamoin 
flon«drúinne,  go  liias  go  luth  go  láinghliocns,  go  ppnbuill  n-nainighe 
7  go  ttarphchlar  n-umhoighe,  go  rothoibh  fionnbhruine,  go  pfersibh 
fionwairgid^),  ceo  ccreit  n-uraird  n-uraoiphinw  ndirigh  ndreasach- 
daigh  ndasachdoigh  ccaoimh  ccneas  saoir  cco\gda  cclagad  chaoin, 
ceo  ccarbatt  ccomhthrom  ccraoislech  an  ccriothluath  ar  da  n-each- 
aibh  crodha  commora  at  iad  hiorigh  bag/iaig/i  hvLMcligh  huilidh 
bedcrom  bolgsronoigh.  'Loim  chro  7  fola  ad  bei  a  ghiolla',  bar 
Fer  D.,  'as  aicsighe^)  an  tuarusgbáíl  adbertois  fair'.  'Narab  dioni- 
dhoidhe  tusa  sin  itir\  ar  an  t-aro,  'uair  gemai?/r')  é  a  ara  san 
dochitidh  tusa  ni  hudh  tldithi  do  tííarusgbhail  si  leis.  7  an  ccluinesi 
culgoire  carboitt  an  curadh  don  leirg?'  'Ni  chluinim',  ol  Fer  D. 
'Adchluinimisi',  ol  an  t-aro. 

[44]  'As  truagh  an  gniomh  ar  ar  cAindeabhoir',  bar  an  gille, 
'.i.  cindeadh  an  comhlainn  a  n-aghoidh  do  chomdalta  chartaimi^/i 
fein,  as  leomhaw  ar  feirg,  as  tarbh  ar  treisi,  as  naither  ar  neimh- 


1)   ag  bis.  *)  fion-  airgid  MS. 

3)  ^=  aicside.  *)   go  . . .  MS. 


COMÜRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  285 

nighe  fulang  feirge  an  fir  ud',  hJrnr  an  giolla,  'a  torchair  leis 
go  ttrastta  gach  aon  dorala  ris  for  tliánoigh,  7  as  doigli  do  tuitim 
si  leis'. 

[45  H.  2. 12]  'Coisc  dhiom  a  gliiolla',  ol  Fev  D.,  'as  romhor 
molae  mo  bliiodhblia  am  fiaghn?i/6e,  7  as  briathar  damlisa',  ol 
Fer  D,  ^da  mad  bes  damh  aruidh  naid  eachlac/^a  no  aos  leth- 
faobhoir  do  (91)  marbaíí/í  dogliebhtasa  bás  liom  [46]  ara  mhet 
mholae  mo  biodhbha  am  fiaghnrn'^e  0  thauoig  0  clirich  b«deisin, 
7  dobwc?  maitli  do  mlieatli  drochlaoich  a  ndeuoigh  a  ghiolla', 
bar  Fer  D. 

[45  YBL.  2577]  As  a  haitlile  sin  adbert  Fer  D.  seaca  re 
axaidh  go  hiongantach,  'geibli  ar  n-eoclia  dhuin  7  innill  ar  ccarbatt 
7  comgh  ar  n-arma  ar  cionw  Con  cCulamn'.  'Dar  mo  bhreitliir 
amh',  ol  an  giolla,  'dia  n-iompaidhinw  m'aglioid  don  leth  atta  mo 
chul  dar  liom  do  rachdaois  na  hairm  indillte  fuilid  cliugad  triom.' 
7  gerb  eadh  do  eirigh  an  giolla  7  do  indill  an  carbad. 

[47]   lar  sin  rainig  C.  C.  go  bur  an  atha  a  n-aghaidh  Fir  D. 

[49]  Ottcownairc  Fer  D.  e  flafruigliis  de,  'Can  asa  ttigeisi 
a  Chuagain?'  ol  Fer  D.,  doigh  cu  ainm  don  claoine  'san  tsean- 
gaoidheilg,  uair  seaclid  mic  imliosna  baoi  a  ceachtar  a  dhi  a  rio 
(sic)  rose ')  7  da  mac  imleasoin  claon  dibb,  7  dohudh  mo  a  maisi 
dhó  ina  mhimhaisi,  7  da  mheth  ainimli  budh  mo  ina  sin  air  as  i 
áohudh  dücha  do  tbugba^)  ris  dliúsan. 

[51]  'Can  asa  ttigeisi  fein  ceana  a  Fir  D?'  ol  C.  C,  'uair 
as  Cora  a  fiafra/^Aidb  diot,  uair  as  tu  nech  bi  ar  an  ath  sa  gach 
laoe'.  'In  misi  u',  ol  Fer  D.  'As  tu',  ol  C.  C.  'Ni  denta  iougnadh 
dom  faicsin  si  andso  ú',  bar  Fer  D.,  'ar  mhithin^)  on  ataimuidue 
ag  dógh  7  ag  loscadli  -an  chuigidh  on  luan  iar  samam  go  Uses 
na  liuairi  si,  7  tiicsam  lind  a  mbuar  7  a  mbótainte  a  maoine  7  a 
maitheasa  7  a  n-ionnmhusa,  dosrallsan^)  a  ttolcha  tar  a  n-eisi 
'na  bfanta/^/i  gursatt  comharda  comrreidhe  iad  7  a  bfaighthe'. 
'Tusa  an  clireach  deisidhe',  bar  C.  C.  '7  as  misi  an  toir,  7  ni 
denta  iongnadli  deisidhe  dom  faicsin  a  ndegliaidh  mo  ouidh  7 
mo  crethe  dus  da  ttáir  sinde  screamhghal  teagl'  na  cuidiochda 


1)  Read  a  dha  rigrosc;  dhi  a  ends  the  line  in  MS. 

2)  isedh  rothuibebad  fris  FBL.;  dotub(?ad)usä  fris  E.  2. 12. 

3)  =  bhitbin. 

*)  dolegsuwi  H.  2. 12. 


286  R.  I.  BEST, 

nach  adaibli  danadbe/Ziasa  ad  niadli  no  att  nert^)  'hudh  du  diiitsi 
gesstt/ia  a  naeghaidh  do  cruidh,  aclid  ata  ni  ceaua  ataoi  tretoil 
troimcrecdnoiglithe  7  ni  dot  figh  setrighi)  comlcmn  no  comlirug^)  re 
curuidh  calma  mar  meisi'.  A  liaitlile  na  mbriathar  soin  tuirlingis 
Cu  Cxúainn  7  tig  gu  liur  an  atlia,  7  baoi  ag  tablioirt  aclimhi/5ain 
áFior  D.  ar  ttoiglieacht  do  chomra^  'na  Sigaidh.  'Eccoir  amh 
doitsi  a  Fir  D.\  bar  C.  C,  'toclid  a  ccenn  comlainn  7  comhruig 
dorn  ionnsoigliú7/i  si  7  ceithre  cmgidli  Eirewn  am  s.g]midh  a 
n-aoinfeacht,  7  gin  go  gablithasa  learn  nir  gabtha  duit  (92)  oram 
ar  bithin  on  ad  cara  each  uain  rf"aroile'.  'Gidh  eadh  sin',  bar 
Fer  D.,  'ni  étoimsi  gan  comhrag  re  seiser  curadh  mochtrath 
amaroch'.  'As  beth  idir  dha  throm  doitsi  sin',  bar  C.  C,  'uair 
gidh  risin  seisior  sin  doneththa  (sic)  an  comla^jw  tuitfe  leo,  7  gidh 
liomsa  doneithea  é  fos  tuitfe  leam,  7  dobeVa  misi  an  aei[n]chomhoirle 
doitsi',  bar  C.  C,  'ar  iomfasdogh  ar  ccadoigh  &  ar  ccumoin«, 
tabhoir  ter  gach  laei  damhsa  dioph  araon  rem  comhlaww  &  as 
doigh  go  iimttidh  leamsa  SLiaúúaidh  sin,  7  as  usa  leam  sin  ina 
comhlaim  riotsa  at  aenar'.  'Ni  ettoimsi  sin',  ol  Fer  D.  'An  é 
sena  an  carsLáraidh  7  an  comhaltois  7  an  cumoinn  hud  ail  leat?' 
ar  C.  C.  'Ni  he',  bar  Fer  D.,  'acht  as  eigin  damh  comlaim  7 
comhrag  riotsa',  'As  olc  an  gniomh  dobére  dot  aire  a  Fir  D.', 
bar  C.  C.  'hiidh  teasargoin^)  darach  do  dornoibh  doitsi  sin,  7  hudh 
gad  um  ghaineamh  7  hud  beim  cinn  fri  samh  7  hud  teine  fri 
soighnen  7  hudh  healach  bais  doitsi  an  comhoirle  sin  aca'.  'A 
Chuagain',  bar  Fer  D.,  'adcualamairne  nach  comcalma  re  cwroidh 
thusa  0  tanaghois  ar  sluaighedA  tana  bo  Cuailgne  go  haos  na 
huairi  si.'  'Tuinghimsi  um  na  deibh  da  n-adhroim'^),  bar  C.  C. 
'nach  doilge  leamso  do  cumus  sa  na  do  chongnamh  na  gach  aon 
da  ttorac/íí  cugam',  bar  C.  C,  'am  sighaidh  gusan  ttrath  sa'.  ^Budh 
hi  an  uair  si  fiondfadmaid  eisein',  bar  Fer  D. 

[55]  'Ga  gaisceadh  ara  racham  aniogh?'  hur  C.  C.  'or  as 
tusa  as  tiesga  doriachd  go  hoirighin  an  atha'.  'Inad  cumuin  si 
isna  cleasa?7^/i  roniamhois  ag  Vsithaigh  7  ag  Scatha/^/A  Rgus  ag 
Mwreighil  Manan^i  7  ag  Ahhlaigh  Aran«  7  ag  Abhradruag  ri 
Tire  an  tSneachta  7  ag  Ceis  Enchinn  7  ag  Croccán  Moiiaigh  ag 
Seanacli  Siabhra  ag  Cir  ag  Beth  ag  Bailcin  ag  Guar  ag  Aid  ag 
Aoife  inyen  Airdghine  do  Gregoiph?'    'Um  cumoin  amh',  hur  C.  C. 


1)    This  j^assage  obscure.  ^)   comhruig  3ÍS.,  with  i  erased. 

^)   teas  argoiu  MS.  *)   daua  d/iroim  MS. 


COMHRAG    FIR    DIADH    &    CHON    CCULAINN.  287 

'Tiagham  orra',  orse.  '7  lottarsan  ara  ccleasoibli  &.m.\aidh  sin  .i. 
.uii.  bfaobhairclileasa  7  seacht  ccleasa  cuirp  7  .uii.  bfaoinclileasa. 
Tigdis  uatha  7  cuca  amh«?7  teagoid  beich  a  beacliadhblia  a  lo 
alainn  foghmlioir  nach  biadh  gaoth.  Xi  teilgdis  nach  aimsidis, 
ni  aimsidis  nach  athaimsidis,  7  gur  ansad  da  n-iomghuin  baoi 
dfeaphi<5  na  hiomghaphala  cownar  imligh  nech  diobh  ar  aroile, 
cownarbó  sofecsana  dferoibh  'Erenn  gniiis  na  n-anrad  re  suithin 
na  ccleas  uatha  7  cuca.  7  tar;-»5duir  doib  ar  an  urlethi  sin  0 
solMsthrath  eirge  do  lo  go  ndeacha/cZ/i  tar  meaghon  laoi  7  lansoillsi. 
'Ni  tüilech  duin  an  gaisciodh  sa',  bar  Fer  D.,  '7  an  bfuil  ar 
ndisgur  ris?'  '■Bamadh  ail  leatsa  donetha',  \)ur  C.  C.  Intsin  do 
chinteador  a  ccleaso  uatha  a  lamhrnWi  a  n-arad  ara  n-aghartoibh 
(93)  urdherghoighte.  7  do  ghaphador  a  sceith  aillne  iarnoidhe  'na 
\'á.m\iaihh,  7  a  slegha  sleamhua  snasta  gana^)  suainedhaibh  lin 
lanchadoigh  ina  lamhoibh,  7  do  ghaphador  a  ccloidhmhe  daigh- 
bheimneacha  fudois  7  rubuis^)  each  a  clieile  dibh.  7  ger  athlamh 
a  n-iomghaba<7  rangad<(r  .x.  ppriomhghona  .xx.  ar  corpuiph  a 
oXieile  uatha  gurba  toir  each  gan  sgath  7  gurba  tiar  each  gan 
taoi.  'Ant  osadh  antsin  a  Chuagain?'  b»r  Fer  D.  'doigh  as  é 
an  ier  thionchi<5  an  ghaiscidh  do  gaphaz/  dligheas  a  disg««;-'.  IS 
andsin  ro  chuirsei  a  n-arma  uatha  7  sguchií5  each  a  che/Ze  dibh 
ar  Ian  mhedon  an  atha,  7  tucsat  tri  pócca  dia  oheile  a  cuimnioghud 
a  ccumuinw.  Eangadwr  na  heicli  ar  aonscor  7  na  haroidh  um 
éntenidh,  7  iatt  fem  arsen  go  haonfpuba/?/,  7  ro  choirgetor  a 
n-aroidh  a  n-iomdef?/ia  urluac/<ra  go  bfriothaghartaiWi  ier  ghonta 
friu.  Na  biadho  7  na  lentta  do  btrtha  0  feroibh  Eirenn  dFior  I), 
do  beirec?/*  cuttruma  ris  tein  do  Coin  cCwlainn  dibh.  An  ni  do 
bertha  a  sioghaí6/i  do  Choiu  cC.  do  luib/6/i  ice  7  laimhsion  do 
heredh  cuttruma  ris  tein  dFior  D.  diph.  An  chei  trian  don  oidhche 
aca  don  {sic)  re  neimh  na  ccneth  7  na  los  n-ice  isna  eneadhazM, 
7  an  trian  tanoiste  re  comhuirle  a  ccomhruicc,  7  an  trian  deighenach 
re  suan  7  re  zodladh. 

[56]  ISan  maidin  arnamarac/i  faoighis  Fer  D.  feasa  go 
Meidhph  7  go  hOirill  da  rádh  riú,  L\n  gniomh  do  gealhi.sa  doibh 
a  n-esbhuidh  mo  chuind  7  mo  cheile  7  noc/<an  fuil  urii^a  damhsa 
and.  uair  ni  foil  for  tuind  talman  duine  damadh  ionraidh  go 
ttuitfec?/i  C.  C.  leis  nogo  bfaice(7/i  ag  tuitim  e,  acht  at'í  ni  chewa 
ni  ria  agh  na  imneth  0  Chom  C.  da  n-ionnsoigh?VZ  siomh  an  ccéin 


0   =  gona.  2)   fu^iijas  7  rudbas  H.  2. 12. 


288  R.  I.  BEST, 

bheam  araon  isan  comrag  sa'.    7  ro  scoichsidsan  a  ttiglie  reisin 
re  sin. 

Bochiiaidh  ara  Fir  D.  leisin  aitbeasc  sin  go  liairm  a  rabJm 
Meadhbh  7  Oir ill  7  Fergus  7  maithe  Mer  niJ/iont  ar  clieana,  7 
do  intis  áoibh  aitheasc  Fir  D.  ris.  Antsin  tucusdtaV  Oivill  cuigei) 
a  rdtha  7  a  rothaoisigli  7  a  úaitlá  teroimi,  7  do  intis  áoihh  an 
ni  sin,  7  ro  raidhsiott,  'gidli  gacli  ier  do  aotlifadli  uain  ni  fuicfeam 
comrac  na  deisi  utt',  7  do  cliomhairl/^ecZar  a  n-aroidli  7  an  tain 
do  cliur  rompa  7  Sinadh  doibh  fein  ag  faicsin  a  comhruig.  IS 
antsin  ro  rdidh  Mac  Eotli  an  rieaclil«c/i  nach  rac/<adh  ara  ar 
bioth  andsin  mona  deachdseis  fir  Frenn  uile  ant,  or  ba  deimhin 
leis  nach  biadh  do  niort  a  n-enduine  'san  domim  fosttogh  Con  cC. 
acht  go  cclMmeadh  a  tharbh  7  a  thain  do  hreith  uadho.  Gidh 
tra  ^cht  ro  heimd6T?/i  an  comhuirle  sin  (94)  aca  7  ro  ansad  re 
fechoin  an  comhlai«w. 

[57]  Tuirtheachta  ,ü.  Con  cC,  do  eirigh  go  moch  an  lái  sin 
cum  an  comlamw,  7  ni  tanoicc  Fer  D,  a  commoch  sin  ina  dáil, 
7  baoi  C.  C.  aga  rádh  re  a  aroidh,  'as  fada  ata  Fer  D.  aniu  a 
n-éccmois  an  chomhla/«n'.  'Narab  fada  leisa  sin',  ar  Laogh,  'do 
ro  re  headh  n-aithgerr  dot  iontsa^■^7<idh,  7  ro  tuil  sunta  chugad', 
ar  haogh. 

Dala  .Ü.  Con  cC.  rainic  roime  go  hur  an  átha  7  ni  cian  dia 
rapha  ant  go  bfaicidh  aoncharbad  ag  toigheacht  go  hur  an  atha 
don  leih  araill  da  ionnsoighidh,  7  do  intis  do  Choin  cC.  'Ciondus 
carbad  sin  ale?'  hur  C.  C.  Tue  an  giolla  a  thuarusgba/7  uadho 
7  adbert  na  briathra  sa  ant.  'Adchiúsa  ant  amÄ'2),  ar  an  giolla, 
7  rl,  'laoch  Idámech  lánchalma  hoch  ceimnech  as  mó  do  miiedhaibJi 
7  as  crodha  do  c\iurd.áh.aibh\  'Dobmmsi  aithne  for  an  ter  soin 
amh  ale',  uur  C.  C,  '.i.  Fer  D.  mac  Dammn  mic  Bdire  Domnandoigh', 
As  andsin  rainig  Fer  D.  go  hur  an  atha  da  n-iondsoigh?V7A.  'Ba 
doigh  linde',  imr  C.  C,  'nach  tiosttasa  aniu  uair  ro  ferois  do  siost 
comhlamu  7  do  buaidh  ngairighe,  7  as  Ian  od  choroibh  anú  thu. 

[58]  7  nirbho  coir  doit  tochd  do  comhkww  riomsa  ar  bithin 
on  ad  comhdhaltagha  each  uain  da  ceile\  'A  Cuagain',  uur  Fer 
D.,  'ni  hurusa  damhsa  gan  congnam  lern  cairdibh,  7  nir  chuimh- 
nighis  comalt?í5  damhsa  hudesisi,  or  ni  rodcoipera'.  'Forfeiamairne 
.Ü.  an  ni  dobeir  ortsa  sin  do  radh  .i.  gradh  Fiondabhrach  7  met 


1)   oi.  ggggg  MS.  *)   am  MS. 


COMHRAG    FIR   DIADH    &    CHON    CۆLAINN.  289 

na  ccomadh  7  bregtingheallaf?/i  Meadhblia,  7  hudh  grad  newiliso- 
mhaoineacli  dlmitsi  sin,  7  nirblio  du  duitsi  teachd  isan  comlirag  a 
m/i'  aglioidh  si.'  'As  fior  on',  nur  Fear  D.,  'nar  dhu  damhsa  comrag 
rem  aroidli  na  rem  ghiolla,  uair  an  tan  bhámoirne  ag  fogliluim 
as  tusa  ba  liara  damsa'.  'As  coroide  damhsa  tfuab«/?t  si  sin', 
VLur  C.  C,  'uair  as  romatsa  ataid  ar  mna  7  ar  mic  ogus  ar  miondaoine, 
7  as  tu  tawaig  a  ccein  diar  soigidh,  7  na  biotli  do  dom/aia  (sic)') 
riomsa,  or  ni  me  as  ciontacli  riot'. 

[59]  'Ga  gaiscead  ara  racliam  anu  a  Fhir  D.?'  mir  C.  C. 
'Leatsa  do  roglia  gaisgidli  aníi',  u/iar  Fer  D.,  ■'doigh  as  misi  rug 
roglia  isa  laithe  do  luidli'.  7  \oaurs3in  ara  ccleasoiph  goile  7 
gaiscidh  an  la  soin,  7  doniotli  C.  C  cleas  an  la  sin  do  milraclh 
meanmon  7  aigeanta  nach  cu^dadh  7  nach  facuidh  riamh  roime 
sin,  7  dogniodh  an  ter  eile  .i.  Fer  Diagh  an  cleas  'mon  esickt 
ecetwö  do  milradh  meanmaw  7  aigeanta. 

[60]  Ogus  do  bad«;-  ar  na  cleasoibh  sin  0  solwstrath  eirghe 
na  maidne  moiche  go  medhon  an  laei.  'An  htuil  ar  ndisgíír  dhe 
so?'  mir  Cu  Culaimi.  (95)  'Fuil  \etsa,\  bhar  Fer  D.  Eo  cuirsead 
a  ccleasa  uatha  a  lamhoibh  a  n-aradh. 

[61]  'Tiagham  anois  ar  ar  manaoisibh  mora  muirneacha, 
uair  as  neaso  d'iomghoin  &  d'imraobadh^)  iad  ina  an  t-inidiobragad 
sa,  7  ro  ghabhoid  a  n-airm  &  doronsad  aonach  chind  tsoighef/Ä 
an  la  soin,  7  tangadiir  aoible  fola  a  hionadh«i&/i  na  laighion 
lethanghlas  gurbo  derg  ath  na  habhond  da  n-eisi.  7  do  sinset 
da  ccloidhmí7>  gur  bheausad  dúide  feola  a  corpoibh  a  cheile,  gurba 
saitheach  braineoin  ag«s  aithide  an  aieoir  dona  fualrtd/<oibh  feola 
tanoig  asa  ceorpaibh  amach.  7  tarrusttíí/r  doi&  ant  re  lieadh  an 
chaomhlaeithe  go  hoidhche.  7  0  tanoig  dereth  don  lo  tncador  a 
n-airm  a  lamhoibh  a  n-arad  7  tangador  na  haroidh  go  he;itein/c?/i 
7  a  n-eich  ar  enscor  7  iátt  fein  a  ndis  go  hewpuboill. 

[62]  As  anwsin  do  raidh  C.  C  re  Fer  D.,  'ba  heigcrion»a 
dhuin  ar  cearadracZ  do  miWedh  ar  comhracc  0  a  cheile,  uair  do 
tairrngir  ar  mbnimetha  dhuin  gomad  la  ceachtar  uain  do  faothsatt 
aroile'.  'Na  haboirsi  sin',  iihu)-  Fer  D.,  'a  Chuagain,  or  as  ierr 
liomso  Meadbh  7  Oirill  do  cairttibh  agam  ina  Sgathac/i  7  tusa.' 
'Egcoir  doitsi  sin  do  rádh',  ar  C.  C,  'doigh  robsad  comhdalta(//<o 
sinn  ag  SgBithaigh,  uair  is  aice  ro  thuillmis  ar  ndis  7  do  thiagh- 


*)   dogra  na  domenma  H.  2. 12. 
^)  dim  raobadh  MS. 

ZeitBohrift  f.  ctilt.  I'bilologie  X.  \^ 


290  R.  I.  BEST, 

mhaois  ar  ar  fiogh')  foirceadoil  le  Sgatlia?i/7/,  7  donimis  coigle  7  do 
ruaclidomois  gan  treiccin'.  'Na  bi  'gom  cimmedh  a  Chuagam', 
ii/iar  Fer  D.,  'iiair  ni  aineoca  ni  da  ttagrae  tliii.'  'Beaniiaclit  ort 
a  dheglilaeicli',  war  C.  C,  'na  bris  comlidhaltus  na  cuniant  oramsa 
uair  sochaidhe  diár  naisged  Fionwabhoir,  ogw5  as  liomsa  do 
tliorchradiir  uile,  7  na  tarr«5a  clmgam  dara  n-eis'. 

[63]  Taríísdoir  doi&/i  ant  an  Sighaiáh  2)  sin,  7  do  eirigh  Fer  D. 
go  moch  arnaraharocli ,  uair  ba  leis  toclit  a  n-oiris  a  n-3igh.aidh 
Con  cC.  an  la  soin,  7  nir  eivigh  C.  C.  an  la  soin  nogur  dviisigli 
Laoccli  e.  Attraclit  C.  C.  iar  sin  a  n-oirios  an  chouúainn.  'Is 
meirtneacli  imsniomlioch  ansnantacli  atathoir^)  anwsin  aClmagam', 
u/tar  Fer  D.  'Deithffr  damhsa  sin',  u/mr  C.  C,  '.11.  .i.  seVcc  an 
uilc  7  na  iionghoile  doglien  ar  mo  cliomlidhalta  fein,  7  dar  liom 
gacli  la  da  ttiocfadli  thorum  ni  tiocf«í(?/<e  do  cliomracc  na  do 
chonúann  riom,  uair  misi  ni  fiiil  urusa  damhsa  an«  mona  treiger 
báidh  Vlad  uile'. 

[67]  'Aboir  a  Fir  Dh.  ga  gaiscedh  ara  racham  aniogli?' 
'Ar  ar  n-oiriiZ/iibh  gaile  7  gaiscidh',  hur  Fer  D.  Ciodli  tra.  'clid 
tiagoidsiomh  ara  n-oiridli//;//  gaih  7  gaisc/(/7i  an  la  sin,  7  tarrMsttoir 
áóibh  arala/c/Zi  sin  ceo  ttainic  medhon  an  laoi,  7  nirba  \cir  do  neoch 
dferoibh  Eireww  gnuis  eich  no  dwme  áo)io  curaí7/<uibh  risin  re 
sin^).  (96)  'In  bfoil  ar  ndisgur  dheso?'  u/<ar  Fer  D.  'Foil  leatsa 
on',  hur  C.  C.  &  rocuirrset  a  ccleasa  uath«. 

[68]  'Eirgeam  ar  ar  ccloidhm/?>  aniogh  &  ceangoilter  ar 
bfrithbhacain  iarnoidhe  ar  na  carbaduibh'.  7  do  gabhador  a 
sceith  7  a  ccloidhmhe  'na  lamhoiph  7  ro  thuairsiod  a  cheile  [69] 
go  ttainig  in  niirtnighe  mtimmn  7  aigenta  do  lucht  na  fiaghnoisi 
oga  bfecsoin.  'Truagh  amh  sin',  ar  siad,  'a  ndentar  anwsutt  .i. 
an  choindle  Gaoidhiol  a  ccomhland  ag  sgarthoin  a  ccomhiZaaltois 
oniogh  go  brath,  7  a  mbeith  'na  mbiodhbaJ/i  bunoidh  0  sund 
amach  tre  breig  tingheall"  Meadhph'. 

[70]  Bador  sund  isan  comhrag  sin  go  ttangador  criocha 
deiridh  don  lo  soin  da  n  -  iontsoigh/d.  IS  andsin  adbert  Fer  D., 
[Wi.  3621]   'Ad  sgithe   ar   n-eich   7   ar  n-aroidh  7  an  ni  mari^^ 


')   =  fiodh,  cf.  Wi.  3540.  ^)    ag'  MS. 

»)   at  athoir  MS. 

*)  Here  the  scribe  has  filled  up  a  portion  of  the  last  line  of  the  page, 
in  a  slightly  smaller  hand,  tvith  the  folloiving  imprecation:  Ailim  trocoire  ar 
an  trinóid. 


COMHRAG   FIK    DIADII    &    CHON   CCULAINN.  291 

d'iarsma  na  bFomliorach  agoin«  ar  n-eich,  ciodli  duinne  an  tiath 
hudh  eadli  nach  ba  lieadh  inde?'     7  adbtrt  an  iau[n]  sa: 

'Xi  dleaghor  dhinw  cuiglaighi 
re  Fomliorchoibli  feidhm 
cuirte;-  fntlia  a  n-urcomrt?7 
mar  as  glaiwn  do  deilbli.' 

lar  sin  tucoig-  a  n-arma  natli«  a  lamlioibli  a  n-aradli  7  do  sgarsad 
gan  ppoig  gan  beannaclit  0  cliach  dia  ceile.  Tanoig  saogliol  an 
cnmoind  7  an  caradrnigli  7  la  etarsgaraf//<  na  n-each  7  na  n-aradh 
7  na  ccarad  fein  re  cheile.  7  ni  tugadli  lus  ice  na  slainsiona  0 
Clioin  cC.  dF.  D  an  Siyhaidh  1)  sin,  7  ni  mo  rugadli  biadli  no  lion« 
uadliasan  do  Choin  cC.  [71]  doigli  ba  hiomlida  biatoigli  Fir  1).  .i. 
ceithre  cmgidh  Eirtn«  ar  g-  naioBgrnail-)  C.  C.  in  neocli  do 
bhaoi  aga  n-ionifasdog  on  luan  taide  go  tai/xdi  n-iomnilg.  7  ni 
rahha.  ag  biathc/d  Con  cC.  achd  tuatlia  Bretli'^)  nama,  7  ni  tigdis 
aclid  le  degdhil  laoi  no  le  tosach  seachdmin")ie  blieos. 

[72]  Tainic  roimhe  a  n-nchd  a  sloigh  7  a  sochruide  ar  atli 
hud  dlieas.  7  tainic  'Meadhhh  gana^)  immihh  7  gona  macoibh  gan 
(sic)^)  bairm  a  raihhe  Fer  D..  &  tucadh  ciuil  7  crnite  d'urgairdiuglii/fZ 
meanm««  cuige,  7  ro  meascoid  7  ro  meghr«(?/i  he.  7  doronsad 
dimiccin  do  Choin  cC.  7  dia  gaisgedh  'na  fiaglniH/se.  7  nir  thoirmisg 
Fer  D.  sin  iompasan.  7  nir  choduil  Fer  D.  an  a.gaiáh  1)  sin,  7  nir 
leigef//i  dho  gemadh  mian  leis  a  dhenam  iontas  go  mairfet/i  aige 
cuimhne  an  comhlamw  &  an  comriiig  arnamarach. 

[73]  Cu  C.  .11.  rain/c  roimhe  tar  ath  htidh  tuaidh,  7  tue  a 
ghualawn  re  lar  and  7  tue  osnuidh  n-imsnidh  os  aird,  7  adcuala/rf/i 
Laogh  sin.  'Ciodh  an^/sin  a  Cuagain?'  bar  Laogh.  'Fuil  a  damhna 
7  a  deithf/r  damsa',  bar  C.  C,  'uair  bhithin  on  am  cneth«c/i 
croilinteac[h]  mo  ghaoi  chro  7  mo  friothghona  ag  toigheacht  trioui, 
7  as  mor  a  dhaghadhbhar  an  laoch  mormeanmnach  ud  ag  toigeacht 
riom^)  a  moch  na  maidne  amarach.  7  roichsi  la  raphru/A  dUltoibh 


') 

ag*  MS. 

') 

Read  ^jerhaps  ar  j 

yo  ndionghad; 

ar  Choiu  C.  do  dii 

igU 

il  dib  LL 

(3598); 

ar 

dingb 

C.  C.  dioph  St. 
=  Bregh. 
=  gona. 

') 

Read  go,  the  sen 

'be  xorongly  extended 

g(?). 

') 

t)-iom  MS,  added 

above  line. 

19* 

292  R.  T.  BEST, 

gannach  rabliad  ar  maigliihh.  na  ar  moirreidhiph  cownacli  airgter 
iad  seachamsa'.  Cromuis  an  t-ara  a  cheun  7  (97)  baoi  ag  toirsi 
go  mor,  7  nir  tlioirmisc  Cu  C.  sin  uime  0  do  facas  dofaicsin  7 
fatha  mhoirimnig.  lar  sin  ro  mucusttair  an  t-aro  a  mlieoir  a 
ccnetlioibh  Chon  cC  7  adbcrt  losa  ice  7  slainsiona  a  ccnethuibli 
Chon  cC,  7  ro  suigittóttoir  cuilleaba/d  cliorcoirderg  do  Coin  cC, 
7  ba  léir  dosan  each  tritlii  7  tairsi,  7  nirba  leir  do  neoch  aca 
sin  eision.  7  do  blii  go  liimweadlioch  intte  nógo  ttain/c  trian 
deigenocli  na  lioidhchi  sin,  or  bador  beoil  na  ccueth  ag  claoi  a 
cheile  7  na  luiblie  ag  gabaí7  na  ccréclid.    7  coaliiis  C.  C.  iar  sin. 

[74]  lomtusa  Fir  D.  do  eirigh  go  moch  7  do  gabli  a  airm 
7  tainic  cum  an  atlia  7  do  iiafruidh  a  mbaoi  C.  C.  anw,  7  ni  [fjuair 
a  freagra  uime  sin.  7  0  nach  fuair  a  freagra  an  treas  feaclit  do 
fiafruigh  an  beo  no  an  marbli  C.  C,  7  ni  fuair  neach  da  freagra. 
7  0  nach  fuair  ro  gabhusttoir  a  del  clis  comcuar  a  ccobliruig  a 
sceith,  7  tarrluicc  uadha  tai*  ath  soir  go  cclos  a  thairm  fo  cheithre 
hairdibh  an  morlongfphoirt.  Andsin  do  eirgidar  ruiridh  7  rodhaoine 
bfcr  n-E'rionw  urn  Meidhp  7  urn  Oirill.  'Ba  doigh  \um  amh',  ar 
Meadlibh,  'nach  gebhdhaois  fiana  Eireww  risan  sunduidh  utt  agatt 
a  hEamam  a  Ferghois.' 

Otcuala  Laogh  mac  Ri  an  gabhra  sin  airm  a  raibhe  ag 
oirigliin  a  eac/truidhe  ro  indill  a  carbad  7  a  chleasa,  7  tainic  roimhe 
7  do  dhuisigh  a  thighearna,  7  ba  firgach  an  duscadh  sin,  or 
tucusttair  tumha  dicle  n-angmoigh  n-ainjisercoch  uadho  dia  chois 
CO  ttarla  tar  a  iomduidh  amach,  gur  meabad««-  srotha  fola  a 
cnedhoiph  7  a  crechtoibh  Con  cC.  'IS  truagh  sin  a  gliiolla',  arse, 
'as  liach  liom  mo  dhuscadh  fos'.  'Mor  .11.  a  damhna  damhsa  sin', 
bar  Laogh,  'uair  fuil  Fer  D.  agúd  aithisioghiífi  os  ur  an  átha 
sa  thios'.  'Egcuir  dosan  sin  do  dhenamh',  ol  C.  C,  'or  áoherim 
dorn  breithir  ris  nach  gabh  arm  laoighc  'na  laim  a  nErinn  neach 
nac[hj  foil  a  diongmhail  iondamsa  re  feadh  laoi  go  lioidhche  don 
ghairbhleighios  dobertaisi  form'.  Iar  sin  adubafrt  C.  C  re  Laogh 
mac  Ri  an  gabhra,  'Tabhuirsi  dot  aoigh  7  dot  aire  cia  uain  'nar 
ndis  m/.se  no  Fer  D.  bus  ban  no  hits  imsniomhoch  aniu,  7  gidhbe 
uaiw  is  é  dofaoth  san  comhrac.  [76]  7  a  Laoigh',  bar  C.  C,  'dén«ífa 
moi)  moladh  sa  7  indis  mo  maith  orm  mad  damh.  hits  treu,  7 
madh  orm  hus  raon  déna  mo  ghriosadli  7  mo  glamatZA'. 


1)  mag/i  MS. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH    &    CHON   CCULAINN.  293 

[78]  IS  andsini)  tainic  C.  C.  [doclium]^)  an  atha  7  do  liim- 
dergadli  am  Fer  Dli.  aga  faicsiii,  or  ba  hainnserg  allata  e,  7  ba 
liiongnadh  mor  leis  an  fer  do  maoidh  an  uair  roimhe  do  heith 
a  cciond  comhruicc  da  iomisoighidh.  'An  é  Fer  D.  siid  ar  úr  an 
atha?'  bar  C.  C.  'As  me  .11.',  uAar  Fer  D.,  'bis  and  gach  laoi', 
'An  tusa  an  Fer  D.  bliis  and  gach  laoi?'  'As  meisi  .11.  a  dliaighfir', 
bar  Fer  D.  'Égcoir  amh  doitsi  a  dhaghlaoich',  bliar  C.  C,  'bheith 
agani  cliommaoidhiomh  sa  (98)  os  iir  an  atlia  sa  tliios  7  me  beo 
bheos'.  'Ni  fetor',  ol  Fer  D.,  'go  raiblie  do  nert  ionnat  tochd  a 
ndáil  an  comhruig  si  aniogh',  'An  tan  atusa  do  niort',  ol  C.  C, 
'do  fiondfasa  ar  bliitliin  on  att  dhealbh  trocli  fort,  7  an  bfeadruis 
gurab  e  an  la  sa  etarsgartliana  ar  ccomliiin«,  7  iongoimli^)  an  t-ath 
damh.so  ó  nagli  foil  do  niort  iondat  corriow^sa,  7  na  tarr  am  ag- 
liaidli  si  and,  or  dofaothois  liom'.  'ISam  eigean  f^o.  sin',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'no  comlirag  risin  6  cirradhoibli  is  icrr  dferoibli  Eirionn'. 
'Dingeobliadso  na  tri  curoidh  bits  terr  leatsa  dhibh,  7  diongoimh •'') 
tor  na  tri  curuid  eile.'  'Ni  fuil  urusa  andsin',  bar  Fer  D.,  'doigh 
ni  tiobhartliaoi  taobli  re  bre//Air  diiine  ar  domhan  asa  haitlile 
sin,  7  ni  gebtliaoi  cor  tar  ceand  a  cheile  dia  ndearnuinnsi  sin. 
'Egcoir  doitsi',  ol  C.  C,  'toigheaclit  tar  coll  cairdeas  dom  iond- 
soighidh  7  tiocf  id  each  tar  a  mbriathruibh  hudhestsi,  7  ni  tiobhra 
neach  taobh  re  cheile  'nar  ndiaigh'. 

[79]  IS  andsin  tainic  Fer  D.  roimhe  tar  an  ath  budh  deas 
7  do  gabh  a  airm  7  tainig  go  hionadh  an  chomhloinw.  Tuirr- 
theacht  ,ü.  Chon  cC,  do  ghabh  a  airm  7  tainoicc  a  n-oiris  an 
comluainn.  As  andsin  do  chomhruiccedar  an  da  curuidh  sin  a 
n-osarlar  an  atha,  [Wi.  3807]  7  ba  he  dlus  na  hiomghona  go 
mbeandaois  a  nduirn  re  na  ceneasuibh  ag  dinge  na  n-arm  'na 
cheile.  [Wi.  38^3]  7  baoi  do  dlus  a  n-iomaircc  go  'morala  srian- 
mhaidhm  ngreadha  d'eachradhuibh  bft>-  iiErenn  gur  meadhbaidhior 
a  ttéta  7  a  n-urchumhuil  diobh,  7  gomdar^)  lana  reisg  7  loch- 
mhoighe  Crioch  Co«aill  Muirtheimhne  7  gursad^)  étal^  na  ceanwtoir 
UltrtcZ/a  uile  diobh,  gur  eirgedar  maitlie  Merr  nEire«w  do  mi- 
deamhuin  an  comhruig.  [Wi.  3817]  7  ba  he  dlus  a  u-iomaircc 
gomadh  indherghoighthe  do  righ  no  do  rioghoin  ar  lár  an  atha 
da  n-éis  mtma  siledh  ind  dorisi  si  lesan  sraonghuil  dorinde  each 


»)   sin  bis.  »)    cf.  Wi.  3745. 

';   For  -gaibh.  *)   gom  dar  3IS. 

2)   gur  sad  MS. 


294  K.  I.  BEST, 

d'iondsa?^/iidh  a  cheilc  diopli.  [Wi.  3814]  7  ba  he  dlus  a  n-iomaircc 
gomadli  saimhe  dferoibli  Eirenii  aightlie  na  mbadhbh  ag  sgeum 
7  ag  sgibeachiiil  d'  ur""  an  atha  aniu  7  cheana.  [WÍ.383Í]  Do  bi 
do  dlus  a  n-iomairg  giirbo  Ml  an  apand  uathoibh  uile.  Ba  he 
dlus  a  n-iomaircc  go  bfaicdis  na  hairm  fiartharsna  trena  ccorpuibh 
dfairsinge  na  ccrecht.  [Wi  3838]  IS  andsin  do  roich  diobuirt 
Fir  D.  dar  Coin  cC. 

[80]  AS  andsin  tainig  Dolph  7  londolbh  dfoiridbin  Con  cC. 
Andsin  do  mothcí/í//<  Fer  D.  tionsaithin  in  t/ir  'na  timcheall  aga 
tuargoin  a  n-aoineachd,  7  dorad  da  uidh  an  ni  sin,  7  do  smuain 
an  trath  do  bador  ag  \j?ithaigh  7  ag  Sg?iih.aigh.  Adubci?>t  Fer  D. 
re  Coin  cC.  aon  do  lo  do  bhador  a  comhradh  re  ceile,  'Ni  comhard 
ar  ccomhdhaltus  (99)  na  ar  ccomund'.  'Ciodh  de  sin?'  bharC.  C. 
'Do  charoid  iiiogaidhe  got  aitidh  si',  uhar  Fer  D.,  '7  nior  thais- 
benois  damhsa  ider  iad'.  'Ni  foil  urusa  damhsa  andsin',  u/iar 
C.  C,  'uair  da  ttaisbenuinw  eineacht  an  fé  fiadh  do  neoch  do 
macoibh  Miledh  ni  bhiadh  diam/mr  air  as  a  haithle,  7  giodh 
thusa  iáer  a  Fhir  Dh.  an  cunga  chleas  (sic)  agat  d'iomarcoig 
ormso,  7  nir  mhuinis  a  máhad  na  a  toscäXadh  damhsa'.  Ro 
mhuineadorsamh  a  ccleasa  gaile  &  gaiscidh  d'aroile,  7  ni  raihhe 
iomarcoigh  chaigh  (sic)  gha  dieile  diobh  0  sin  am  ach  achd  madh 
cleas  an  ghaoi  bulga  nar  thaisbéin  C.  C  do  duine  riamh.  Fear- 
goighter  .11.  na  siodhchoiret/ii)  mar  fuaradwr  C.  C.  arna  crechtnii- 
gh'dáh,  7  tucsat  tri  tromghona  gachsi  fir  a.cn  ar  Fer  nD.  IS  and 
tairloicc  Fer  D.  orclmr  da  dheis  dia  dhéis  Con  cC.  7  gon«5  don 
wrchar  sin  Dolph.  Badio-  in  da  ghoin  7  in  da  bhuille  a  n-eineacht 
aga  bforrach.  Andsin  tue  orchar  da  chle  ar  chle  Chou  cC.  go 
ndorchoir  Indulph  ar  lar  an  atha,  con-ddh  de  at«  in  rann: 

Ciodh  fa  u-abrar  Ath  Fir  Bhiad. 
risin  ath  ghar  thoit  in  triath. 
ni  lugha  donithi  a  bhuidhbh 
Ath  Duilph  7  Ath  Induilbh. 

Ciodh  tra  'chd  0  do  thuitci/ar  na  braithre^)  fine  sin  baoi  ag  Coin 
cC.  le  Fer  nD.  do  sonartoigh  a  mtnma  7  atbeart  beim  no  dd 
beim  d'iomarcoigh  do  Choin  cC.  ogus  do  bi  ag  fortamhlM(//iadh 
go  mor  fair. 


1)    et  with  mark  of  aspiration  over  t. 
^)    na  braithre  bis. 


COMHRAG    FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  295 

[SI]  Ciodh  tra  'clit  ottconnoirc  Laogh  mac  Ei  an  gablira 
C.  C.  da  traotliac//i  ba  saoth  leis  a  thuitim  le  hsLoinfer  san  domlian 
cena,  diogail  fair,  [83J  7  taim'c  roimhe  go  hioa.  an  atha  y  do 
intill  an  ghaoi  bhulga  7  ro  gliaph  ar  an  sruth  7  ro  lion  ar  an 
meirplind,  or  ni  teilgthe  he  aclid  tria  meirphlind.  AS  antsin  do 
dercusttoir  lodh  Mor  mac  Ri  an  gabra  ,i.  ara  F.  D.  an  saothzir 
sin,  or  adubrt?Vt  Fer  D.  ris  a  ttus  laoi  Laogh  do  dhiongmaiZ  go 
maith'.  'Xoc/2a  fer  diongma/a  do  meisi',  hiir  logh,  'gion  gurbeadh 
ni  ria  agh  na  imneadh  uadh  dot  ion^isoigh  si  an  ccein  rabharsa 
urn  seasam'.  7  baoi  ag  feitheamh  a  brathor  amm7  sin  nogur 
ghabh  ar  na  linntibh  7  nogo  ndesLcliaidh  suás  tar  a  n-indiolh 
7  mar  dochu«/f//i  Laogh  suas  áochuaídh  lodh  sios  7  do  foscoil 
an  forgaba/Z.  Otconnoirc  C.  C.  a  inwioll  ar  ndol  on  ghaoi  bulga 
do  rnithni ghedh  uime  7  do  ling  do  mhaoil  an  iidman  go  raibhe 
ar  bile  sceithi  F.  D.  aga  thnargíí?w  (100)  tar  an  sciath  anuas. 
Craithios  Fer  D.  an  sciath  go  ttarla  mogh  i)  naoi  cceimean«  siár 
seachdoir  tar  an  ath,  7  ro  ghabh  C.  C.  lamh  ar  Laogh  'mun  ngaoi 
mbiilga  d'innioll.  Eitheas  an  t-ara  gusan  lind  7  gabhois  uirt[h]i, 
7  teid  lodh  fan  ccuma  ccétwó  &  scaoilis  an  chora  ogus  leigios 
an  sruth  seocha.  Sciobois  Laogh  go  hlodh.  Comhn<cter  doibh 
ar  an  lathaiV  sin,  7  asonoroighios  Laogh  lodh  go  mor,  or  niorbh 
ail  leis  airm  d'imirt  fair.  lomtusa  F.  D.  leanois  C.  C.  tar  ath 
siar  do  hreith  amois  fair,  7  lingis  C.  C.  do  cle/Aach  an  atha  go 
raibhe  ar  bile  sceith  F.  D.  7  doradsan  crothad  ar  Choin  C.  gur 
chuir  mogh')  naoi  cceimeand  tar  ath  soir  é.  Grechois  C.  C.  doridhisi 
'man  ngaoei  mbulga  d'indioll.  7  as  and  baoi  Laogh  7  a  brathoir 
ciond  ar  ciond,  7  fuaibris  lodh  go  calma  ewrata  e.  lompo/cZ/iis 
Laogh  go  hogulhorh  aindreanto  &  tue  cor  luith  a  n-aga/rf  do,  go 
chuiristoir  lodh  faon  ar  lar  an  atha,  7  toirberis  maolduirne  meince 
fair  gomadh  saobh  a  rose  7  a  radharc  ag  lodh,  7  do  isLgaihh  'na 
luighi  liuin  ar  \ár  an  atha  é.  7  dotaod  uaidh  asa  haithle  7 
dotaod  gusan  lind  ccetwo  7  do  gabh  ar  an  sruth  7  do  lion  an 
lind.  Ciod  tra  'cht  eirgis  lodh  as  a  thámh  7  ad/icowwoirc  Laogh 
ag  indioU  an  cleasa,  7  riothois  go  Imthlamh  gusan  ccoraidh  7 
dobei'r  an  chora  7  do  léig  an  sruth  ina  reim  himaidh.  Londuighter 
C.  C.  uime  sin  7  lingis  ar  an  sceith  an  treas  feacht  go  hathlamh 
do  mhaoil  an  talman  7  doradsan  buille  dia  ghlúin  de  a  lethan 
an  sceith  go  ttarla  C.  C.  fo  osair^)  lindtibh  an  atha,  7  dorad 


»)   =  modli,  see  Wi.  p.  556,  n.  5.  *)    qs  air  MS. 


296  R.  I.  BEST, 

Fer  D.  .iii.  tromgliona  for  C.  C.  Andsin  grechns  C.  C.  ar  Laogh 
doridisi  ag  gabJmU.  a  laimhe  fair  'man  ngaei  mbulga  d'indioll. 
Fuaib[r]is  Ldogh  a  iondsoighic?/«  og[us]i)  do  tlioirmisc  lodh  ime. 
Ruamniglitlier  Ldogh  dariribh  andsin  7  iadhois  a  dhi  lairali  b/ia 
lodh  7  trascraois  go  hatlilaw?/*  he  7  do  indill  an  ghaoi  bhulga  7 
do  raidh  re  C.  C  'Fritheoil  an  gaoi  bulga  auois  a  Chuagain'. 
uair  taparta  cum  Con  cC.  e  go  rabac/Zi  reimhe. 

[85]  IS  andsin  adcownoirc  C.  C.  an  ghaoi  bulga  chuige  tresan 
sruth  7  fritheoilios  C.  C.  é  tre  laghoir  a  coisi  deisi  7  diobraigios 
e,  7  fritheoilios  Fer  D.  é  do  réir  a  thuaruscbáZa,  7  do  leig  an 
sciath  sios  go  ttainic  tar  bile  isan  sruth,  7  siWidh'^)  ar  C.  C.  7 
adcownuirc  a  airm  chleasa  ar  indioll  aicce.  Ni  fidir  cia  dhiobh 
do  fritheoilfeadh,  Andsin  adbert  C,  C.  an  certgha  do  lar  a  bhoisi 
dF.  D  go  naesichaidh  trena  cleith  go  comthrom. 

[86]  IS  andsin  dorad  Fer  D.  an  sciath  sios  go  tindiosnach^) 
d'iomdidean  an  iochdair  a  chuirp. 

[87.  88]  7  dorad  C.  C.  an  ghaoi  bulga  tar  an  sceith  tresan 
sruth.  Ottchuala  .11.  Fer  D.  (101)  easccland  a  airm  sion  tresan 
aphoin«  dia  ionrísoighíd  leigis  an  sciath  do  trhholamh  an  ghaoi 
bhulga,  7  tarla  an  ga  isan  sciath  os  a  bhruinwe  gor  scoilt  i,  go 
ttarla  isan  bfuarthoig  iarnoidhe  7  tresan  oilchloiche  baoi  san 
pfuarthoig,  go  náeiMgh  don  chetchor  i  ar  osarlár  an  atha,  go 
ttarla  a  bfojfolam]  a  chleibh  7  a  chuirp,  gur  áhirigh  ar  feadh 
a  brond  7  a  dhroma  ar  fedh  a  aoi  7  a  arand,  go  rug  a  .x. 
n-urranda  .xx.  go  mbaoi  druchd  fola  for  barr  gach  uirrindi  diobh. 
IS  andsin  teiml/<//iios  a  folt  7  dorchaJus  a  rose  7  tremmcrdaiglmis 
a  glinuis  7  bior-íí/5  a  bheanw  in  m^)  7  tainic  slaod  fora  fuaire 
mairbh  ina  ohosaihh  7  'na  Isimaibh,  7  tangaditr  neoil  an  bháis  da 
ionnsoig/f?// ,  7  do  theilg  an  ts\egh  baoi  'na  laim  tar  bile  an 
sceith  d'ion»soig/(//t  Con  cC.  gurbo  cros  bodhbhcZa  'na  cliabh  an 
oaoiscch  gur  comtoitim  doibh  .i.  C.  C.  re  hath  a^tiiaidh  7  Fer  D. 
re  hath  aneas,  7  as  doigh  gomadh  comtoitim  dia  mad  coiniJinemiiigh 
a  n-airm. 

IS  andsin  tainic  haogh  os  cion«  C.  C.  7  baoi  da  radh  risan 
airsigh  eirge  do  commaoidhimh  an  echda  mhoir  dorinde  7  mewma 
mo>-  do  denamh  dhe,  uair  ro  iagbadh'^)  e  gan  crecA^ach  conilmrtach. 


1)   og  dho  MS.  ^)   silF  MS.,  sillis  Si. 

^)   tindios  n*  MS.  ♦)    =  a  mheanmaiu  mór  (?). 

5)   fag-  MS. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCÜLAINN.  297 

Eo  érigh  C.  C.  y  tainic  tar  atli  \>ud  deas  7  do  noclid  a  clila/ci/ieamh 
dia  dliicliennadh  1)  os  cionn  F.  D.  'As  lor  a  ndernois  a  cliara  a 
Chuagam',  or  Fer  D.,  'or  do  tliorcijrsa  \(d  cheana'.  'Uc/i  uain 
san  toitim  sin  a  derpcomlialta'.  \)ur  C.  C,  '7  ni  ria  ni  bn.v  mo 
uaimsi  thu  m«c?/i  do  thorcruis'. 

[89]  7  do  clinó-  C.  C.  a  cla/f/Aiomli  'na  truaill  7  toccbh»/« 
Fer  D.  eter  a  dhoidriogfl/&/i  mora  mileata  tar  atli  \>uä]i  thiiaidh; 
gerho  suaill  ccoigclile  an  abliand  ni  lemhdaois  fir  V^renn  teacht 
tairrsi.  IS  andsin  do  gliabli  Cu  C.  cenn-)  F.  D.  'na  uclid  7  do 
bliadar  sreablia  fola  ag  tioniisaighin-"*)  cliuip  F.  D.  ar  C.  C,  7 
baoi  Fer  D.  da  rddh,  'Is  mor  an  tion?iSoigliin  fola  foil  fort,  7 
nior  dlieas  doit  mo  ghuin  si  do  denamh,  7  as  scith  ar  scaradh 
asdrasta. 

AS  anwsin  tangad^r  neoill  troma  trochamhla  d'ionnsoig/(?/i 
Con  cC.  7  an  bradan  be/Aadh  baoi  fo  bruinde  F.  D.  ro  ela  nadha. 

[91]  Eo  eivigli  .u.  C.  C.  asa  nel  sin  7  caoineas  Fer  D.  go 
mor.  'B«  diosan  liom  tfaicsin  &m\úaidh  sin  a  cliomhf?«l[t]a 
charthana/i/Zi  a  Fir  D.'  bar  C.  C,  'or  diamfli?7i  a  n-oirer  an  dom?im 
mhoir  doneatliasa  ecc  ni  fada  do  beinwsi  beo  dott  eisi". 

[96]  IS  andsin  SLáuhairt^)  C.  C.  re  Laogh,  'Foáhadh  Fer  D. 
fe5^a  dhuin,  7  bean  an  gaoi  hnlga.  as  go  ndeacha/(?san  naidh  gan 
rabacZA  gan  fiagnuisi  ar  an  ccoscorr^)  tucsamli  fair'.  lar  sin 
fodhbliuis  Laogh  e  7  beannis  an  t-eo  óir  do  baoi  'na  brnt  as,  7 
tue  a  laimh  Con  cC.  é.  'Truagh  sin',  ol  C.  C,  'dorn  doigli  as  se 
an  sed  sa  7  na  comarfÄa  do  g^Wadh  (102)®)  dlió  fader«  tnitim 
dorn  charuid  7  dorn  choigeile  liomsa  san  chomhröc  sa,  7  as  truagh 
an  bregadh  tugadh  urn  na  comö(7Auibh  se  fair',  .i.  ar  Fer  D. 

[92]  Asa  haithle  sin  adupafrt  C,  C.  'Ni')  demad  fir  hErcnn  fir 
fear  a  ccomhl«»«  na  feineachus  flatha  duine  tar  eis  Fhir  Dliiagh 
do  thnitim  \inu  amhla/(//i  sud,  oir  do  feadadar  nach  btiiil  aca 
aoinfcr  dar  theac7í?a  do  chomhrac  riomsa  tar  eis  Fhir  Dhiagh, 
oir  ni  dingne  Con?2achtach  re  cath  Miimhan  gem  iomvadh  re 
Fear  D.,   [Wi.  4022]   oir  ni  ding'')  lamh  laoich  ledeor?í5-')  curna 


»)  d/iic/ietnad/i  MS.  -)   cetn  MS. 

3)  =  tionnsaitin.  *)    ad-b-t  MS. 

»)  ccos  corr  MS. 

*)  Here  another  hand  continues  the  tale  to  the  end. 

-)  in  MS. 

^)  ding  for  dingne  (?),  LL  &c.  has  nibha,  the  jmssage  obscure. 

»)  le  deorns  MS.,  lethas  LL,  ledrastar  Si.,  leattrastar  Eg.  209. 


298  R.  I.  BEST, 

ci(nic[h],    7    ni    buaicliY(?/<  i)    baidliblie    beildcrge    fa    sgoruiph 
sgatliuighe.    Comhrac  Fir  D.  gur  thuit  don  latliair  sin. 

[98]  Asa  haitlile  sin  cosguir?«'^  Laogli  e  y  he&nius  an  gaoi 
bulga  as,  y  teid  a  ndeaghaidli  C.  C,  7  iompóighis  cruth  do  Coin 
cC.  aga  cloisteacht  'na  dlieaglm«///.  'Cidli  ima  ndenoe  in  clogli^) 
crotha  sin  a  Ciiagaiu?'  bar  Laogli.  'Dar  liom',  ol  C.  C,  'as  e 
Fer  D.  ata  agura  tslaighe  gach  \dh  dia  tteigim,  [Wi.  4160]  7  as 
cluitlie  dliamli  göch  comhrac  da  ndearnus  riamli  gusan  ccomhrac 
sa  Fhir  Dhiagli'.  Cconad  e  Comhrac  Fhir  Dhiagh  agas  Chon 
cColamw  gonuige  sin  yr- 

FINIS. 


H.  2. 12  [15] 

(fol.  Ir). 

[42]  'go  Inas  faindli  no  eirbi  no  iaranw  no  cliabhaighis) 
alla/J/á  tair  eit>i  (?)*)  sleibhe  no  mur  tsighi  gaithi  gere  gailbidhi^) 
adhnaire  i/;ilui>Me  earraithe  tar  cemi  machaire  maigh  sleibe.  IS 
e  sin  t>-eisi  7  trit  7  tairptighi  &  treabarluas  fo  thiagsiiá  na  heich 
sin  isin  madlirod  gnr  c(ro)itsed '')  in  talmam  tromfodh  fo  craithib 
letroisi  an  ceimnighthi  be;id.  &  srianta  csema  cruanatha  flraille 
fororda  friu,  &  ba  samalta  l^m  re  sneachta  sithoilti  ig  snaighi') 
uanfadhach  na  heachra[i]de  &  ba  samalta  \^m  re  healtada  do 
dubcnaib  na  fodmaigi  da  ndeis.  Ata  fon  carbrtt  sin  each  ceindiind 
crofind  caelcosach  s^ng  sircael  casmongach  cseldrond  ndubdualach 
faforubA  n-ard  n-iwrnmnns  sigbigec^)  crnanatha  cain  uc/i/glinde 
fo  thiaysad  na  heich  sin  isin  madhrod.  &  ata  in  aroile  fon  carbat 
sin  each  luath  liath  luthmitr  laig/r  leimntch  maigncch  tairrngech 


»)    burmd  LL.  *)   =  clodh. 

3)   cliabh  aighi  MS. 

*)   Reading  doubtful,  might  also  be  read  cet  (tall  e)  for  cenu  (?). 

5)   cf.  gaithi  géri  galbigi,  Tochm.  Werbe  I.  89. 

«)  ro  illegible  Mti.  has  probably  the  iir  symbol  over  c,  as  there  is  no 
room  for  a  letter  between  c  arid  i. 

')   cf.  Wi.  5065. 

8)  MS. /ifls  sigbig;  cf.  YBL.  2560,  sithbe  creda  cruanatai,  which  should 
no  doubt  be  read. 


COMHEAG    FIR   DIÄEH   &   CHON   CCÜLAINN.  299 

tresmiir  sduaglimar  fodmur  focharrsaigh  fohith  cechtair  cruaigh 
.i.  lucht  buadlia  fo  ritli  gon  sgar  and.  aibli  teiied  tritamruaige') 
CO  iiglomraidind  iiia  cnias  glomarcind.' 

[43]  Ata  isin  carhat  sin  laech  folt  find  folt  leb>.(;-  mear 
coimst'ch  cumaclitach  lineacli  dc;g  dograta  aue-)  arrad  air  áer- 
glasad^)  0  (?)  bile  tened^)  an^)  edailuaimnech  uaso.  Ata  uime  sin 
brat  cain  criiandatha  corcarda  &  ata  a  bretnas^)  torac/</aid^) 
treincind  dergoir  ar  derglasad  isin  brat  osa  bruinde^).  &  ata  a 
stellt  cn(es)leinte  .xx.  ciarta  clarta  comdlutlia  re  grian  a  geilcneis 
dou  righmilidh  sin,  &  a  cathbarr^)  ciarrach  clardedaightlii  suai- 
ghni  soksgemach  fana  cqmi.  &  ata  a  sgiatli  digrais  dathalaind 
dou>iCorcra  &  a  da  sleig  dig>-flc[li]a  direcra  druc/?i'mara  datli  g..a.dio) 

don^icorcra^i)  aga  co  . .  rad '-)   a  corpa d^s)  &  ata  a 

. , . . .  ais  '*)  lethancruaid  go  ciirata  go  ri;idaitli  mb g '^) 

. .  a  caemcnes  don  trenfer  sin.  &  atait  tri  fuilt  forsin  oglacli  sin  i^) 

.i.  folt  donn  fna  tuinwi')  a  cind  7  folt  ( )'')  a  medon^-')  7  folt 

dergbuide  iar  n-imeall  7  mind  oir  buidi  cse?«.co-o)   .  arda  uas 


1)  trit  amrnaige  MS.,  for  trichemruaide;  cf.  uiblech  tened  trichemruaid 
tatuit  a  cróes  glomarchiud,  Fled  Bricrend  ^49,  and  Lü  122  a  4.4. 

-)   End  of  line,     dograta  perlwps  for  daigerda. 

^)  Two  letters  indistinct,  the  first  looks  like  an  inverted  o  =^  con,  the 
second  like  ie,  the  i  of  bile  is  not  clear;  the  passage  seems  obscure. 

*)   A  letter  illegible,  looks  like  .i.  teued  indistinct. 

*)   or  aredar  MS. 

*')    s  somewhat  indistinct. 

')   cf  bretnas  torrach  trencind  isiu  brutt  osa  bruiimi,  Wi.  205. 

«)  &  to  cn(es)  barely  legible,  only  the  faintest  traces  remain,  es  is  ille- 
gible; cf  Wi.1707,  2557. 

")    cath  barely  legible. 

'")   Stain  here. 

")    Very  faint. 

1^)   End  of  line  here,  final  rad  is  fairly  certain,  looks  like  corcrad. 

")   MS.  fractured  here  and  effaced,  about  twenty  letters  illegible. 

**)   MS.  effaced,  only  faint  traces  of  ata  a;  read  probably  manais. 

^^)   MS.  fractured  and  effaced. 

1^  ")  .i.  to  tuinn  almost  effaced,  and  only  decipherable  with  the  aid 
of  YBL  2564  and  Wi.  2714. 

'8)  Bent  in  MS.,  about  four  letters  lost,  no  doubt  croderg  {YBL  2564), 
cf.  also  Fled  Br.  §  45  croderg  a  medon,  and  Wi.  2714. 

'*)  MS.  has  inj-on,  xcith  suprascript  stroke:  medon  is  no  doubt  intended, 
but  the  last  letter  is  tnore  like  r. 

*")    CO  not  clear,  following  letter  looks  like  r,  arda  fairly  certain. 


300  R.  I.  BEST, 

( )')  . .  d  .  (?)  arta  an  folt  sin  7  he  fada  findbuidi  go  cind^nd^) 

teora  sretli(a)  tar  ( )mna=')  seall  (?)  sis  (?)')  s^chiSiir.  &  atait 

.X.  ruit/án  fri(a)')  ceac7<Yar  a  da  gniad  7  cethri''){ú)\)re  .  .'•) 
cea(cli)tar  a  da  gniad  .i.  (tihrey)  buide  7  tibrc  gorm  7  tibre 
uaine  7  tibre  derg,  7  secht  meic  imresai«^)  na  da  rigrosg  ro  — i") 

&  seaclit  meoir   air  göcli  laim  do   ar  guch  cois  da  f a  11) 

.  .  irco  .a   dis  g all  (?)  lat  (?) '-)  sroill  go  dar  dobiii  (?)  da 

lig  logmaiV  Rwn  go  mhe  (?) re da i-)  do  ina 

laim   7   .  .  .  tug- 13)    rale  (?)    r a for 

b  . .  ( y*)  leisin  oglacli  cain  cosgaracli  7 g .  ath  (?)  b 

^lobnA^)  fola  ad   be(l),   a  gilla.   is   aicsidi  in  tuarasgbaiZ 

tug«?s  ar  measgara '") naisi'i').    'Narab  diumgaide  tusa,  sin', 

ar  in  gilla,  'oir  gid  he  a  gilla  saw  an  tan  atcifise  . .  a  ni  ba  tlaith 
do  tuarasgb«/7  leisin.  &  in  chiine  culgaire  c&vhait  in  c?«aidh  don 
leirg  dar  n-i«dsa(igid)?'  'Ni  cluinim  . .',  air  Fer  D.  'Docluinimsi', 
bar  an  gilla,  'Mor  am  in  teist  7  in  tuarasg[b]ail  ti<cais,  a  gilla', 
ar  Fer  D. 

[44]  '&  is  mithid  dul  a  ndail  comraig  an  f/r  sin.'  "IS  truagh 
an  gnim  ara  cinde,  a  Fir  D.  .i.  dul  do  comland  a  n-aigii/A  do 
comalta  cartanaid.  is  fergach  7  is  feochair  is  an  is  at/Jamhi^) 
is  tren  is   tr^s   argai«   is  leoghman   ar  terg  is  tarb  ar  treisi  is 


')  uas  fairly  certaiv,  folloiced  by  a  rent,  in  ichich  about  five  letters  are  lost. 

2)  cuirend  YBL  2566. 

^)  Rent  here,  read  a  foriiina  and  cf.  WÍ.217S  and  note. 

*)  Stain  here,  almost  illeyillc.  YBL  has  siar  sell. 

5)  Very  faint. 

^)  ti  illegible. 

')  Illegible,  perhaps  fii,   looks  like  the  7  symbol  preceded  by  a  stroke; 
cf.  Wi.  1374  cethri  tibre  dib  cechtar. 

8)  lUeyible. 

^)  Barely  leyible,  fracture  before  i,  space  for  one  letter,  ?  arr. 

'")  End  of  line,  stain. 

")  Almost  effaced,   first   ivord  looks   like  fuil,   before  co  soynething  like 
coir;  CO  very  indistinct,  folloiced  by  fracture;  adis  clear,  remainder  uncertain. 

12)  Ends  of  line. 

^^)  Natural  hole  here,  remainder  of  line  illeyible. 

")  Rent  at  end  of  line. 

15)  Yery  faint,  a  letter  or  two  illegible,  read  cro  7  tvith  F  and  cf.  Mesca 
Ulad  p.  20,  11,  cit.  Wi. 

1^)  Not  very  legible,  ^m'escara  (?). 

")  Read  probably,  am  fiadnaisi. 

1*)  at/i  barely  legible. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON    CCULAINN.  301 

nathair  ar  neimnigi  is  matliamain  ar  glond  &  is  carrag  fria  fosug 
is  doig  fria  t^sargain  is  teine  ar  loisgadh  is  brisid  cnama  is  doga 
is  losgad  is  breo  is  agli  is  acais  íiÚMig  fergi  an  fir  ud',  ar  in 
gilla,  '7  a  n[djeacliaigh  dferaib  Erew«  ina  dail  ni  terna^)  fer 
cowaiti  gnima  na  indisi  sgel  dib  ar  cul  uadha'. 

[45]  'Leig  as,  a  gilla',  air  Fer  Diad,  'is  mor  an  molad 
dobem  ar  mo  hiahaid  a  fiana(i)si,  &  is  bnat[h]ar  damsa  damad 
bes  dam  gilla  no  aradli  i  o  eaclilach  do  marbafZ  is  cian  o  do  gebtasa 
bas  l^m'. 

[47]   IS  an?^  tainig  C.  C.  go  lioirear  an  atlia. 

[49]  7  do  cowaic  Fer  Diadh  &  adubairt  ris,  'Ca  rabais,  a 
cua?'  oir  cua  ainm  na  claine  asin  ts^ngseilig  .i.  s^cht  meic  inirisin 
do  ba  i  ngacli  suil  do  7  da  mac  imrisin  dib  air  cli£na,  7  ni  ba 
mo  a  domaisi  do  sin  na  somaisi,  7  da  mbdh  ni  bnd  mo  do  aint^m 
air  do  tubocM.san  fris  re  headli  na  liuaire  sin. 

[51]  'Can  as  ticcisi,  a  tsirridi  tsiabarta?'  ar  C.  C.  'Doig  is 
cora  tusa  dflarfrt2^ed  anwso,  uair  as  tu  nech  bid  ami  gacli  lae, 
7  ni  denta  ingnad  dorn  aisginsi  an?iSo',  ar  Fer  D.  'uair  atamaidne 
ag  dogadh  &  ag  losgat?  7  ag  argain  Uladh  7  Cuailgni  7  Cíuitne 
&  cearmad  on  luan  re  samaiu  go  liais  na  huaire  seo.  &  tucssunnr 
Wnn  ar  mbroit  7  ar  (fol  1  v)  mbuar  &  ar  mbotainti  air  seoit  & 
air  SiVmaine  &  ar  seanindm«sa,  7  do  l^gsum  a  tulclia  ar  ar  n-eis 
isna  fantaib  go  rabadt«"  coimisill  risua  faithibh.  'As  tusa  in 
creacli  deisi  &  misi  in  toir,  7  ni  denta  ingnad  dom  aisgin  si 
anwso.  da  mheth  do  ncrt  no  do  niagli  ba  du  duit  heith  a  ndedAaigli-) 
do  cniibli  7  do  creitlii,  acht  ata  ni  cena,  nir  tiaytSi'^)  duit  don 
comrug  áom  indsaiglii  si  &  cetliri  liolko/cidli  'Kvenn  am  aig/cZ  si 
am  ienar,  &  gin  go  gabtha  Hum  nir  gabtlia  duit  orum  araby*) 
ad  cara  7  ad  coigli  7  ad  comalta^)  cartanac/i  damsa'.  'Cidh  sin', 
ar  Fer  D.,  'is  ecin  damsa  comlann  7  comrug  riutsa  no  re  seis/r 
laech  is  terr  dferaib  Ercrm  armaracli'.  'As  heth  et/r  da  t[li]rom 
duitsi  sin  am',  bar  C.  C,  'oir  gid  risin  seiser  dodenta  comrug 
do  tuitfidea  leo  7  tuitfir  liumsa  da  comrigum,  &  doberaindsi 
comairli  maith  duitsi  ar  fostogli  ar  cadaigh  7  ar  caradraig. 
taba?V  ier  gach  Ise  damsa  dibh,  oir  is  usa  leamsa  sin  'na 
comrag  riutsa  at  ienar.    An  e  sena  in  cadaigh  7  in  caradraigh 


*)   temi  MS.  a  similar  abbreviation  is  used  for  eirig. 

2)   =  degaid.  ^)   tfita  MS.,  Nettlan  deinta. 

*)    =  arabu;  arbithin  on  H.  ^)   comalt/ta  MS. 


302  R.  I.  BEST, 

rob  aill?'  'Nochan  e  id/r',  air  Fer  D.,  'acht  is  ecin  damsa 
comrag  riutsu'.  'IS  truag  in  gnim  sin  ara  cinde,  a  Fir  D., 
doig  bud  t^sargain  darach  do  dornaib  duitsiu  sin,  7  budh 
gad  urn  gaineamli  7  bud  teine  saighnein  7  bu  beim  cind  fi^raill 
7  bud  buaracli  bais  duitsiu  in  comairle  sin.'  'A  Cugugain',  air 
Fer  D.,  'atacualaratirne  nar  comcalma  atraid  na  cathmilidh  riutsa 
0  tangais  ar  sluaighefiA  tana  bo  Cuailgni  go  hais  na  liuaire  seo'. 
'Luigimsi  fona  deibli  da  n-adliraim',  ar  C.  C.  'nach  docra  liumsa 
do  comrug  sa  do  dingabaí7  nas  gac/i  an  dotorca?r  am  aig<VZ  gus 
drasta'.    'Findamaid  sin  anosa',  ar  Fer  D. 

[55]  'Ca  gaisgi  ara  r/cum  aniugli,  a  Fir  D?'  ar  C.  C.  'An 
cumain  l^tsa  na  cleasa  gaile  &  gaisgid  noch  donimais  ag  Uathaigh 
7  ag  Sgatha/r/  7  ag  Mur  .g.  1)  Mananw  7  ag  Ablaigh  Aranw  7 
ag  Abradrag  7  ag  righ  Tiri  in  tSneachtaigh  7  ag  Eisi  Aencind 
7  ag  Crochthan  in  Monaigh  7  ag  Senac[h]  t[s]iubra  7  ag  Cab 
Gli«de  7  ag  Cuar^)  a[g]  Aidh  7  ag  Aifi  ingen  Arágenmiis^)  do 
Gregaibh.'  'As  cumain',  ar  Fer  D.  'Tiagam  orta  sin',  ar  C.  C. 
7  do  cuadarsun  ara  cl^saibh  gaile ^)  7  gaisg/cZ  .i.  SQcht  noca^cleasa 
7  seacJit  bsencleasa  7  seacht  corpcl^sa  7  seacht  faebhaircl^sa  ag 
techt  uatha  7  cumi  mar  do  heiclis^)  beith  beca  bithaile  ag  t^cht 
asa  n-adaibh  (sic)^)  a  lo  alaiwd  fogmi«V  gan  gaith  7  ni  teilgidis 
nac/i  aimsidis  7  ni  (aimsi)dis ')  nac/i  athaimsidis  dorisi.  Gerb  athlomh 
a  n-imgoin  do  bi  d[f]eabMS  na  liimgabla  nar  f(  )ar^)  dib. 

&  do  badíír  mur  sin  ara  cl^saib  gaile  7  gaisg/d/i  0  borbsoillsi  na 
maidni'*)  go  m(  )if')  do  lo  7  do  lansoillsi.  'As  mit[h]id  sgur 
dona  cl^saib  so',  ar  C.  C  'An  trath  hus  ail  le^sa  on',  [ar]  Fer 
Diadh^^).  IS  anwsin  áociiiredhnv ^')  a  cl^sa  gaile  7  gaisg/V/A  a 
lamaibh  a  ngilla  7  ro  gabz(5tar  da  sgiath  aille  iarnaidlii  urdeyga, 


')  Mureighil  F. 

*)  Cuara  MS.    He  ivas  a  son  of  Scnthach,  and  was  slain  by  Cu  Chulinn, 
EC  XXIX  131. 

^)  Airdghiue  F^  Airdgeme  Ériu  1 141. 

*)  gaile  bis. 

')  beifüs,  MS.  has  the  7  symbol  with  dot  over  it. 

*)  for  adbaib. 

')  Rent  in  MS.,  read  as  above  with  I. 

«)  Rent  in  MS.,  read  fuilig  {LL  F)  ceachtar  (nech  LL  F). 

^)  MS.  has  maldui,  here  and  elsewhere. 

'»)  Rent  in  MS. 

")  Fracture  here,  but  portion  of  the  7  symbol  traceable. 

*'^)  docuir7dar  MS.  with  dot  over  7. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DTADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  303 

y  ro  gabad«?-  a  slega  aible  arda  agglasa  snaithsl^main  cruaidhe 
go  suaighnedaibh  (?)  i)lancadaitli  a  lamhaib  leo.  &  ro  gabadiir  a 
da  cloigme  dirgi  dilgia  crnaidli(i)  beimnecba  .i.  fudbas  y  rudbas^) 

6  gonas  gac7i  ier  dib  a  ceile.  (&)  gerb  athlamh  a  ii-Í7»deagail  do 
b(u)i  d[f]eab?<5  na  himgona  go  rangad«r  .x.  primgoiia  .xx.  (.)^) 
gach  u-aen  dib  go  tainig  iw  buidi  tar  in  gréiu.  'An  ail  \et  osad 
do  gaba?7,  a  Cugugain?'  air  Fer  D.  'As  ail  on',  [ar]  C.  C,  'oir 
an  ti  gabu5  lamh  ara  gaisgerf/«  as  e  dlii/es  sgur'.  IS  anwsin 
docítíVeadwr  a  n-airm  iiatlia  a  lamaibh  a  ngilla  7  indsaiglics  gac7i 
ier  dib  a  ceile  ar  lar  medoin  an  atha,  y  toirberfí5  gac/i  fer  di& 
teora  peg  da  ceile  a  cuimniiigHcZ  a  comaind  7  a  caradraig.  & 
docuadar  na  haraid  co  hseninadli  7  a  n-eicli  ar  sensgur  7  iadfein 
go  hsenpubaill  go  failid  fric/inum^ch^),  IS  anrjsin  do  coiriglicd/i 
a  foitliraice(7/i  criadli  dona  cifradhaibli  7  a  lepac/m  nrluacAra  doib 
go  fritliadliartaib  ier  gona.  Na  biadha  7  na  deocha  soblasta  do 
beridis  iir  YXxenn  dFzor  D.  do  beredhsu»  a  coibeis  reis  fein  do 
C.  C.  dib.  &  na  ksa  7  na  luibe  ici  7  le^?5  do  bertai  a  sigbrugaibli 
Ereww  do  C.  C.  do  heredh  oired  ris  fein  áFior  D.  dib  sin  da  cuir 
an^)  cn^daibh  7  ina  crolinntib.  &  do  beridis  in  cet  trian  don 
aidhci  re  huclibaiZ  7  re  e(/aine  7  in  trian  t&nuisi  re  comröd  7  re 
comairli  a  comraig  7  in  trian  deiginach  di  re  suan  7  re  sarcolloc?. 

[56]    IS  an^jsin  c«/>is  Fer  D.  7  f^sa  7  teclita  go  liOi/?ll  7  go 
M.    'Daradadh  sin  in  gnim  do  gealkí5  doib,  a  n-egmais  mu  cuind 

7  mo  ceille  7  mo  comairle  do  geaiihissi  he,  oir  ni  fuil  ar  hith  uile 
senlsecli  daraad  indraithi  go  toitiedh  C.  C  leis,  acht  ata  ní  c^na 
woca  ria  ag  na  eisliwig  0  C.  C  da  bar  n-indsaighi  in  ieadh  bes 
Fer  D,  agu«  comrng.  7  gluaisid  iir  Ere««  da  tighibh  7  berid  a 
tairb  7  a  tain  leo'.  7  teid  gilla  Fir  I),  leisin  t^chtairacht  go 
hairm  a  raibe  Oi?/ll  7  M.  7  Ferghus  7  maithi  fer  nEre««,  7  ro 
ináis  an  gilla  a  nduba/rt  Fer  D.  ris.  Is  an>isin  [tiicnsdairj '-) 
Oilill  a  righi  7  a  rotaisigh  7  a  [fjlatha  feraind  cuigi  7  do  indis 
sin  doib.  &  is  ed  adubradtir  uile,  'da  tuiti  each  re  fer  blch  ni 
fuicfimaid  comrag  na  deisi  d^ghlsech  ut  gan  be?7/i  aga  fechain'^)  7 


')  The  initial  s  has  perforated  the  vellum. 

"^)  fud  bas  7  riid  bas  MS. 

^)  Rent  here,  beginning  of  line,  sj)ace  for  one  letter. 

*)  fric/iu»mecb  MS.  ivith  attempt  to  correct. 

*)  Sic  MS.  read  ina. 

*)  sTaoiH  MS.  read  {with  F)  tucusduir. 

')  Erased  space  here. 


304  R.  I.  BEST, 

do  coniairlidliar  a  ngillada  do  cJmr  le  tairb  ;•  le  tain  rompo  go 
C>uacliain i)  y  iadfeiu  do  anmaiii  re  fecliain  an  comraig  7  re  ior- 
coimed  fos.  (fol.  2r)  Aduba?Vt  Fergus  mac  E  {sicY)  nac/i  racliadis 
le  duine  airb/f/i  anw  acht  mona  decliadais  ceUiri  hollco/cidli  YAcnn 
iiile  anji,  'uair  is  deimin  learn  nac/i  bia  do  n?ort  na  do  niachus 
a  n-aen  duine  ar  doman  fostogwcZ  C.  C.  acht  go  cluine  a  tairbh  y 
a  tain  do  breith  uada'. 

[57]  IMtusa  C.  C.-*)  do  eirigh  go  moch  in  la  sin  uair  ba 
leis  eirgi  ar  dus  d'indsaigi  in  comraig  in  la  sin.  &  nir  eirigh 
Feri)  D.  go  moch  in  la  sin,  7  do  bid  C.  C.  aga  rad  re  Lsegh, 
'Is  fada  ata  Fer  D.  a  n-e^mais  in  comlaind  7  in  comraig'.  'Narab 
fada  k'^sa  e',  air  Lseg,  'oir  ni  fada  bias  at  Qgmais.  &  ata  se 
cugad  Fer  D.  7  tabair  \ct  duind  a  toitim  7  a  tuarasgba/Z  7  tue 
a  tuar«s[g]ba?7.  do  berimsi  a  haithne  anJ^'.  'F/r  sin',  ar  C.  C. 
'.i.  is  lond  leogmuin  le  hag  urlamh  dind  Domnan«,  daigh  f(jr  falc 
fa  fala  Fer  D.  dithmihtZ/i  mac  Daraain  dreach  derg  do  Gamanraigh 
Irr?(/.9  Domnaill.  &  is  mairg  teid  a  ndail  in  Ifeich  sin  7  met  a 
m(;;nman  7  luas  a  lam  cruas  a  craidi  bailci  a^)  buille'. 

[58]  IS  anwsin  adubairt  C.  C.  re  Yior  D.,  'Nir  coir  duitsi 
teacht  isin  comland  so  air  do  b/  ad  cara  7  ad  coigli  7  ad  comalta 
bagac/i  cartanac/i  da  ceile  7  is  a  n-ienleba/d  donimais  suan  7 
collacZ  7  forcedul-^)  ag  Sgatha/^  7  ag  Uatha/i/'.  'Leig  as  ale 
a  Cugugain',  air  Yer  D.,  'ni  liurusa  damsa  gan  cosnam")  lem 
cairdib  7  na  cuimnigh  comanw  na  caradjag  na  comtanus  damh 
f(jsta,  oir  ce  cuimnighi  ni  coibera  tu'.  'Do  ^darm^nie  ani  dob«> 
ortsa  sin',  ar  C.  C,  'grad  Findabhrac/«  7  brega  ^ledba,  7  bud 
ncintsomaineach  duitsi  sin,  7  ni  coir  duit  teacht  isin  comrug  so'. 
'Is  fir  sin',  air  Fer  D.,  'nara  coir  damsa  comlanw  na  comrag  rem 
gilla  fein  na  rem  araidh,  oir  in  tan  do  bamarne  ag  aenfoghlaim 
gaisg?V//i  is  tusa  fa  harad  carba?(Z  damsa  and'.  'IS  cora  damsa', 
ar  Cu  C,  'uair  is  romatsa  atait  ar  mic  7  ar  mna,  ar  n-eich  7 
air  n-echradh,  ar  seoid  7  ar  sarmaine  7  ar  senindmusa,  7  is  tusa 
tainig  a  crich  cranj/car  a  cein  dar  n-indsaighi,  7  na  bid  dogra 
na  domenma  agutsa  rium  a  ¥ir  D',  ar  C.  C,  'oir  ni  ciwdtecA 
me  riut'. 


1)  in  margin,  with  erased  space  in  text. 

2)  Bead  (with  F)  Mac  Roth.  ^)   Erased  space  here. 

*)  a  bis.  s)  ftircdul  MS.  with  ur  symbol. 

^)  comnam  MS. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCTJLAINN.  305 

[59]  '&  ca  [gajisgid  ara  mc/^am  aniugh  a  Fir  D.?'  ar 
C.  C.  'Lefea  do  roglia  gaisgíd',  ar  Fer  D.,  "oir  is  misi  do  rug 
roga  ane'. 

[GO]  Cid  tra  'cht  tiaghaid  ara  cl^saibh  gaile  7  gaisgid,  7 
do  badwr  oro  sin  0  borbtsoillsi  na  maidhne  muichi  go  tainig  m^don 
lae  7  lansoillsi  co^arba  leir  dferaib  Erenw  fos  gnuis  eich  na  gilla 
na  ciira[id]i)  na  cathmiiiáh.  dib  reisin  re  sin  le  hiumad  na  cles 
uathu  &'^)  ciica  7  slcu.  'Ni  fuil^ch  an  gaisgi  so  a  Fir  D.'  air 
C.  C,  '7  an  ail  let  sgur  de  so?'  'As  ail  an  trath  bus  ail  le^sa', 
ar  Fer  D.  IS  andsin  do  chuiresidur  a  cleasa  gaile  7  gaisgid 
uat[h]a  a  lamhaib  a  ngilla. 

[61]  7  do  gabadar  da  sgiath  aille  sengeala  7  da  cloigeim 
orduirn  indtlais  7  a  mainisi  mora  muirnecha  k/7ianglasa  ana 
lamaibh  leo,  7  doronsad  renach  chid  righed  dibh  go  tangadtir  na 
haibne  fola  fordergi  a  hinadhaibh  na  sl^g  fada  fsebwrglas  g?<rab 
urderg  in  t-ath  sin  tara  n-eis.  &  do  cwiVeadar  a  lama  gasda 
gelmeracha  da  cloigimib  coindealltac/ia  criiaidgera,  &  ro  bean 
gac/i  fer  dib  urunda  fedma  fir  do  csebaibh  fola  7  feola  dib,  &  do 
badur  mar  sin  re  head  in  csem  Ise  go  tainig  deredh  in  lai  da 
n-indsaighi.  IS  andsin  do  cuiresiáur  na  gilla  go  hseninad  7  na 
heich  go  hsensgur  7  iadfein  go  haenpubul  co  failid  frichnumach 
go  foithraicib  cria  7  go  l^baid  urluac[h]ra  7  go  losaib  ici  7  legis 
0  gach  ier  dib  da  ceile. 

[62]  IS  anwsin  atbert  C.  C,  'Ba  ead  argaire  go  mor  duindne 
oific  ele  adraind,  uair  do  tairrngair  air  mbuime  gaisgid  duind 
gomad  le  nech  againd  do  tuittedh  a  Jiech  ele\  'Leig  as  ale',  ar 
Fer  p.,  'oir  is  fearr  liumsa  do  cardib  Oilill  7  M.  na  tusa  7 
Sgathac/i  &  sgiatha  corcrad  dorinde  ana  faistine  sin'.  'Egcoir 
duitsi  sin  do  rad',  ar  C.  C,  'oir  is  csemdalta  tusa  do  Sgatha/i/ 
tu  {sic),  uair  is  aici  do  bidniis  'nar  ndis  'nar  tromcollad/i  a  fochair  a 
ceile,  &  ro  teigmis  ar  fiwdorudh^)  fis  7  forceduil  farsen  re  ^gdXXiaigh 
a  Cugain',  air  Fer  D.,  'na  agum  cain^d,  oir  ni  ba  husuide  duit 
nogo  taisbenarsa  do  c^nw  do  M.  7  dOilill  amaiZ  do  geallus'. 
'B^ndacht  ort  a  de^Maich^)  na  bris  caird^s  na  caradrag  na  co- 
mand  orumsa  uair  sochaid'O  dar  snaidme  an  ing^n  ut,  is  l^msa 


1)   cf.  §  67.  2)    &  ftjs, 

3)   Ncttlau  íi/ídoiu>uI,  bui  the  mark  is  over  the  d.    cf.  F.,  ar  fiogh  foir- 
ceadoil  and  Wi.  3540,  fid  forcetul. 

*)   d7laicli  MS.  '-)   socfiaid  MS. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt,  riiilologie  X.  20 


306  R.  I.  BEST, 

do  torcradar  uile,  &  na  tarsa  ciigamsa  tara  n-eis,  uair  fiiair  .1. 
liech  bas  lemsa  dar  snaidm^d  an  iiigen  ut.' 

[63]  Rugsad  as  an  aidc[h]i  sin  7  ro  eirigli  Fer  D.  go  mocli 
in  la  sin,  uair  ba  leis  eirgi  a  ndail  in  comraig.  7  nir  eirig  C.  C 
in  la  sin,  nogur  duisidli  a^)  gilla.  &  ro  eirig  C.  C.  a  ndail  in 
comraigh,  &  aduba?Vt  Fer  D.,  'Is  meirtec/i  im[s]nimliach  anmann 
atatlmiV  anw  a  drasta  a  Cugain',  air  Fer  D.  *Ni  liingnadh  {fol.  2v) 
damsa  sin',  air  C.  C,  'searg  an  uilc  &  na  fingala  doden  ar  mo 
comalta  as  e  ata  air  mo  tswig.  &  dar  liumsa  ni  tici  duitsi  isin 
comrag  so  aniugli.  ni  liiwusa  damsa  gan  t^clit  ann  muna  treigind 
soladli  baidli  Ulud  7  iadfein  isin  c^s  naidliin'. 

[66]    'Ca  gaisgefI/^  ara  racAam?'  air  Fer  D. 

[67]  'Ar  ar  n-oirightibh  gaile  7  gaisgid\  ar  C.  C.  Cid  tra 
cht  tiagaid  ort[h]a  in  la  sin,  7  do  baditr  orro  0  borbsoillsi  na 
maidne  muici  go  tainig  m§don  Ise  conar  leir  dferaib  Ereww  gnuis 
eich  na  gilla  na  c^<raid  dib  le  himad  na  cIqs  cuca  7  uatha  7  am. 
'An  full  ar  sgur  de  so  a  Fir  D.'  ar  C.  C.  'Ata  on',  air  Fer  D., 
'an  tan  bus  ail  [le]t'.  IS  anwsin  do  CM?V^dar  a  cl^sa  gaiJe  7 
gaisgid  uatha  a  lamhaib  a  ngilla. 

[68]  &  docuaditr  ara  claidiwib  troma  tortbuill^cha,  7  c^n- 
gailter  na  heich  7  cuiriter  na  c-^vhait  &  a  ffrt  bacana  iaraind 
arna  cairbthecAaibh  imdi  ^g-ailcdJi.  IS  anwsin  do  gabad«r  a  da 
sgiath  corcra  clitliir  mora  orro  in  la  sin  &  a  úaidhmi  cruaidhi 
gera  caindl^cha  comsoillsi  comarthac/za  ana  lamhaib  leo  in  la  sin, 
7  dorind^dar  comrag  fritir  fergach  forranach  amnas  adhmttr  allata 
indsaightech,  7  ro  bagmaid  na  hairsigha  7  do  gab  gach  tfv  dib 
a[g]  tuargaint  a  ceile. 

[69]  0  do  conncaditr  lucht  na  iianaisi  sin  tainig  emeltus 
mor  menmean  7  mertigi  mor  aicenta^)  doibh  sin  re  faicsin. 
'Truagh  an  gnim  doniter  aniugh',  ar  siad  '.i.  sencoindle  glanad 
Gsed^l  7  lucht  senfogliuma  7  na  fir  aille  a  ndile  7  a  meanma  7 
a  tairise  da  ceile  gos  trasta  7  a  mheith  'na  mbidbad  bunaid  da 
ceile  oniugh  amach  go  bratli  tre  briat/wöib  buid  breg  timgeal- 
tacha  mna  caime  ceindfinde  coimithi  7  tre  comadhaib  nemtsomainech 
don  nech  dar  gealkd  iad'. 

[70]  7  do  badiír^)  isin  comrug  sin  re  icdh  in  csewilaithi 
sin  go  tainig  dere(?7i  lae  doib.    IS  anwsin  adubaiVt  Fer  D.,  'Is 


1)    a  his.  ^)   aicta  MS. 

^)    -d  ivith  ur  symbol  corroded,  but  traceable. 


COMHRAG   FIR   DIADH   &   CHON   CCULAINN.  307 

sgiathtch  ar  n-eich  7  is  mertn^ch  ar  ngillaidi  7  is  ed  mains 
ag-a(inn)i)  d'iarsma  na  boroime  ar  n-eich,  7  cidh  duind  an  tan 
ba  torrsech  sind  gan  sgur?'  &  do  cwVedar  a  n-airm^)  uatlia  a 
lamhaib  a  ngilla  &  do  sgaradnr  gan  sith  gan  poig  gan  b^nwacht 
gan  caradradli  0  ceile.  &  tainic  saeghal  a  comaind  re  sgaradh 
na  n-^ch  7  na  giWaidi  7  na  curadli  0  ceile,  7  ni  tucadh  losa  ici 
na  slainti  0  C.  C.  dF/or  D.  an  aidlichi  sin  7  ni  tucad  biadh  na 
deoch  0  Yior  D.  dosun. 

[71]  &  dobu  imda  lucht  biatlia  Fir  D.  .i.  cethri  hollco/cid 
Ere^iw,  7  ni  raibhi  ag  biata  C.  C,  acht  Tuathad  Breag  amaiw^) 
7  ni  ticidis  sin  cuigi  acht  a  tosach  no  Ise  no  tseachtmuine. 

[72]  IS  ann  tainig  Fer  D.  a  n-ucht  a  tsluaigh  [7]  a  soichaitZi 
tar  an  ath  budh  d^s  7  tainig  M,  cöwa  mnaibh  mur  a  roibh  Fer  D. 
7  tucsi  aithchi  ciuil  cuigi  d'urgairding?if?  a  m^nman  7  a  aicenta^), 
7  tucad  fidcilla  ana  fianaisi  do  m^sgadh  7  do  miciallafZ  e  do 
briathraibh  serba  suasboga,  7  dorinde  do  dimbrig  7  tarcaisne  do 
gaisg/rfA  C.  C.  a  fianaisi  F^V  D.  &  n?>  toirm/5g  Fer  D.  sin  eter 
cemad  coir  do  a  denani.  &  nir  codail  a  bee  an  aidhchi  sin,  7 
damad  ail  leis  nir  leighecZA  do  air  co  mairead  aigi  ar  cind  in 
comruig  in  miciall  mor  7  in  fich  fergi  tue  leis  asin  comrug  gomad 
he  doberad  aigi  ar  cind  in  (comjraig^)  in  la  arnamair(jch, 

[73]  C.  C.  11.  tainic  roime  tar  an  ath  budh  tuaighi  7  tue  a 
uillcw«  re  fot  coimnert  7  doleig  osnadh  e^^comlaind  os  aird,  'Cad 
sin  a  C.  C.?'  ar  Lseg.  'Full  a  moradbwr',  ar  C.  C,  'mo  gsethe 
cro  7  mo  gona  ag  techt  rium,  7  is  mor  in  t-adbwr  damh  in  laich 
bruthmwr  mor  borrfadach  ut  do  t^eht  rium  amarach,  uair  ni 
seitreach  s/rcalma  me  ina  aigiti,  &  imigsi  romut  le  robad  7  le 
hoircis^cht  dUll^a/6  cowach  rabaid  air  muighibh  na  ar  morreigt^ch  ^) 
na  ar  morcoiteindib  na  crichi  cowaeh  airgter  torumsa  iad,  oir  ni 
tualaind  me  a")  ingabail  feasda'.  IS  annsin  do  crom  Lgegh  a 
c^nw  7  ro  caidh  frasa  diehra  der  7  torrsi  truagh  me;»elaigh  7 
nir  toirmíóíg  C.  C.  sin  do  deuam,  uair  do  [f]ider  fatha  in  morim[s]nim 
fodi^ra.  IS  auiisin  do  measg  Laegh  a  mera  seada  sithgeala  a  cn^daibh 
7  a  crolinntib  C.  C.  7  do  cidr  losa  ici  7  le^^a;  inwta  asa  haithle  7 


1)  agoiuu  F.  *)    airm.  a  {sic)  MS. 

■'')  In  margin,  erased  space  in  text. 

*)  aTcta  MS.  ^)   com  effaced,  end  of  line. 

*)  moirreidhiph  F,  which  rend. 

'')  a  bis. 


308  R.  I.  BEST,   COMHKAG   FIR   DIADH    &   CHON   CCULAINN. 

do  coirid  a  csemleaba/d  cain  ndeiriglitlii  C.  C.  7  fa  leir  dosim  cacli 
aisti  7  trithi  7  tairrsi,  7  nir  leir  do  nech  dferaibh  Eienn  esin 
iiiMti.  7  do  bisun  go  dubhach  acainthech  in  ti  sin  go  tainig  an 
ced  trian  daithi^)  7  do  hs.áur  anwsin  beoil  na  cn^dh  7  na  crecht 
ag  laigi  ara  ceile  7  na  luiblie  ici  7  legis  a[g]  gaba?7  na  crecht 
nua  n-urda  n-anabaid.  &  do  codail  C.  C.  in  aidhchi  sin  iar  sin. 
[74]  Imtusa  FiV  D.  .11.  do  eirigh  se  seal  bee  re  la  &  tue  a 
trealamh  gaile  7  gaisgidh  leis  go  hoirear  in  atha  &  do  bid  aga 
usLi'taige,  'an  fuil  a  necli  ane  ar  an  ath  so  aniugli?'  &  ni  fuair 
nech  n-ien  da  freagrad  an^i.  0  nach  fuair  . . . 

REMAINDER  MISSINü. 


^)   trian  deigenoch  ua  hoidhchi  F. 

Dublin.  E.  I.  Best. 


IRLANDAIS  NOIB  —  NIAB. 


On  a  depuis  longtemps  rapproché  v.-irl.  nóih  „saint"  de 
v.-perse  naiha  „beau,  bon",  persan  new  „fort,  énergique",  neh 
„beau,  bon"  (de  *naihalca-).  Ces  deux  mots  sont  isolés  dans  tout 
l'indo-européen;  car  le  groupement  avec  lat.  nüeü,  v.-iii.  niam 
„eclat",  que  propose  M.  Lidén,  Stud.  z.  altmd.  ii.  vergl.  Sprach- 
geschichte, p.  59  et  suiv.,  est  bien  lointain.  Ostlioff  avait  rattaclié 
a  ce  dernier  groupe  de  mots  gall,  nwyf  „vigor,  vivacitas,  lascivia" 
(I.  F.,  V  302),  et  M.  Lidén  acceptait  ce  rapprochement.  Mais 
on  salt  aujourd'hui,  par  M.  Kuno  Meyer,  Sitsungsherkhte  d.  Kgl. 
Preuss.  Akademie  1912,  II,  p.  794  et  suiv.,  que  I'irlandais  a  eu 
un  mot  niah,  correspondant  a  gall,  mvyf  pour  la  forme  et  pour 
le  sens.  Des  lors,  sans  insister  sur  la  possibilité  d'un  rapport 
lointain  avec  v.-irl.  niatn  „eclat"  etc.,  il  semble  naturel  de  grouper 
ensemble  v.-irl.  niab  „vigueur,  excitation",  et  nóib  „saint"  qui 
different  seulement  par  le  vocalisme  radical  et  qui  offrent  I'alter- 
nance  classiqus  de  '^neiho-:*noiho-:  l'idée  de  „sainteté"  est  natu- 
rellement  liée  a  celle  d'une  force  agissante.  On  a  un  beau 
parallele  si  Ton  admet  que  gr.  ItQÓq  „fort,  puissant"  est  le  meme 
mot  que  ieQÓc  {IuqoS)  „saint"  et  que  ce  mot  est  ä  rapprocher 
de  skr.  isirah  „fort,  frais,  florissant".  Sans  doute,  ce  fait  a  été 
contesté  par  M.W.  Schulze,  Quaestiones  epicae  207  et  suiv.,  qui 
sauf  par  G.  Meyer,  a  été  suivi  depuis  (v.  Boisacq,  Diet.  etym. 
de  la  langue  gr.  p.  368).  Mais  la  facilité  avec  laquelle  hQog 
reQoit,  au  sens  de  „fort",  un  allongement  de  W  tient  sans  doute 
tout  uniment  ä  Tinfluence  du  mot  de  sens  voisin  /leQOg  et  ne 
donne  pas  de  raison  de  séparer  deux  hgog.  Le  rapprochement  de 
uQÓg  „saint"  avec  osq.  aisusis  „sacrificiis"  etc.  est  peu  satis- 
faisant  parce  que,  dans  les  langues  européennes  oú  eile  apparait 
a  coup  sur,  la  racine  *ais-  „honorer,  adorer"  a  un  ai-  initial;  la 
forme  grecque  serait  isolée.  Le  rapprochement  saisissant  de  v.-irl. 
nóib  et  7tíah  apporte  une  raison  nouvelle  de  ne  pas  chercher  dans 
le  gr.  ísQÓg  deux  mots  d'origines  distinctes. 

Paris.  A.  Meillet. 


ENTGEGNUNG. 


In  seiner  Besprechung  meines  „Gral  in  Irland"  (Rev.  Celt. 
33,  497  ff.)  meint  Yendryes,  dafs  die  Zahl  3  mit  ihren  Vielfachen 
9  und  27,  deren  Bedeutung  ich  für  die  Interpretation  der  Sage 
als  Mondmj^thos  besonders  betont  habe,  in  unserem  Fall  deshalb 
bedeutungslos  sei,  da  diese  Zahl  ja  auch  bei  andern  Mythenhelden 
eine  Rolle  spielte.  Ferner  sollen  seiner  Ansicht  nach  weder  die 
Zahl  30,  noch  die  Zahlen  3,  9  und  27  den  Einteilungen  des  Mond- 
monats entsprechen.  Hätte  Y.  einen  Blick  auf  Bd.  25,  136—137 
seiner  Zeitschrift  geworfen,  so  wäre  ihm  vielleicht  die  Richtigkeit 
meiner  Behauptungen  aufgegangen. 

Die  tatsächlichen  Verhältnisse  sind  ja  längst  klargestellt. 
Der  Monat  (lat.  tnensis,  gi:  (njr,  ai.  müs  usw.)  ist  bekanntlich 
nach  dem  Mond  benannt  (0.  Schrader,  Die  Indogermaneu,  S.  68) 
und  es  steht  fest,  dafs  die  Indogermanen  ursprünglich  nach  reinen 
Mondmonaten  rechneten  (op.  cit.  S.  70). 

Nun  beträgt  die  Dauer  des  (siderischen)  Lichtmonats  genau 
271/3,  also  rund  27  Tage  (op.  cit.  S.  68;  Rev.  Celt.  25,  p.  135), 
besser  gesagt  27  Nächte.  Dieser  Monat  von  27  Nächten  zerfiel 
nun  in  drei  neunnächtige  Wochen  (Rev.  Celt.  25,  p.  136J.  Dafs 
diese  neun  Nächte  der  Woche  nicht  durch  Vervielfachung  von 
drei  Nächten  entstanden  sind,  hat  Loth  a.  a.  0.  ebenfalls  hin- 
länglich bewiesen.  Ebenso  klar  gehört  die  Dreizahl  in  den 
Mondkalender.  Drei  Nächte  lang  bleibt  der  Mond  unsichtbar, 
daher  haben  wir  im  attischen  Monat  die  di'ei  djto<fQáÓíq,  die  den 
Unterirdischen  heilig  waren  (Rhode,  Psyche  - 1  235  und  269, 
Anm.),  in  Indien  die  trikadruha  usw. 

In  etwas  jüngerer  Zeit  rechnete  man  dann  die  drei  dunklen 
Nächte  dem  Lichtmonat  zu,  wodurch  man  einen  30 nächtigen 
Mondmonat,  synodischer  Monat  genannt,  erhielt  (Schrader  S.  68, 


ENTGEGNUNG.  311 

Rev.  Celt.  25,  135).  Für  die  Festlandskelten  ist  übrigens  bei 
Palclios  (Rosclier,  Die  Hebdomadenlelireu,  S.  200)  ein  Monat  von 
27  Nächten  ausdrücklich  bezeugt. 

Man  sieht  also,  dafs  Vendrjes'  Behauptung,  die  Zahlen 
3,  9,  27,  30  hätten  mit  der  Einteilung  des  Mondmonats  nichts  zu 
tun,  den  Tatsachen  direkt  hohnspricht. 

Seine  Behauptung,  dafs  die  Zahl  3  auch  bei  anderen  Sagen- 
helden oft  vorkomme,  ist  doch  kein  Gegenbeweis.  Die  erwähnten 
Zahlen  raufsten  sich  natürlich  allgemein  verbreiten.  Es  handelt 
sich  ja  nicht  darum,  dafs  in  der  Sage  von  Cúchulainn  einzelne 
Mondmotive  vorkommen.  Diese  würden  gar  nichts  beweisen.  Es 
handelt  sich  darum,  dais  sich  eine  ganze  Reihe  von  Motiven 
in  logischer  Verknüpfung  vorfindet.  Ebenso  verhält  es  sich  mit 
dem  Kampfe  zwischen  Vater  und  Sohn.  "Wenn  das  der  einzige 
Zug  wäre,  den  Gawain  mit  Cvichulainn  teilte,  so  wäre  er  natürlich 
bedeutungslos. 

Vendryes  tadelt  mich  ferner,  dafs  ich  meine  Augen  den 
zahlreichen  Liebesabenteuern  Cüchulinns  verschliefse,  um  in 
seinem  schamhaften  Verhalten  nackten  Frauen  gegenüber  ein 
Rudiment  jener  Keuschheit  zu  sehen,  die  den  Gewinner  des 
himmlischen  Unsterblichkeitstrankes  (Gral)  auszeichnet.  Auch 
hier  ist  er  im  Unrecht.  Es  ist  von  vornherein  klar,  dafs  ein 
Mythenheld  immer  die  Züge  jener  Zeit,  aus  der  wir  von  ihm 
Überlieferungen  besitzen,  an  sich  tragen  m\\i>'.  Wir  wissen,  dafs 
die  Zeit,  aus  der  Ciichulinns  Auftreten  überliefert  wird,  eine  Zeit 
unbändiger  sexueller  Freiheit  war,  in  der  Liebesabenteuer  bei 
jedem  Helden  eine  Hauptrolle  spielten.  Wenn  wir  nun  hören, 
dafs  einer  dieser  Helden  auf  einmal  eine  Schamhaftigkeit  zeigt, 
die  nicht  nur  mit  dem  allgemeinen  Kulturzustand,  sondern  auch 
mit  den  übrigen  Taten  des  Helden  selbst  in  Widerspruch  steht 
werden  wir  da  annehmen,  dafs  die  Schamhaftigkeit  sekundär 
eingeführt  worden  sei  (christlicher  Einflufs  ist  hier  noch 
bestimmt  ausgeschlossen),  oder  dafs  sie  ein  Rudiment  einer 
älteren  Überlieferung  bilde  ?  Selbstverständlich  das  letztere,  wie 
ja  auch  in  der  Sprachwissenschaft  isolierte  Formen,  die  sich  in 
das  gegenwärtige  System  nicht  fügen,  stets  ats  wertvolle  Rudi- 
mente eines  älteren  Zustandes  angesehen  werden. 

Der  Haupteinwand,  den  V.  gegen  meine  Arbeit  erhebt,  ist 
der,  dafs  ich  aus  der  grofsen  Masse  der  Tradition  nur  das  hervor- 
gehoben habe,  was  für  meine  These  nützlich  sei,  das  übrige  aber 


312  JULIUS   POKORNT, 

vernachlässigt  habe;  warum  sollte  eine  Mythe  nicht  ein  „pele- 
mele"  von  Sonnen-,  Mond-,  Gewittermythen  und  historischen 
Bestandteilen  enthalten?  Aber  ich  sage  ja  selbst  auf  S.  13: 
„Zweifellos  haben  auch  die  historische  Gestalt  eines  Helden  und 
zahlreiche  andere  Faktoren  bei  der  Entstehung  der  Sage  mit- 
gespielt" und  auf  S.  15  habe  ich  ausdrücklich  ausgeführt,  dafs 
wir  bei  Cúchulinn  auch  Züge,  die  auf  einen  Vegetationsmythos, 
einen  Sonnenmythos  hinweisen  und  andere,  auch  historische 
Elemente  finden.  In  der  erwähnten  Arbeit  habe  ich  mich  eben, 
wie  schon  der  Titel  sagt,  nur  mit  jenen  Sagenelementen  be- 
schäftigt, die  sich  auf  den  Gral,  d.  h.  das  himmlische,  mit  Un- 
sterblichkeitstrank gefüllte  Gefäfs  beziehen.  Da  dies  Gefäfs  nach 
Hillebrands  und  Schroeders  Ausführungen  zweifellos  der  Mond 
ist  —  das  wird  wohl  niemand  widerlegen  können  — ,  so  habe  ich 
mich  natürlich  mit  den  lunaren  Elementen  der  Sage  beschäftigt. 
Was  V.  dann  ferner  über  die  vergleichende  Mythologie  im 
allgemeinen  sagt,  ist  nichts  als  eine  schönklingende  Phrase,  und 
pafst  wohl  auf  die  veralteten  Schriften  von  Max  Müller  u.  a., 
keineswegs  aber  auf  die  neue  mythologische  Schule,  die  mit 
Motiven  ebenso  exakt  arbeitet,  wie  die  Philologie  mit  Lauten. 
Im  Motiv  und  in  der  Motivreihe  haben  wir  ein  ebenso  zu- 
verlässiges Element,  wie  in  den  Lauten  und  Lautverbindungen. 
V.  verurteilt  offenbar  eine  ganze  Wissenschaft,  ohne  sie  zu  kennen. 
Ich  verweise  ihn  auf  so  wichtige  Arbeiten  wie  J.  G.  von  Hahn : 
Sagwissenschaftliche  Studien  (S.  1  —  140);  H.  Leismann:  Auf- 
gaben und  Ziele  der  vergleichenden  Mythenforschung  (Mythol. 
Bibliothek  I);  Stucken:  Beiträge  zur  orientalischen  Mythologie 
(in  den  Mitteilungen  der  Vorderasiat.  Gesellschaft  190G);  derselbe: 
Moses;  Wolfgang  Schultz:  Die  Anschauung  vom  Monde  und  seinen 
Gestalten  (Berlin -Treptow,  Sternwarte  1912);  Ernst  Siecke: 
Mythologische  Briefe;  derselbe:  Liebesgeschichte  des  Himmels; 
Georg  Hüsing:  Tarsis  und  die  Jonalegende  (in  Memnon,  Bd.  I); 
derselbe:  Die  iranische  Überlieferung  und  das  arische  System. 

Ich  wende  mich  nun  zur  Kritik  Kuno  Meyers  (ZOP  IX 
S.  180 f.).  Er  meint,  ich  habe  irrtümlich  den  Kessel  des  Cúroi 
von  den  30  Kühen  anfüllen  lassen,  während  es  in  Wirklichkeit 
nur  heifse,  dafs  die  Milch  von  30  Kühen  im  Kessel  Platz  habe, 
dafs  aber  die  drei  Kühe  (die  ich  den  drei  Epagomenen  gleich- 
gesetzt habe)  den  Kessel  täglich  mit  ihrer  Milch  anfüllen.    Wenn 


ENTGEGNUNG.  313 

er  auch  damit  Eeclit  hätte,  so  würde  das  doch  nichts  gegen  meine 
Theorie  beweisen.  Es  handelt  sich  ja  nur  im  wesentlichen  darum: 
Ein  Kessel,  der  das  „Kalb  der  drei  Kühe"  genannt  wird,  fafst 
die  Milch  von  30  Kühen.  Wer  ihn  wirklich  füllt,  ist  hier  gleich- 
gültig. Der  Kessel,  in  dem  die  Milch  von  30  Kühen  Platz  hat, 
mufs  mythologisch  ebenso  auf  den  Mond,  der  in  30  Tagen  voll 
wird,  bezogen  werden,  wie  wenn  es  hiefse,  dafs  die  30  Kühe,  eine 
nach  der  andern,  ihn  täglich  füllen.  Dafs  ich  übrigens  mit  meiner 
Erklärung  des  „Kalbes  der  drei  Kühe"  recht  gehabt  habe,  hat 
unterdessen  Karl  von  Spiels  (Die  Behälter  des  Unsterblichkeits- 
trankes, Mitteilungen  der  Anthropolog.  Gesellschaft  Wien  1914, 
S.  17  —  44)  an  der  Hand  wertvollen  archäologischen  und  lite- 
rarischen Materials  unzweideutig  festgestellt. 

Meine  Übersetzung  von  tir  scaith  (Anecd.  III  54,  20)  „Land 
des  Schattens"  ist  von  Thurneysen  (ZCP  IX  234)  seither  als  richtig 
nachgewiesen  worden. 

Die  Einwände,  dais  die  Zahlen  3,  9,  27  nach  anderweitig 
vorkommen,  beweisen,  wie  ich  schon  oben  ausgeführt  habe,  auch 
nichts  gegen  meine  Auffassung;  dafs  man  beim  Mond  vor  allem 
die  Zahl  28  erwarten  würde,  ist  eine  durch  nichts  zu  recht- 
fertigende Behauptung,  die  offenbar  als  lapsus  penuae  aufzu- 
fassen ist. 

Zum  Schlufs  noch  eine  allgemeine  Bemerkung:  Einzelne 
Motive,  die  natürlich  allgemein  verbreitet  sein  können,  beweisen 
gar  nichts  für  die  Deutung  der  Sage  oder  die  Identität  zweier 
Sagenhelden,  sondern  es  handelt  sich  darum,  dafs  eine  ganze 
Eeihe  von  Motiven  zusammen  vorkommt.  Dies  ist  bei  den  von 
mir  bearbeiteten  Sagen  der  Fall,  Übrigens  sind  in  den  er- 
wähnten Rezensionen  immer  nur  Einzelheiten  getadelt,  während 
die  wichtigsten  Beweisgründe,  die  ich  vorgebracht  habe,  nicht 
widerlegt  wurden.  Wie  will  man  es  erklären,  dafs  Cúchulinn 
drei  Tage  und  drei  Nächte  schläft,  dafs  er  in  der  Wut  bald  zu 
einem  purpurnen  runden  Ball,  bald  zu  einem  Bogen  wird,  dafs 
er  einäugig  wird  wie  der  Mond,  der  beim  Phasenwechsel  die 
eine  Gesichtshälfte  verliert. 

Einem  Mifsverständuis  möchte  ich  noch  vorbeugen:  Ich 
meine  natürlich  nicht,  dafs  die  alten  Irländer  zur  Zeit,  als  sie 
die  Sagen  von  Cúroí  und  Cúclmlinn  niederschrieben,  sich  noch 
der   Tatsache   bewufst   waren,    dafs   es    sich    um   Mondmythen 


314  JULIUS  POKOUNY,  ENTGEGNUNO. 

handelte.  Der  Gedanke  liegt  mir  gänzlich  fern.  Ich  behaupte 
nur,  dafs  in  ferner  Vorzeit  die  seltsamen  Veränderungen  des 
Mondes,  der  als  regenspendende  Vegetationsmacht  verehrt  wurde, 
zu  zahllosen  wunderbaren  Erzählungen  Anlafs  gaben.  Der  eine 
sah  in  ihm  den  unerschöpflichen  Kessel,  der  von  den  27  unsicht- 
baren himmlischen  Kühen  mit  Milch  gefüllt  wurde,  der  andere 
einen  Gott,  der  von  27  Feinden  (27  Tagen)  vernichtet  wurde, 
oder  27  Tage  lang  lebte  —  an  Stelle  der  27  konnte  auch  durch 
Hinzurechnen  der  drei  dunklen  Nächte  eine  30  treten  usw.  In 
späterer  Zeit  war  der  ursprüngliche  Sinn  dieser  Erzählungen 
nicht  mehr  vollkommen  verständlich.  So  konnten  sie  zusammen- 
fliefsen  oder  an  historische  Persönlichkeiten  geknüpft  werden. 
Und  wenn  ich  den  Cüchulinn  als  Mondhelden  betrachte,  so  meine 
ich  damit  nur,  dafs  sich  an  seine  Gestalt  Traditionen  heften,  die 
in  grauer  Vorzeit  durch  Beobachtung  der  Mondphasen  entstanden 
waren,  und  dafs  sie  hier  in  seltener  Deutlichkeit  und  Vollständig- 
keit bewahrt  erscheinen,  ohne  dafs  sich  die  Kelten  in  historischer 
Zeit  ihrer  wahren  Bedeutung  noch  bewufst  gewesen  wären. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokükny. 


BEITRÄGE  ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN  GRAMMATIK. 


Julius  Pokorny.  A  concise  Old  Irish  Grammar  and  Reader. 
Part  I:  Grammar.  Halle  a.  S.,  Max  Niemeyer;  Dublin,  Hodges, 
Figgis  and  Co.,  Ltd.    1914.    124  pp.    S«. 

Eine  grofse  Lücke  in  der  Sprachlehre  des  Altirischen  aus- 
zufüllen, nämlich  Thurneysens,  Vendryes'  und  Pedersens  aus- 
führlichen Darstellungen  eine  kurze,  für  den  Anfänger  berechnete 
Einführung  in  die  altirische  Sprache  an  die  Seite  zu  stellen,  ist 
eine  verdienstvolle  Aufgabe,  deren  nunmehrige  Erfüllung  wir 
Pokorny  zu  verdanken  haben.  Es  liegt  auf  der  Hand,  dafs 
gegenüber  den  ausgezeichneten  Leistungen  der  oben  genannten 
Gelehrten  und  ihrer  Mitforscher  die  Selbständigkeit  der  Arbeit  an 
einem  derartigen  Abrifs  sich  weniger  auf  eigene  neue  Forschungen 
erstreckt,  als  in  der  Aufgabe  besteht,  den  in  den  vorliegenden 
Grammatiken  aufgehäuften  Stoff  knapper,  doch  darum  nicht 
weniger  klar,  übersichtlich  und  erschöpfend  zur  Darstellung  zu 
bringen.  Und  das  ist  dem  Verfasser  offenbar  in  verschiedenen 
Teilen  seiner  Grammatik,  deren  starke  Abhängigkeit  von  der 
Thurneysenschen  für  den  flüchtigen  Betrachter  dadurch  etwas 
verdunkelt  wird,  dafs  in  Bezug  auf  die  Anordnung  des  Stoffes 
eigene  Wege  betreten  werden,  aufs  beste  gelungen:  ich  erwähne 
in  dieser  Hinsicht,  um  von  kleineren  Einzelheiten  ganz  abzusehen, 
nur  die  ganze  sehr  praktisch  und  präzis  angelegte  Formenlehre, 
sowie  die  Darstellung  der  genealogischen  Entwicklung  der  indo- 
germanischen Laute,  in  der  mancherlei  sprachliche  Erscheinungen, 
wie  die  ümfärbungen  hauptton iger  Vokale,  die  Entstehung  von 
Doppelkonsonanten,  die  Reduktion  von  Konsonantengruppen  (vgl. 
aber  auch  Pokorny  S.  10  Anm.)  in  geschickter  Weise  mit  unter- 
gebracht sind.  Unterbrochen  wird  sie  leider  durch  das  Kapitel 
über  den  dissimilatorischen  Konsonantenschwund  (§  110),  das 
vielleicht  besser  an  anderem  Orte,  etwa  im  Zusammenhang  mit 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  21 


316  HANS    HESSEN, 

der  Vokalkontraktion  (§  125 — 126),  eingereiht  worden  wäre, 
aufserdem  durch  den  §  109  über  die  unter  bestimmten  Voraus- 
setzungen eintretende  Ersatzdehnung  von  Vokalen,  die  zwar  zu 
den  in  den  beiden  vorhergehenden  Kapiteln  berührten  Er- 
scheinungen in  Beziehung  steht,  aus  dem  Rahmen  des  Ganzen 
hier  aber  herausfällt  und  passender  bei  der  Lenierung  der  Ver- 
schlufslaute  hätte  untergebracht  werden  können. 

Auch  dem  gerechtfertigten  Anspruch  auf  möglichste  Kürze 
ist,  wie  der  geringe  Umfang  des  Buches  zeigt,  vollkommen  Genüge 
getan,  und  es  ist  sehr  zu  begrüfsen,  dafs  sich  der  Verfasser  trotz 
der  ihm  auferlegten  Beschränkung  nicht  mit  einer  dem  Sprach- 
wissenschaftler wenig  dienlichen  rein  deskriptiven  Behandlung 
des  Stoffes  begnügt  hat,  sondern  durch  die  Darstellung  der 
historischen  Entwicklung  den  Zusammenhang  mit  den  anderen 
indogermanischen  Sprachen  aufrecht  zu  erhalten  bemüht  war. 
Allerdings  machen  Laut-  und  Formenlehre,  mit  denen  der  Inhalt 
des  Buches  leider  auch  erschöpft  ist,  allein  eine  historische 
Grammatik  nicht  aus,  und  speziell  das  Irische  bietet  so  manche 
anderen  Sprachen  unbekannte  Eigenheiten,  die  dem  Lernenden 
nicht  hätten  vorenthalten  werden  dürfen.  Obwohl  nun  auch  der 
demnächst  zu  erwartende  zweite,  die  Lesestücke  enthaltende  Teil 
des  Buches  in  dieser  Hinsicht  mancherlei  Lücken  auszufüllen 
bestimmt  sein  wird,  so  scheint  mir  doch,  da  dieser,  selber  nur 
eine  Ausv/ahl  von  Texten,  auch  wohl  nur  zu  einer  Auswahl  von 
Ergänzungen  Gelegenheit  geben  wird,  jenes  keine  genügende 
Rechtfertigung  aller  im  Buche  sich  findenden  Lücken.  Ist  es 
schon  bedenklich,  dafs  über  die  Erklärung  mancher  dem  Anfänger 
besonders  fremdartiger  Erscheinungen  der  altirischen  Grammatik, 
wie  der  Bedeutung  und  Verwendung  von  Pronomina  und  Ver- 
stärkungspartikeln, von  Relativsätzen  usw.,  so  leicht  hinweg- 
geschritten wird,  so  erfahren  wir  vollends  garnichts  von  nicht 
minder  wichtigen  Problemen  der  Sprache,  wie  dem  Gebrauch 
der  Adjektive,  dem  der  Kasus  und  Tempora,  der  Negationen  und 
Konjunktionen,  der  Bildung  von  Kollektiven,  Deminutiven  und 
namentlich  Verbalabstrakten,  der  Stammbildung  der  Adjektive, 
der  denominativen  Verba  u.  a.  m.  Alles  das  aber  ist  in  einer 
auf  praktische  Brauchbarkeit  Anspruch  erhebenden  Grammatik 
um  so  weniger  zu  entbehren,  als  nur  mit  toten  Lautregeln  und 
isolierten  Wortformeu  der  lebendige  Geist  der  Sprache  dem 
Lernenden   nicht   erschlossen   wird.     Diesem   Mangel  der  Voll- 


BEITRAGE    ZUR   ALTIRISCHESr    GRAMMATIK.  317 

ständigkeit  abziilielfen,  ohne  das  Gebot  der  Kürze  übertreten  zu 
müssen,  hätte  aber  die  Zugabe  einiger  weniger  Textseiten,  im 
Verein  mit  teüweiser  Kürzung  einiger  über  Gebühr  ausgedehnter 
Abschnitte  wohl  ermöglicht;  denn  der  Verfasser  hat  offenbar  das 
Wichtige  vom  Entbehrlichen  nicht  immer  scharf  genug  zu  scheiden 
gewufst,  wofür  ich,  um  Kleinigkeiten  ganz  aufser  Spiel  zu  lassen, 
die  von  Pokorny  offensichtlich  mit  speziellem  Interesse  behandelten 
Abschnitte  über  die  Behandlung  des  intervokalischen  m  (§  112, 3) 
und  über  die  Vokalkontraktion  (§  125  — 126)  anführen  möchte, 
in  denen,  mit  Kücksicht  auf  die  Unsicherheit  der  zugrunde 
liegenden  Erscheinungen,  gröfstmögliche  Beschränkung  auf  das 
Notwendigste  den  Bedürfnissen  besser  entsprochen  hätte.  Die 
Erwähnung  anderer  zweifelhafter  Probleme,  wie  der  dem  Stokes- 
Zupitzaschen  Gesetz  (rergl.  Thurn.  Handb.  §  147,  Ped.  Gr.  I  §  97, 
Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174.  45)  unterliegenden  Vorgänge  in  §§  92  ff.,  ist 
von  anfechtbarem  Werte,  und  vollständig  entbehrlich  sind  endlich 
die  gesamten  Kapitel  über  die  Vokalabstufung  (§§  127 — 131),  die 
nur  ganz  unwesentlich  zur  Erläuterung  der  in  der  Grammatik 
behandelten  Dinge  beitragen. 

Andererseits  w^äre  eine  weniger  grofse  Sparsamkeit  mit  dem 
verfügbaren  Raum  überall  da  am  Platze  gewesen,  wo  es  die  zu- 
weilen ganz  einzigartigen  Lautgesetze  und  Formenregeln  der  alt- 
irischen Sprache  durch  Beispiele  zu  veranschaulichen  galt.  Diese  in 
der  Grammatik  oft  sich  äufsernde  Spärlichkeit  der  Erläuterung  ist 
ein  in  keiner  Weise  abzuleugnender  Grundfehler  der  Pokornyschen 
Arbeit,  verursacht  sie  doch,  dafs  oft  die  an  sich  schwierigen  Laut- 
und  Formenregeln,  die  bisweilen  schon  durch  ihre  Knappheit 
gegenüber  Thurneysens  ausführlicheren  Fassungen  an  Klarheit 
einbüfsen,  jeder  Stütze  und  damit  der  Möglichkeit  entbehren, 
sich  dem  Sprachbewulstsein  einzuprägen.  Besonders  mifslich 
tritt  dieser  Umstand  in  dem  komplizierten  Kapitel  über  die  in- 
flgierten  Pronomina  zu  Tage,  vollends  in  demjenigen  über  die 
Präpositionen,  das,  ein  Auszug  aus  Thurneysens  und  Pedersens 
entsprechenden  Abschnitten,  in  einer  seitenlangen  Aneinander- 
reihung von  Wortfragmenten  besteht  und  auf  uns  etwa  wirken 
mag  wie  eine  Logarithmentafel,  deren  Zahlengewimmel  zum 
Nachdenken  keine  Anregung  und  keinen  Anhalt  bietet.  Als 
einzelne  Fälle  andersgearteter  Unklarheit  seien  hier  noch  der 
Abschnitt  über  die  Konsonantenverdoppelungen  (§  34),  dem  jedes 
Rückgrat  fehlt,  sowie  der  die  m- Färbung  behandelnde  §  49  er- 

21* 


318  HANS   HESSEN, 

wälint,  in  dem,  nicht  zum  Nutzen  der  Klarheit,  das  Auftreten 
der  Erscheinung  in  betonter  mit  dem  in  unbetonter  Stellung 
zusammengeworfen  ist. 

Im  Kapitel  über  die  „Aspiration"  (§§  5  — 19)  sind  zwar 
die  Vorgänge  der  im  Innern  eines  Wortes  eintretenden  Lenierung 
mit  denen  der  syntaktischen  Lenierung  (auch  in  Relativsätzen), 
woran  sich  dann  Nasalierung  und  Geminierung  ungezwungen 
anschlieisen,  in  einwandfreier  Weise  zusammengefafst,  getrennt 
aber,  in  durch  nichts  zu  rechtfertigender  Abweichung  von  Thurn- 
eysens  Anordnung,  sind  davon  verschiedene  hiehergehörige  Er- 
scheinungen, mit  dem  zweifelhaften  Erfolge,  dafs  sie  hier  vermifst 
werden,  an  der  ihnen  angewiesenen  Stelle  aber  den  Zusammen- 
hang des  Ganzen  zerreifsen.  Dahin  gehören  das  Stimmlos-  oder 
Stimmbarwerden  (auch  in  unbetonter  Stellung)  und  die  Ent- 
spirantisierung  von  Konsonanten,  die  Entwicklung  der  aspirierten 
Verschlulslaute  vor  l,  r  und  w  (s.  o.)  usw.  in  den  §§  72 — 75, 
84 — 89,  109;  dies  aber,  zusammen  mit  dem  Umstand,  dafs  auch 
in  Einzelheiten  der  Anordnung  der  Verfasser  seine  eigenen  Wege 
gehen  zu  sollen  glaubt,  nötigt  ihn  bisweilen,  engverwandte  Vor- 
gänge bald  von  einander  zu  trennen,  bald  an  mehreren  Stellen 
zu  wiederholen,  wofür  ich  als  Beispiele  die  Deaspiration  (besser: 
Nichtlenierung)  von  t  und  d  hinter  l,  n,  s  und  vor  s,  die  in 
§§19a,  84  b  und  86  b  behandelt  ist,  die  Vertretung  lenierter 
„Geminaten"  (§§  19  b,  84a,  86  a,  87  a)  und  endlich  die  in  den 
§§  85  und  86  c  berührten  Ausgleichungen  von  Spiranten  an- 
führen möchte. 

Noch  weniger  vorteilhaft,  obwohl  besonderer  Sorgfalt  be- 
dürftig, ist  die  Behandlung  der  äufserst  komplizierten  Kon- 
sonantenfärbungen ausgefallen.  Obgleich,  wie  mich  ein  eigener 
praktischer  Versuch  lehrte,  gerade  hier  gegenüber  Thurneysens 
Darstellung  ein  Fortschritt,  bestehend  in  knapperer,  übersicht- 
licherer Verteilung  des  Stoffes,  erzielbar  gewesen  wäre,  scheint  der 
Verfasser  diesen  offenbar  im  Geiste  nicht  hinreichend  verarbeitet 
zu  haben,  um,  im  Bestreben,  selbständig  vorzugehen,  Praktischeres 
als  Thurneysen  zu  schaffen.  Vielmehr  hat  er  auch  naheliegende 
Möglichkeiten  der  Kürzung  und  Vereinfachung  aufser  acht  ge- 
lassen, wie  in  den  Kapiteln  über  die  Übergangsvokale  und  die 
Konsonantenfärbung  durch  geschwundene  Vokale  (§§  36 — 39, 
47 — 49),  die,  als  eng  verwandte  Erscheinungen,  auch  in  engeren 
Zusammenhang  hätten  gebracht  werden  können;  dafs,  wenn  auch 


BEITRÄGE   ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  319 

nicht  gröfsere  Klarheit,  so  doch  eine  knappere  Fassung  aucli  im 
§  57  über  die  Qualität  der  schwachbetonten  Vokale  im  Wort- 
innern  erreichbar  gewesen  wäre,  sei  nur  beiläufig  erwähnt: 
Thurneysens  §§  98  f.  sind  hier  sehr  getreulich  kopiert.  Zu 
diesem  Übelstand  tritt  der  bei  w^eitem  störendere,  dafs  gerade 
dieses  Kapitel  durch  wiederholte  Einschiebung  von  wenig  oder 
doch  nicht  unmittelbar  mit  ihm  zusammengehörigen  Erscheinungen 
aus  der  altirischen  Lautlehre  in  seinem  klaren  Zusammenhang 
zum  Teil  gänzlich  zerrifsen  ist.  Freilich  wäre  es  wünschenswert, 
mitunter  Vorgänge  der  Lautentwicklung,  die  der  Erklärung 
anderer  zur  Voraussetzung  dienen  (wie  hier  die  Lehre  von  den 
Endsilben  und  den  Gleitvokalen,  von  der  Synkope  und  den 
Färbungsausgleichungen),  mit  diesen  auch  auf  serlich  zusammen- 
zubringen, doch  ist  dies,  da  doch  das  Netz  solcher  Beziehungen 
verworren  über  die  ganze  Grannnatik  sich  ausbreitet,  stets  nur 
in  unvollkommenstem  Mafse  möglich,  und  müssen  da,  wo  diese 
hier  von  Pokorny  leider  angewandte  Methode  die  Übersicht- 
lichkeit als  Opfer  fordert,  hinlängliche  Verweisungen  als  aus- 
reichende Bindungsmittel  angesehen  werden.  In  Betracht  kommen 
in  jener  Hinsicht  hier  die  Abschnitte  über  die  Behandlung 
der  alten  Endsilbenlaute  (§§  42—46),  über  die  Entwicklung 
epenthetischer  Vokale  (§§  50,  59),  die  Betonung  und  Synkope 
(§§  51  —  53  und  55  I),  die  Quantitätsänderungen  unbetonter 
bezw.  betonter  Vokale  (§§  54,  56),  die,  etwa  bei  folgender 
Anordnung  der  Lautlehre,  viel  besser  zur  Geltung  hätten  kommen 
können: 

I  a)  §§  1—4. 

b)  §§  5—19,  vereinigt  mit  §§  72—76,  84—89,  109. 

c)  §§  20—34. 

IL  Betonung  (§§  51—58). 

III.  Quantität  der  Vokale  (§§  54,  56). 

IV.  Vokale  und  Konsonanten  in  alten  Endsilben  (§§  42—46). 
V.  Synkope  (§  55  I). 

VI.  Entwicklung  epenthetischer  Vokale  (§§  50,  59). 
VII.  Übergangsvokale  und  Konsonantenfärbungen  (§§  35 — 41, 

47—49,  55  II,  57,  58,  60—71). 
Vni.  Lautentwicklung  in  proklitischen  Wörtern  (§§  77—83). 
IX.  Genealogische  Entwicklung  der  indogermanischen  Laute 
(§§  91—108,  111—124). 


320  HANS   HESSEN, 

X.  Dissimilatorischer  Konsonantenschwund  (§  HO). 
XL  Vokalkontraktion  (§§  125,  126)  und  Ablaut  (§§  127—131). 

Vervollständigt  endlich  wird  das  Mafs  der  in  diesem  Teile  der 
Grammatik  zu  rügenden  Mängel  durch  die  schon  oben  genannte, 
hier  aber  besonders  schwerwiegende  Kargheit  mit  Beispielen, 
welche  die  Regeln,  die  ohnehin  gerade  hier  —  freilich  in 
Übereinstimmung  mit  den  sich  oft  widersprechenden  lautlichen 
Erscheinungen  —  sich  melirere  Male  kreuzen,  oft  nicht  zu  der 
ihnen  gebührenden  Geltung  kommen  läfst;  wir  werden  hier 
manchmal,  um  Klarheit  zu  gewinnen,  nicht  umhin  können,  in 
Thurneysens  oder  Pedersens  Grammatiken  die  Lösung  der  von 
Pokorny  uns  aufgegebenen  Rätsel  zu  suchen. 

Dies  die  hauptsächlichsten  Vorzüge  und  Nachteile  der  neuen 
Grammatik;  leider  scheinen  mir  jene  den  letzteren  nicht  ganz 
das  Gleichgewicht  zu  halten,  und  es  steht  zu  befürchten,  dafs 
diese  in  ihrer  Gesamtheit  genügen  werden,  der  praktischen 
Brauchbarkeit  des  Buches  als  eines  ersten  Hilfsmittels  zur  Er- 
lernung der  altirischen  Sprache  erheblichen  Eintrag  zu  tun. 
Hoffentlich  wird  der  vom  Verfasser  schon  öfters  genannte  Reader, 
den  in  ihn  gesetzten  Erwartungen  entsprechend,  diese  meine  An- 
sicht wesentlich  zu  modiüzieren  geeignet  sein. 

Es  sei  mir  im  Anschlufs  hieran  zu  verschiedenen  einzelnen 
Bemerkungen  und  Ausführungen  über  mir  aufgefallene  Unsicher- 
heiten, Druckfehler  und  sonstige  Versehen  Gelegenheit  gegeben. 

§  1,  1.    Hier  wäre  vielleicht  auf  §  90  Note  (S.  33)  zu  verweisen. 

§  16  c.  aircJienn  wird  durch  die  ihm  substituierte  Form  "^pre- 
Ic^etignom  weniger  gut  erklärt  als  durch  das  näherliegende 
*air-,  *'are-cenn.  Dieser  und  ähnliche  Fälle  werden  in  Vendryes' 
in  der  Revue  celtique  erschienenen  Kritik  der  Grammatik 
ausführlich  erörtert. 

§  19  Note  2.  Der  Fall  von  tiagussa  (aus  Uagu-sa),  dessen  55 
seine  Entstehung  aus  s  nicht  etwa  einer  regeli-echten  „Ge- 
minierung",  sondern  nur  der  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  133,  Ped. 
Gr.  I,  §  326,  1  S.  479  oben  besprochenen  spontanen  Ver- 
doppelung unlenierter  Konsonanten  verdankt  (vgl.  auch 
Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  23),  eignet  sich  nicht  als  Beispiel 
für  die  Nichtlenierbarkeit  der  Verstärkungspartikeln,  da 
doch  für  die  betreffende  Verbalform  eine  lenierende  Wirkung 


BEITRÄGE   ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  321 

auch  sonst  nicht  anzunehmen  wäre,  und  ist  ebensowenig 
angebracht  im  §  34  über  die  Geminierung  nach  vortonigen 
Wörtern,  wo  er  ganz  unverständlicli  den  Fällen  bacalar 
(aus  ha  galur)   und   collda  (ans  co  Ida)   gleichgestellt  wird. 

§  32.  Über  die  Auffassung  von  cechtar  n-athar  (und  ceclitar  n-dr) 
'jeder  von  uns  beiden'  sowie  dem  Possessivpronomen  atliar,  dr 
der  1.  pl.  in  §  161  vgl.  Thurn.  Idg.  Anz.  33,  27  zu  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
S.  169. 

§  34.  „In  the  genitive  of  the  article"  ist  korrekter  und  er- 
schöpfender auszudrücken:  „in  the  gen.  sg.  fem.,  acc.  pl.  masc. 
and  the  nom.  acc.  pl.  fem.  neutr.  of  the  article". 

§  44  exception.  Die  hier  und  in  der  Anmerkung  gegebene  Er- 
klärung von  fiada,  fiado  „Herr"  entspricht  derjenigen  in 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  §448,1,  während  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  325  der  Un- 
sicherheit der  Lautentwicklung  in  diesem  Worte  mehr  Ge- 
wicht beigelegt  wird.    Vgl.  Thurneysen,  Idg.  Anz.  27  S.  17. 

§  46.  Zur  Entwicklung  von  nichtauslautendem  in  in  Endsilben, 
die  auch  im  gen.  sg.  der  «-Stämme  (Pok.  §  135),  in  der 
3.  sg.  subj.  praes.  koujunkter  Flexion  der  i -Verben  (Pok. 
§  176,2  Note  1)  und  bei  der  Erklärung  der  Futurform  -1111 
(angeblich  statt  '^•lile)  zu  lcn{d)id  (Pok.  §  177,3  Note)  eine 
Rolle  spielt,  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §§  90,  295,  303  (anders,  ent- 
sprechend Pok.,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  431),  Pokorny  K.  Z.  46,  281  ff. 

§551  note  b.  foéssama  ist  als  Beispiel  für  analogische  Re- 
stitution einer  eigentlich  der  Synkope  unterworfenen  Silbe 
ungeeignet,  da  es  vielmehr  die  lautgesetzliche  Form  darstellt 
und  im  Gegenteil  foésma  auf  falscher  analogischer  Syn- 
kopierung beruht.  Vorausgesetzt  nämlich,  dafs  die  von  Ped. 
(Gr.  I,  §  210,  II,  §  824,  2)  versuchte  Herleitung  aus  *fo-sessa7n 
das  Richtige  trifft,  glaube  ich  ZOP  IX  28  nachgewiesen  zu 
haben,  dafs  in  diesem  Wort  die  nach  der  bekannten  Regel 
stets  die  zweite  Silbe  treffende  Synkope  sich  in  der  zum 
Diphthongen  o/,  oé  (später  at,  id)  führenden  Kontraktion  der 
beiden  Hiatusvokale  o  und  e  äufsert,  sodafs  also  foésma, 
foésmim  „I  confess"  (vgl.  Atk.,  Pass,  and  Horn.  712  b)  eine 
nochmalige,  die  ursprünglich  dritte  Silbe  betreffende  Sj'n- 
kopierung  zeigen,  die  als  Analogiebildung  nach  anderen 
Wortparadigmen  sich  leicht  erklärt.  Zu  foéssama  stehen 
die  doppelt  gekürzten  Formen  im  gleichen  Verhältnis,  wie 


322  HANS   HESSEN, 

die  später  belegten  taisce,   tusca  {=túsca)  „sooner,   earlier, 
rather;    more   important",   Komparative  von   toissech  „first, 
principal;   chief,  leader"   (aus  *to-jiissako-)  zu  den  älteren, 
regelrechten  toisigiu,  toisechu  (später  tuisechu,  tuisechd)  usw. 
Vgl.  dazu  Asc.  Gl.  S.  318  sub  toissech,   Auc.  Laws  Gl.  S.  764 
sub  tusca,  Atk.  Pass.  S.  909  a  {taisce)  und  943  b  (tusca). 
§  55 II  Anm.  1  (S.  19).  Die  Form  intamail  „Nachahmen,  Heucheln" 
(aus  ,*indesamaü^')   ist  nicht  beweiskräftig  genug,  um  auf 
ihr  ein  Lautgesetz  aufzubauen,  nach  dem  leniertes  nicht- 
palatales  s  (=  h)  beim  Zusammenstofs  mit  vorausgehenden 
palatalen  Konsonanten    deren   Depalatalisieruiig   veranlafst. 
Denn  abgesehen  davon,  dafs  bei  obiger  Grundform  die  Gestalt 
intamail  (statt  *intem{ii)il)  auf  blofser  analogischer  Restitution 
der  Stammsilbe  nach  samail,  in'sanilathar,  écsamail  usw.  be- 
ruhen kann,  wie  auch  die  etymologisierenden  Schreibweisen 
in{t)samail,  indsamuil  bei  Asc.  Gl.  230  ff.  nahelegen,  scheinen 
gewisse  Umstände  darauf  hinzuweisen,  dafs  in  einigen  Fällen 
die  dem  gallischen  ande-  gleichzusetzende  Form  ind-  ^)  schon 
frühzeitig  den  palatalen  Vokal  ihrer  zweiten  Silbe,  vermutlich 
im  Anschlufs  an  den  normalen  Kompositionsvokal  o,  durch 
einen  dunklen  ersetzt  hat.    Auf  diese  Weise  wenigstens,  also 
durch  Ansetzung  von  *indo-netk-,  lälst  sich  das  altirische 
indn{a)ide  „Erwarten"  (Belege  Asc.  Gl.  S.  358)  am  einfachsten 
erklären,  ebenso,  neben  cuimrech  „Fessel"  und  ftiirech  „Auf- 
halten, Verweilen"  aus  *com-,  ^fo-rigo-,  die  dunkle  Form 
indrach,  neuir.  ionnrach  {*indo-rigo-)   „a  tent  or  plug  used 
to  keep  wounds  open"  (Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  100,  II,  §  794  Anm.  3, 
Anc.  Laws   Gl.  s.  v.  indindrach),    die   bei   ihrer   isolierten 
Stellung    und   Bedeutung    analogischen   Einflüssen    weniger 
ausgesetzt  war  als  z,  B.  das  spater  in  dieser  Gestalt  belegte, 
in    der   Lautentwicklung    sehr    ähnliche    indrad,    ionnradh 
„Einfall,  Angriff"  aus  ^indo-reton  (vgl.  Anc.  Laws  Gl.  505, 
Atk.  Pass.  s.  V.  indrith),  dessen  ältere  (altirische)  Formen 
indretli,  indred  (s.  Asc.  Gl.  206)  sich  im  Vokalismus  an  rethid, 
iwreith    und    das    bedeutungsverwandte    tairred    „Einfall" 
(Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  797, 2)  angeschlossen  haben.   Ebenso  ist  für  das 


1)  Aus  *nde  entstand  gallisch  ande,  ir.  Hnde,  das  darauf  zu  *indo-  Avurde. 
Wegen  der  scheinbar  durch  and  „dort,  in  ihm"  verursachten  Schwierigkeit 
(Thurn.  Hdb.  S.  473)  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  114  f.,  247.  U,  §  502  Anm.  2. 


BEITRÄGE   ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  323 

demnacli  zu  erwartende  "^tindram  „Erörterung",  aus  *to- 
inäo-rim,  tindrem  (Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  800)  im  Ansclilurs  an  tuirem 
(aus  *to-rim)  eingetreten.  Die  Ansetzuug  einer  Form  *indo- 
erklärt  noch  andere  Sonderbarkeiten  der  Konsonanten- 
färbungen im  Altirischen;  in  welchem  Umfang  aber  jener 
Kompositionsvokal  sich  eingeschlichen  haben  mag,  möchte 
ich  an  dieser  Stelle  nicht  zu  bestimmen  suchen. 

§  57  b  4.  Aus  den  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §99,5  angeführten  forgare 
„Befehl"' =  sonstigem  forgaire,  mórate  „die  grofs  machen" 
=  móraite  auch  ein  scélage  statt  scélaige,  scélige  „Erzähler" 
zu  konstruieren,  geht  nicht  an;  in  dieser  Form  ist  das  Suffix, 
wie  mir  Herr  Prof.  Thurneysen  mitzuteilen  die  Güte  hatte, 
schwerlich  belegt. 

§  60.  Die  Erklärung  des  gen.  sg.  aratliair  entspricht  derjenigen 
in  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §242  Anm.  2;  doch  vergleiche  auch  Thurn. 
Hdb.  §  158,  ßergin.  Contributions  §§77,  148.  —  Übrigens 
sollte  hier  auf  anacol  ,.protection"  §  63  verwiesen  werden, 
das  ebenfalls  einen  epenthetischen  Vokal  enthält,  vgl. 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  372, 1. 

§  62.  Sofern  man  nicht  überhaupt  vorzieht,  die  Erscheinungen 
der  Depalatalisierung  und  der  «-Färbung  von  Labialen  und 
Gutturalen  unter  den  in  §§  62  und  65,  2  (mit  Note  1,  2)  ge- 
gebenen Bedingungen,  wie  es  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §§  165 — 168 
geschieht,  in  engeren  Konnex  miteinander  treten  zu  lassen, 
ist  hier,  im  Kapitel  über  die  Eundung,  der  Abschnitt  auf 
S.  23  über  die  Depalatalisierung  unangebracht  und  geeignet, 
den  Leser  zu  verwirren,  zumal  in  dem  kurz  vorher  ange- 
führten doriis  ein  Beispiel  für  die  Depalatalisierung  auch 
anderer  Konsonanten  vorliegt.  Jener  ist  also  mit  §  65,  2 
Note  2  zu  verschmelzen,  auf  den  ja  auch  ebenda  verwiesen  ist. 

§  63.  Statt  *mIgono-,  ^mlgonöi  lies:  *ml(jono-,  *mIgonöi  (corr. 
Pokorny). 

§  63  mit  Nachtrag  (in  den  Corrigenda)  zeichnet  sich  durch 
ziemliche  Unklarheit  aus.  Die  hier  getroffene  Scheidung 
einer  u-  von  einer  o- Färbung,  von  denen  die  erstere  regel- 
recht dem  dat.  sg.  mlegun,  die  letztere  dagegen  dem  nom. 
mlegon  zukommen  soll,  hat  wenig  Walu'scheinlichkeit  für 
sich,  vielmehr  sind  die  beiden  eher  nur  als  blofse  Varianten 
eines   und   desselben  Timbres  zu  betrachten.    Vgl.  Thurn. 


324  HANS  HESSENj 

Hdb.  §  98,8  und  §  171,  anders  —  im  Sinne  Pokornys  — 
Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  S.  36  f.  mit  Anm.  Die  gleiche 
„0 -Färbung"  ist  auch  schon  in  §  57c 2  berührt,  wo  sie, 
aufser  dem  auch  in  §  63  behandelten  anacol,  zugleich  der 
Form  feronn  „Land"  aus  *u€rono-  zur  Erklärung  dient, 
deren  doppeltes  n  nach  Mac  Neill,  Proc.  of  the  R.  Ir.  Ac.  25  C. 
no.  15,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  454,  Pok.  §  76  aus  einfachem  n  regel- 
recht entwickelt  ist.  Die  Lautgestalt  feronn,  als  archaisch 
durch  ihr  alleiniges  Vorkommen  in  den  Annais  of  Ulster 
gekennzeiclmet,  ist  doch  aber  von  dem  später  ausnahmslos 
auftretenden  fcrann,  ferand  zeitlich  verschieden,  daher  mit 
diesen  Foimen  nicht  als  gleichberechtigt  anzusehen,  während 
die  Formen  des  altirischen  Wortes  für  „Nässe,  Regen",  flechod, 
fleuchud,  fliucliad  (vgl.  Asc.  Gl.  3441,  fliuch  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  60, 
367,  flkichad  Anc.  Laws  Gl.  370),  dessen  Grundform  ^vlik^o-tom 
(Pok.  S.  23  Anm.  1)  eher  flechad,  wie  später  belegt,  erwarten 
Heise,  von  zu  wechselnder  Gestalt  und  analogischer  Be- 
einflussung, teils  durch  das  Adjektiv  fliuch,  teils  durch  die 
cas.  obl.  {flecJiuid),  zu  sehr  ausgesetzt  sind,  um  als  sichere 
Stütze  eines  Lautgesetzes  zu  dienen.  —  Übrigens  erklärt 
sich  die  Pok.  §  145, 4  aus  *menmen-os  hergeleitete  Form  des 
gen.  sg.  pl.  menman  nach  der  von  Thurn,  Hdb.  §  171  ge- 
gebenen, von  Pokorny  übergangenen  Regel  über  das  der 
w- Färbung  nicht  zugängliche  unlenierte  m,  mit  der  sich 
das  scheinbar  widersprechende  immun  aus  lat.  hymnus  (Pok. 
§  60,  Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  37)  durch  die  Annahme  ver- 
einigen läfst,  dafs  nur  vor  erhaltenen  ursprünglichen  Vokalen 
m  dunkel  bleibt,  vor  epenthetischen  dagegen  der  Rundung 
zugänglich  ist. 
S.  24  Anm.  1.    Hier  ist  auf  §  66  zu  verweisen. 

§  81.  Ob  für  ind,  den  dat.  sg.  des  Artikels,  aus  ""sin-dfi,  das 
von  Pokorny  angesetzte  *iund  zu  erwarten  wäre,  ist  wegen 
rind  „Stirn",  mind  „Diadem",  Und  „Flüssigkeit"  (neutr.  u- 
Stämme)  zweifelhaft. 

Zu  §  83  und  S.  60  Fufsnote  (über  die  Endung  des  nom.  acc.  dual, 
der  o-Stämme)   vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §286,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §426. 

§  84d  note.  Die  Erklärung  von  do'adbat  nach  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  242 
Anm.  1,  §  289,4;  doch  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  589.  Pok.  §  112,4 
und  §  210  {ad'fét)  kommen  darauf  zurück. 


BEITEÄGE   ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN    GRAMMATIK.  325 

§  9-i,  Zeile  7.     Statt:  §  98,  p.  3  F  lies:  §  98  p.  37. 

§  97,  Zeile  7  you  unten.  Statt:  lest  appears  as  st  lies:  Tisli  appears 
as  sc. 

§  101.    Statt:  also  Ipn  §  98  a  lies:  also  Ipn,  see  sellahn  §  98. 

§  104.    Statt:  T.  I.  lies:  I.  E. 

§  106.     Statt:  Cf.  céimm  §  145  lies:  Cf.  céimm  §  146. 

Die  Entwicklung  einer  Grundform  ^ghrndhä  zu  grend 
„Bart"  Avird  von  Ped.  Gr.  I.  §  31,  Ib  zu  verteidigen  g-esuclit, 
während  man  nach  den  Eegeln  eb.  §  29, 1,  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  69, 
Pok.  §  115,2  —  so  ist  nämlich  in  Zeile  6  statt  „§  113"  zu 
verbessern  —  wegen  des  dem  ^'okal  folgenden,  den  Umlaut 
von  i  zu  e  sonst  hindernden  nd  entweder  bei  obiger  Grund- 
foim  *grmd  erwarten  oder  statt  dieser  das  normalstufige 
^ghrendhä  ansetzen  möchte.  Bei  der  Unsicherheit  dieser 
Verhältnisse  wäre  das  Beispiel  besser  durch  ein  anderes 
ersetzt. 

§  109.  Zu  nél  „Wolke"  {,*nf:hhJos")  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  72  S.  117 
mit  dem  Zusatz  S.  538,  aber  auch  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  122.  Mit 
Unsicherheiten  wie  cretar,  cretair  „Reliquie"  aus  *kredhrä  (?), 
neben  dem  dram  aus  *ad-nmä  mir  eher  die  regelrechte 
Bildung  zu  repräsentieren  scheint,  eine  kurzgefalste  Grammatik 
zu  belasten,  kommt  mir  bedenklich  vor.  Vgl.  übrigens  Ped. 
Gr.  I,  §  68,  wegen  des  hier  behandelten  'fitir  „er  weifs"  auch 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  700,  S.  402,  aufserdem  eb.  §  160. 

§  110,  Zeile  3,    Statt:  the  last  consonant  lies:  the  lost  consonant. 

§  112,3  h  (d' und  f).  Als  Vertreter  des  auf  ursprünglichem  ou 
beruhenden  o  im  Hiatus  vor  Vokalen  sind  kurze  o  und  u, 
nicht,  wie  Pokorny  ansetzt  [vgl.  ebenso  in  drüäd,  richtiger 
dru-ad,  §  112,  3  i  {ó)\  deren  Längen  zu  betrachten,  die  vielmehr 
erst  aus  der  in  der  altirischen  Sprachperiode  eintretenden 
sekundären  Dehnung  betonter  Hiatusvokale  hervorgegangen 
sind.  Dafs  die  Umfärbung  eines  o  zu  u  aufser  vor  i  und  u 
auch  im  Hiatus  vor  folgendem  e,  für  das  Pokorn}^  die  in- 
fizierende Kraft  in  Abrede  stellt,  als  normal  zu  betrachten 
sei,  glaube  ich  ZOP  IX  65 f.  an  Hand  von  fuar  „Bewirkung" 
gezeigt  zu  haben  1);  denn  obgleich  scheinbar  die  Entwicklung 


1)   Wenn  auch  der  von  Ped.  Gr.  II,  S.  664  gegen  meine  Erklärung  von 
tuus  erhobene  Einwand,  dafs  die  zweite  Silbe  dieses  "Wortes  ursprüngliches  i, 


326  HANS   HESSEN, 

eines  Diphthong-en  úa  (aus  ö)  im  Präteritum  'fúair,  'fúar  „er, 
ich  fand"'  aus  '^''ue-iir-  >  "^'uo-tir-  >  *-iiour-  zu  'früh  „wurde 
gefunden"  (vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb^  §§  687,  689,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  S.  369) 
der  von  Pokorny  versuchten  Herleitung  des  Wortes  (fáar 
mit  Diphthong!)  aus  ^upo-ur-om,  *fourom  stützend  zur  Seite 
steht,  sprechen  gegen  die  Annahme  des  diphthongischen  úa 
doch  die  von  Ped.  Gr.  II,  S.  676,  Zusatz  zu  S.  518,  bezeugten 
und  bei  Atk.,  Pass.  732  s.  v.  für  „watching  for,  awaiting" 
(lies:  preparing)  und  Anc.  Laws  Gl.  434  s.  v.  für  belegten  mo- 
nophthongischen Formen  dieses  Wortes  mit  langem  ü,  das, 
wie  man  Pedersens  Bemerkungen  (Gr.  I,  S.  318)  über  neuir. 
lan,  vu,  Ms  usw.  entnehmen  kann,  nicht  aus  zu  úa  diph- 
thongiertem Ó  hervorgegangen  sein  kann,  sondern  vermutlich 
im  durchaus  regelrechten  Dativ  fu-ur  durch  Kontraktion 
der  beiden  Vokale  entstanden  ist:  mit  dem  dat.  sg.  haben 
wir  es  an  jenen  Belegstellen  gröfstenteils  auch  zu  tun. 
Dazu  kommt,  dafs,  auch  jene  Grundform  zugegeben,  dann 
immer  noch  die  doch  sicher  die  vollstufige  Wurzel  -fer-  ent- 
haltenden Yerbalformen  fo'ruar,  focVruar  der  Erklärung 
harrten.  Anderseits  ist  bei  dem  von  Pokorny  als  beweisend 
betrachteten  oac  {óac)  „jung"  aus  ^wiiewlío-,  *iotw]co-  (vgl. 
Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  61),  wenn  nicht  sogar  an  den  Einflufs  des 
ursprünglich  anlautenden  i,  dann  doch  an  analogische  Er- 
haltung des  Vokals  im  Anschlufs  an  das  bedeutuiigsverwandte 
óg  „unversehrt,  jung;  Jüngling,  Jungfrau"  (auch  tiay)  zu 
denken,  dessen  Formen  namentlich  in  späterer  Zeit  mit 
denen  jenes  Wortes  oft  in  naher  Berührung  stehen.  Eine 
Stütze  dürfte  der  unumgelautete  Vokal  wohl  auch  an  den 
nach  der  Lautregel  über  toissech  (mit  e  oder  i\  vgl.  ZOP  IX 
27  ff.)  als  ursprünglich  anzusehenden  Formen  dat.  pl.  *oicib, 
acc.  pl.  *oicm  (vgl.  oke  —  besser  oice  —  „Jungsein"!  Wi. 
Tain  3402,  Atk.,  Pass.  3947)  gefunden  haben;  belegt  sind 


nicht  e,  enthalte,  berechtigt  ist,  so  verliert  dasselbe  doch  nicht  an  Bedeutsamkeit, 
da  dann  das  Nebeneinander  von  toi>isech:tuus  nur  nicht  bei  der  Behandlung 
von  oije,  sondern  bei  der  von  oui  heranzuziehen  ist.  —  Die  von  Vendr^'es 
R.  C.  33, 463ff.  auf  Grund  von  duma,  clua{é),  dóe  „Wall"  gegen  diese  Regel 
gemachten  Einwendungen  bin  ich  an  diesem  Orte  leider  nicht  weiter  zu  ver- 
folgen imstande,  glaube  nur,  dafs  man,  bei  der  bekannten  Inkonsequenz  der 
mittelirischen  Orthographie,  aus  diesen  Schreibungen  die  exakte  Lautgestalt 
der  betreffenden  Wörter  nicht  zuverlässig  genug  erschliefseu  kann. 


BEITRÄGE   ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  327 

allerdings  nur  die  Formen  ócaib,  ócii  (wie  in  der  Komposition 

—  statt  oic ócmil,   ócthigernd  usw.),  zu  dem  nunmehr 

fertig  entwickelten  Grundwort  oac  (óac)  mit  Hilfe  der 
gleichen,  sekundären  Vokalkontraktion  gebildet,  die  auch 
die  Formen  lóthor  „Becken",  ercMt  „Schaden",  estósc  „Aus- 
pressen" aus  älteren  loathar,  erchoat  und  estoasc  (s.  u.  zu 
§  126, 1  note  2)  entstehen  liels.  Vgl.  darüber  Thurn.  Hdb. 
§  110,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §§  168,  201,  3,  auch  §  171, 1  S.  266.  Auf 
-oui-  übrigens  geht  vielleicht  auch  zurück  uan  „Schaum", 
zu  dem  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  61  zu  vergleichen  ist. 

Da,  wie  ich  als  sicher  annehme  (siehe  auch  unten  zu 
§114,  Ic),  betontes  e  genau  den  gleichen  Gesetzen  der  Um- 
färbung  wie  o  unterworfen  ist,  müssen  wir  auch  für  jenes 
in  Hiatusstelliing  nicht  nur  vor  i  und  ^í,  sondern  auch  vor  e 
den  Umlaut  zu  i  erwarten;  etw  ist  nun  freilich  mit  oue 
zusammengefallen,  so  dafs  in  den  in  Betracht  kommenden 
Fällen  ein  auf  andere  AVeise  entstandener  Hiatus  vorliegen 
mufs.  Obgleich  ich  aber  einen  solchen  bei  o  leider  nicht 
finden  konnte,  stehe  ich  doch  nicht  an,  auch  für  o-e,  ope,  ose 
die  gleiche  Entwicklung  zu  uä  wie  für  oue  vorauszusetzen, 
worauf  ich  mit  dem  letzteren  ein  e-e,  epe  oder  ese  unbedenk- 
lich in  Parallele  stellen  kann.  Ein  in  dieser  Stellung  im- 
umgelautetes  haupttoniges  e  finden  wir  nun,  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb. 
§  75,  Yendryes  Idg.  Anz.  27,  19,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  92  unten  und 
§  28, 4,  in  tee  (später  ie)  „heifs"  aus  *tepent-,  dessen  Laut- 
entwicklung zufolge  vermutlich  Pokoru}'  §114,  3  a  die  Er- 
haltung des  Hiatus-e  vor  folgendem  e  als  gesetzlich  betrachtet; 
aber  tee  „heifs"  kann  sich  im  Vokalismus  sehr  wohl  an  tess 
„Hitze",  tene  „Feuer"  angeschlossen  haben,  und  das  weiterhin 
hier  verwertbare  de'id  „träge",  acc.  deed,  gen.  deeid  (vgl. 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  360,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  310)  und  déess  „Untätigkeit" 
(Wb.  25b  9),  nach  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  383,  1  S.  35,  §  459,  6  aus 
*de-sed-  entsprechend  lat.  deses  „mtifsig,  träge"  entstanden, 
zeigen  e  statt  i  wohl  im  Anschlufs  an  die  zwar  analogisch 
als  deedi,  déedib,  déesse  (Thurn.  Hdb.  §  260, 4)  erscheinenden, 
aber  eigentlich,  mit  der  zu  erwartenden  Kontraktion  der 
Mittelsilbe  mit  der  ersten,  als  *dé'di,  ^dé'dib,  *dé'sse  {dédi, 
dédib,  déssé)  anzusetzenden  Formen.  Gegenseitigen  Be- 
einflussungen sind  die  Formen  dieses  Paradigmas  besonders 
ausgesetzt,  wie   auch   die  vermutlich   einsilbigen   dat.  und 


328  HANS    HESSEN, 

acc.  sg.  deis,  des,  Contrib.  601,  g-egeniiber  älterem  deeis  (Ml. 
35  c  10)  beweisen.  Zu  ré  „Zeit,  Zwisclieiiraum",  gen.  réhe, 
rée  vgl.  Tlmrn.  Hdb.  §  294,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  159,  2.  Diesen 
Fällen  gegenüber  würde  als  regelrechte  Form  di-all  „De- 
klination" zu  do'ella  {^-pelnät,  vgl.  lat.  ap-pellere)  zu  be- 
trachten sein,  vorausgesetzt,  dafs  die  zum  Paradigma  gehörigen 
Formen  (s.  Asc.  Gl.  S.  56f.)  nad-n' dülem,  düledach,  düledcJie 
(mit  kurzem  i  geschrieben,  aber  schwerlich  nach  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  711,  3  auf  Assoziierung  mit  filUd  zurückführbar)  nicht 
vielmehr  auf  *di-ell-,  entsprechend  'dimea,  dithi  zu  do'em, 
•dig  zu  do- fei  dl,  -fich  weisen,  sondern  die  im  gallischen 
ßgarov-öe,  im  alten  de  „davon,  von  ihm",  in  déniim  (aus 
^de-goiím)  und  sonst  noch  (vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  824)  erscheinende 
Form  der  Präposition  „von"  auch  hier  vorliegt  und  seine 
Umfärbung  dem  folgenden  e  (wie  die  in  diummus,  dkiparf, 
diucrae,  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  311  oben,  vermutlich  dem  folgenden 
u)  verdankt. 

Dafs  statt  do'cotar  „sie  gingen",  wie  Pok.  S.  44  schreibt, 
aus  *-couatar,  altir.  vielmehr  do-cotar  (so  Pok.  S.  118  sub 
téii)  zu  lesen  ist,  scheint  mir  durch  die  altirische  Schreibweise 
dieser  Formen  (nebst  do-cowmur,  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  210,  II 
S.  642)  geboten,  und  glaube  ich  ZCP  IX  S.  28  mit  der  auch 
von  Pok.  §  126, 1  über  fochaid  „Folter,  Leiden"  aus  *fo-saigid, 
*fo-sayet-  gegebenen  Regel  begründet  zu  haben  i).  Auf  einer 
später  als  die  Synkope  anzusetzenden  Komposition,  ver- 
bunden mit  der  schon  bei  lóthor  usw.  genannten  Vokal- 
kontraktion, würde  demgegenüber  wohl  cródae  „blutig"  aus 
*krouadio-  beruhen,  will  man  nicht  die  immerhin  leichte 
Annahme  bevorzugen,  dafs  in  *crodae  (mit  kurzem  o)  nach 
dem  nom.  gen,  sg.  crú,  cró  „Blut"  oder  nach  hódae  (s.  u.!) 


1)  Ein  Beispiel  genauer  Entsprechung  bei  e  ist  i  n-degaid,  „hinter -her, 
nach",  wenn  wir  es,  wie  üblich,  auf  *de-saigid  zurückführen;  daneben  i  n- 
dlgaid  aus  *di-sa\gid.  Die  unterschiedliche  Entwicklung  der  Lautgruppe  sg 
in  fochaid  und  degaid  beruht  auf  der  Differenz  der  dem  s  vorangehenden 
Vokale,  o  bezw.  e.  Regelrecht  sind  übrigens  auch  die  zu  con-dieig,  ■  daig 
gehörigen  Formen  con'degam,  -degat,  -degar,  denen  —  mit  fo  — indob-fochad 
Wb.  25al6,  iarmind-ochad  Ml.  58c 7  entsprechen,  \má  bieten  vielleicht  einen 
Fingerzeig,  wo  im  Paradigma  -saig:  ■  segat  die  Einführung  des  hier  sicherlich 
nicht  ursprünglichen  Ablauts  a :  e  ihren  Ausgangspunkt  genommen  oder  doch 
eine  Stütze  gefunden  haben  mag. 


BEITRÄGE    ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN    GRAMMATIK,  329 

„vacciniis"  zu  ho  (iiom.  ii.  gen.)  ..Kiili"  die  Länge  des  Vokals 
restituiert  worden  sei.  Ursprünglich  ist  in  diesem  Worte 
zwar  ein  u  (also  *knm-adé),  hat  sich  jedoch,  durch  den 
folgenden  dunklen  Vokal  infiziert,  einem  o  soweit  genähert, 
dafs  wir  es  einem  solchen  ohne  Bedenken  gleichsetzen  können i). 
Als  Vertreter  von  ouo  im  Auslaut,  das  aber  natürlich 
zu  oua  geworden  war,  betrachtet  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  204  und 
ebenso  wohl  auch  Pok.  §  112.3  h  (.i)  ein  in  anderer  Stellung 
als  im  Auslaut  zu  ila  diphthongierbares  d;  doch  möchte  ich 
diese  Entwicklung  sehr  bezweifeln,  die  regelrechte  vielmehr, 
als  deren  einzelne  Phasen  ich  die  Lautformen  ^oh"  (arch, 
gen.  sg.  l)oi(),  du  (gen.  pl.  bau  K.  M.  Contr.  231),  do  (gen.  pl. 
hao  Sg.  22  b  11),  ó  betrachte  (gen.  sg.  und  pl.  ló),  aufser  in 
den  eben  genannten  Formen  des  gen.  sg.  und  pl.  von  ho 
„Kuh"  auch  in  gdu,  gdo,  go  „Lüge"  erblicken,  vorausgesetzt, 
dafs  gegenüber"  Thurn.'s  (§203)  *gäiui  und  Pok.'s  (§112,3. 
a,  ß  und  é)  *g'h9uä  die  von  Pedersen  Gr.  I,  §  37,  2,  II,  §  443 
angenommene  Grundform  *gousos,  jünger  *goiws,  endlich 
*gonas  das  Richtige  triff t^);  vgl.  dazu  unten  über  die  Kom- 
positionsform gú-.  In  den  Genetiven  sg.  crdu,  crdo,  cróu, 
cró  (vergl.  K.  M.  Contr.  sub  2.  cró)  aus  *knm-as  (anders, 
nämlich  als  *lcrous,  von  Ped.  II,  §  443,  S.  97  angesetzt,  wie 
ebenda  au,  ó  „Ohr"  als  *ous;  doch  müfste  Vcrous  direkt  zu 
Ó  führen,  und  über  du,  ó  „Ohr"  vergl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §65a) 
zu  crú  „Blut"  und  cnó  (älter  *cndu,  *cndó)  zu  cnú  „Nufs" 
(zum  Paradigma  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  309,  Idg.  Anz.  27,  15, 
Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  207,  II,  §  447, 1)  liegt  altes  u  vor,  das  wir 
jedoch,  aus  dem  schon  oben  bei  cródae  angegebenen  Grunde, 
altem  o  ohne  Bedenken  gleichsetzen  können.  Übrigens  ver- 
mute ich,  dafs  im  Paradigma  von  ho  „Kuh",  aufser  vielleicht 
im   acc.  pl.,   der  nach  Ped.  Gr.  II,   §  439, 2   und  Pok.  §  141 


1)  •fäcaib  „er  läfst  zurück"  rws  ^-fo-ad-gaib,  wozu  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  829  A, 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  §585,12  zu  vergleiclieu  sind,  scheint  mir  eine  Kontaminations- 
biklung  einerseits  aus  *-facaib,  das  entweder  regelrecht  ar-f-ema  entspricht 
oder  deuterotoniertem  foacaib  zur  Seite  trat,  und  anderseits  aus  *-föcaib, 
das  aus  rekonstruiertem  *■  foacaib  durch  Vokalkontraktion  entstanden  war. 
Von  jener  Form  stammt  die  Qualität,  von  dieser  die  Quantität  des  Vokales 
in  -fäcaib  her.  Doch  dürfteu  auch  die  nach  Thurn.  Hdb.  §78,  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
§  253,  2  sich  erklärenden  Formen  zu  fo-gaib  „findet":  -fagaib,  -fagbaim,  fagbdil 
die  Vokalqualität  von   fäcaib,  fäcbäil  &c.  beeinflufst  haben. 

-)   Über  gäu  handelt  auch  Walde,  Lat.  et.  "\Yb.  -'  s.  v.  baud. 


330  HANS   HESSEN, 

auf  *g'*öns  oder  ^g'^ös  zurückgeht,  aber  auch  nach  Thurn. 
Hdb.  §  340, 2  erklärbar  wäre,  frühzeitig  die  kurzdiphthongische 
Wurzelform  durchgeführt  worden  ist,  welche  Annahme  jeden- 
falls den  niemals  als  *öaM,  *iao  erscheinenden  n.  sg.  ló  (also 
aus  %ous,  wie  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  59.  2)  am  besten  erklärt  and 
bei  der  Eekonstruktion  der  Grundformen  (Pok.  §  141)  zu 
beachten  ist.  —  Als  Kompositionsformen  zu  crú  und  cnú 
fungieren  cró-  und  cnó-,  offenbar  in  Anlehnung  teils  an 
die  auch  im  Adjektivum  cróclae  (s.  o.)  vorliegende  Form,  teils 
an  das  Verhältnis,  das  zwischen  den  Kompositionsformen 
con-,  auch  condae  „caninus",  zum  gen.  sg,  con  „Hund",  hó- 
(in  hochaül,  húachaill,  hóhaith  &c.,  aus  altem  %ou-  entsprechend 
gr.  ßov-y.aXoc,  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  59,  2,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  356, 1), 
auch  hódae  „vaccinus",  zum  gen.  sg.  ló  bestand.  Anderseits 
wurde  aus  der  Komposition  der  später  auftretende  nom.  sg. 
cró  „Blut"  abstrahiert.  Auf  die  weiteren,  zahllosen  ana- 
logischen Einflüssen  zu  verdankenden  Unregelmäfsigkeiten 
in  der  Flexion  dieser  Wörter  kann  ich  hier  nicht  weiter 
eingehen.    Zu  gú-  vgl.  unten. 

über  alle  hiehergehörigen  Erscheinungen  handelt  Ped. 
Gr.  I  §  159.  Der  Entwicklung  von  auslautendem  oua  entspricht 
übrigens  genau  die  in  *gnáu,  gnó  (Pokorny  §  112,  3b  [/3]) 
„beautiful,  active"  aus  *gnäuas  und  in  ndu  „Schiff"  aus  *näuä 
vorliegende  von  äuä,  die  wir  auch  —  mit  Thurneysens  oder 
Pokornys  Etymologie,  s.  o.!  —  in  gäu,  gdo,  go  „Lüge"  aus 
*gäua  bezw.  *g]mm  erblicken  dürften.  —  Wie  Pedersen 
a.  a.  0.  zeigt,  ist  der  von  Pokorny  §  112,  3/3,7  gewählte 
Ausdruck  unrichtig,  dafs  in  den  hier  in  Betracht  kommenden 
Formen  die  Endsilbenvokale  geschwunden  seien;  vielmehr 
sind  sie  mit  dem  vorhergehenden  Vokal  kontrahiert  worden 
und  mitunter  als  zweite  Bestandteile  der  Koutraktions- 
produkte  erhalten  geblieben. 

In  die  weiterhin  von  Pokorny  berührte  scheinbare  Un- 
klarheit der  Vertretung  von  betontem  ouo,  teils  durch  ó  (wa), 
teils  durch  ú,  ist,  wie  ich  ZOP  IX  32  bemerkte,  vielleicht 
der  Umstand  Licht  zu  bringen  geeignet,  dafs  in  allen  der 
ersteren  Kategorie  angehörigen  Beispielen  der  erste  Kon- 
traktionsvokal der  Präposition  to  angehört,  die,  wie  ich 
weiter  schlofs,  für  jene  Fälle  vielmehr  als  ursprüngliches 
*tn-  =  vollbetontem  idg.  *tö  (vergl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  S.  483)  anzu- 


BEITRÄGE    ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  331 

setzen  sein  ^^ird,  wenn  wir  nicht  die  auch  später  noch  fort- 
lebende kurzvokalige  Form  ta-  anzunehmen  vorziehen  wollen. 
Der  gleiche  Yokalismus  dieser  Präposition  wüi-de  auch  die 
prototonierte  Form  'tdit  „er  kommt"  zu  do'tet  (also  *ta-thei; 
vergl.  Pokorny  §  210.  Xote  4)  aufs  einfachste  erklären. 
Andererseits  aber  findet  die  Annahme  einer  Entwicklung-  Ton 
auo  zu  Ó  eine  Stütze  im  Worte  nócha.  gen.  nóchat  „neunzig", 
wenn  wir  dieses  entsprechend  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  390  auf 
*nauokont-  {^nauiikont-  ?)  zurückführen,  nicht,  mit  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  474,  auf  *?iouo]iont;  dessen  regelrechte  Entwicklung  (s.  u.) 
zu  *núcJw.  freilich  durch  das  Grundwort  not  „neun"  gestört 
worden  sein  könnte.  Die  davon  abgeleitete  Form  nóichtech 
„neunzig  Jahre  zählend"  statt  *nóchtach  dürfte  dem  Einfluls 
des  gleichlautenden  nokhtech  (mit  Diphthong!)  „neunuud- 
zwanzig  Tage  enthaltend"  aus  *noi- ficht -eck  unterlegen  sein 
(vergl.  aber  Ped.  Gr.  I.  S.  151;  H,  §  479  am  Ende;  Thurn. 
Hdb.  §  390),  und  umgekehrt  würden  die  als  ursprünglich  palatal 
anzusetzenden  Formen  *noimed  „der  neunte"  (in  Wahrheit 
nóniad),  nach  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  42;  II,  §  479  aus  "^nouemeto-,  und 
*noinber  {nónhor,  -hur)  „neun  Mann",  das,  gegen  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  479,  2  sicherlich  auf  einer  (nicht  blofs  volksetymologischen) 
Verbindung  mit  fer  „Mann"  beruht,  demnach  auf  *noven- 
feron  (vergl.  das  regelrechte  Noindruimm  „die  neun  Berg- 
rücken" [?]  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  236)  zurückzuführen  ist.  ihre 
dunkle  Färbung  {nómad,  nónhor)  dem  Einflufs  von  ochtmad 
„der  achte"  und  oclitar  „acht  Mann"  verdanken.  Dais  aber 
auch  das  von  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  396  für  nómad  konstruierte 
*nauameto-  jene  Form  ergeben  hätte  —  und  zwar  regeh'echt 
—  ist  mir  sehr  wahrscheinlich.  — Während  also  *tä-uo-  {*tä-fo-) 
in  tóhe  „Abschnitt",  h'iacMl  „schlau"  etc.  zu  to-,  túa-,  altes 
*tä-nor-  {*tä-for-)  in  tormach  „Vermehrung",  tórtrommad 
„Bedrückung"  zu  tor-  sich  entwickelt  haben,  wird,  wie  ich 
a.  a.  0.  annahm  und  auch  oben  bei  Anlafs  von  *núcha  er- 
wähnte, altes  OHO  nach  der  von  Thurneysen  aufgestellten 
Regel  zu  ti  geworden  sein,  das  in  didchinne,  dúthracht  vor- 
liegt und  auch  in  ngaire  „Schafhirt"  von  mir  vermutet 
worden  ist.  Die  sicher  altertümliche  Kompositionsform  gú- 
zu  gdu,  gdo,  go  „Lüge"  würde  hierher  gehören  und  ihre 
einfachste  Erklärung  finden,  wenn  sich  mit  der  von  Pedersen 
(s.  0.)  gegebenen  Etymologie  ein  *goHO-  aus  *gonso-  als  ihre 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  22 


332  HANS   HESSEN, 

Grundform  vereinigen  liefse;  über  die  Formen  der  ersten 
Bestandteile  in  Komposita  vergl.  Tlmrn.  Hdb.  §  236;  Ped. 
Gr.  II,  §  356.  Entschieden  abzulelinen  ist  jedenfalls  nach 
dem  oben  Gesagten,  dafs,  me  Pokornj'  §  112,  3a(6)  annimmt, 
altes  *-aiw-  i*-duo-)  sich  in  gii-  zu  -ú-  entwickelt  haben  soll. 
Was  übrigens  die  Diphthongierung  in  den  oben  erwähnten 
Fällen  von  tóbae,  tormach  u.  a.  betrifft,  so  halte  ich  sie  bei 
dem  aus  -auo-  entwickelten  ó  für  unursprüuglich ;  eher  mag 
sie  von  Anfang  an  zu  Hause  gewesen  sein  in  den  mit  to- 
(das  im  Hiatus,  wie  ich  annehme,  früh  aus  to-  gekürzt  w^orden 
w^ar)  und  der  Präposition  *uss-,^)  über  die  Thurn.  Hdb.  I, 
§59,  4;  §  837  A ;  II,  S.  99,  Idg.  Anz.  33.  29,  aber  anders 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  S.  672  zu  vergleichen  ist,  zusammengesetzten 
Wörtern  wie  túasulcud  „Auflösung"  {*to-uss-olg-),  tócbdl  „Er- 
hebung" i^to-iiss-yahal)  u.  a.,  zu  denen  fócrae  (fiiacra)  „An- 
kündigung" aus  *fo-uss-gar-,  fod'úacair  „welcher  es  an- 
kündigt" (vergl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  316;  II,  S.  295, 12)  eine  genaue 
Parallele  darstellen.  Entsprechend  dem  Nebeneinander  von 
sUg  —  slúag,  trog  —  trúag  wurde  dann  aber  infolge  Identi- 
fikation der  beiden  auf  verschiedene  Weise  entstandenen  to- 
die  Diphthongierung  auch  in  den  Wörtern  der  ersteren 
Kategorie  heimisch.  Von  den  schwierigen  Voraussetzungen 
dieser  Erscheinung,  auf  die  ich  hier  nicht  w^eiter  eingehen 
kann,  handelt  ausführlich  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  316  ff. 

§  112,  3  b  (d).  Dafs  hier,  entsprechend  due  „Grofssohn"  (3a  [d]), 
au  als  Vorgänger  von  d  im  arch.  gen.  sg.  naue  vorliegt, 
brauchte  nicht  übergangen  zu  werden. 

§  114,  Zeile  2.    Streiche:  §  105. 

Ic  und  3  b  ist  gesagt,  dafs  die  Lautgruppe  ng  nicht 
imstande  sei,  die  Umfärbung  eines  e  zu  i  vor  folgendem  i 
und  u  zu  hindern.  Auf  welche  Beispiele  diese  Annahme  sich 
stützen  soll,  ist  mir  von  geringerer  Wichtigkeit,  als  festzu- 
stellen, dafs  in  §  116,  Ic  und  3  a  über  die  Umfärbung  von 
0  zu  M  jene  Lautgruppe  nicht  unter  den  die  Umfärbung  ver- 
mittelnden angeführt  ist,  offenbar  im  Anschlufs  an  meine 
Ausführungen  ZCP  IX  39.    Eine  solche  Zwiespältigkeit  der 


^)  Dafs  ihr  Vokal  ursprünglich  u  gewesen  sein  miifs,   geht  aus  únach 
=  folcadh  aus  *uss-nig-  (Thurneysen,  Idg.  Anz.  33.  35)  deutlich  hervor. 


BEITRAGE    ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  333 

Erscheinung  ist  aber  ans  dem  Grunde  zu  verwerfen,  weil, 
wie  ich  schon  oben  erwähnte,  die  beiden  Umfärbungen,  von  o 
zu  u  und  von  e  zu  /,  auf  einem  einzigen  Lautgesetze  beruhen 
(vgl  ZCP  IX  77  a).  Ähnliches  ist  der  Fall  in  §  116,  1  c,  wo 
für  ch,  das  nach  §  114,  Ic  und  8b  die  Umfärbung  eines  e 
zu  i  hindert,  seine  Wirkung  auf  vorliergehendes  o  offen- 
gelassen ist.  Zu  eich  usw.  stimmt  nun  aber  die  von  mir 
ZCP  IX  25 f.  begründete  Annahme,  dals  auch  o  vor  ch  der 
Umfärbung  unzugänglich  ist,  und  diese  wird  auch  nicht  durch 
das  von  Pokorny  angeführte  mittelir.  scuchaid  (auch  scuichid) 
„he  departs"  widerlegt,  das,  gegenüber  seinen  gut  belegten 
altirischen  Vertretern  ohne  Umfärbung  (vergl.  Asc.  Gl.  292), 
sich  leicht  durch  den  analogischen  Eiuflufs  des  sinnverwandten 
scuirid  „he  takes  off,  dissolves,  ceases",  zusammen  mit  De- 
palatalisierung.  erklärt.  Vergl.  über  scuichid  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  818.  An  beiden  Orten  sind  demnach  die  Regeln  mit- 
einander in  Einklang  zu  bringen. 

§  115,  5.  Die  Regel,  wonach  im  nom.  pl.  cuiliuin  zu  cuilén 
„Tier junges"  (aus  *koligno-)  i  zu  zu,  éo,  éu  geworden  sei,  ist 
falsch,  vielmehr  wäre  aus  *Jcoligm  eine  Form  *CHilin  als 
normal  zu  betrachten;  cuiliuin  wurde  aber  zum  nom.  sg. 
cuiUn  gestellt  nach  dem  Muster  der  nom.  pl.  niuil,  éuin 
éoin  éiuin,  treúin  tríuin,  zu  7iél  ,. Wolke",  én  „Vogel",  trén 
„stark",  die  altes  e  enthalten,  welches,  nach  seiner  Ersatz- 
dehnung, nach  der  von  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  58;  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  201, 2; 
Pok.  §  114,  4  gegebenen  Regel  diphthongiert  worden  war, 
auch,  vermöge  der  Gleichheit  des  gen.  sg.  und  nom.  pl.  bei 
den  maskulinen  o- Stämmen,  nach  gen.  sg.  ^vie  cenéuil  cenéoil 
ceníuil  zu  cetiél  ,.Geschlecht"  usw.  Übrigens  ist  e  auch  an- 
zusetzen als  Reduplikationsvokal  in  den  Präteritalformen 
3.  sg.  '  giuil  zu  glenid,  •  géiiin  zu  'gnin,  ara'rui  chiuir  (Ped. 
a.  a.  0.  und  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  689)  zu  ara-chrin  und  •  ctuir  (zu 
crenid  „er  kauft"),  das  Pokorny  §  178,  3a  unrichtig  als 
*-li'^i-k°r-e  (statt  *-Jce-]cr-e)  ansetzt.  Wenn  in  diesen  Verbal- 
formen -(ui-  gegenüber  -éni-  bevorzugt  wird,  so  liegt  das  am 
Einflufs  des  Vokalismus  von  •UI,  •rir  zu  Jenid,  renid  usw. 

§  115,  5,  Zeile  8.    Statt  §  111  lies  §  109. 

§  116,  3  b.  Die  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §823  A  a  (S.  457);  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
S.  171  gegebene  Regel,  wonach  in  cuman  das  lenierte  m  aus 

22* 


334  HANS   HESSEN, 

mm  entwickelt  ist,  findet  sich  nicht  in  Pokorny  §  103,  obwohl 
hier  auf  diesen  verwiesen  wird. 

§  125.  Zu  proklitischem  i  +  a  und  u  +  a  vergl.  Pokorny  §  81 
exception  1. 

§  126,  1,  note  2.  Die  Ml.  24 d9  belegte  Form  estosc  „Aus- 
pressung", die  Pokorny  und  ebenso  vielleicht  auch  Ped. 
Gr.  II,  §717  als  aus  *ess-to-fasc  regelrecht  entwickelt  an- 
sehen, ist  vielmehr  estosc  zu  lesen;  aus  '^ess-to-fasc  war 
vermutlich  *estasc  geworden,  dieses  aber  im  Anschluls  an 
as '  toasci,  as  •  toaiscea,  as  •  ioascther  u.  ä.  zu  estoasc  restituiert 
und  dann,  nach  Tliurn.  Hdb.  §§  110,  205,  zu  estosc  gekürzt 
worden.  Der  gen.  sg,  estoisc  (Ml.  102  c  7)  ist  demnach  als 
estóisc  aufzufassen,  das  part,  necess.  estoiscthi  (Ml.  134b 2) 
als  estoiscthi,  dies  durch  Vokalkontraktion  aus  estoaiscthi 
entwickelt,  das  nach  obigem  Muster  altes  *estaiscthi 
ersetzt  hatte. 

Note  8.    Dafs  die  Kontraktionen  in  ara-foima  usw.  im 
Gegenteil  nach  der  Synkope  eingetreten  sein  müssen,  habe 
ich   ZCP  IX  27  ff.  66.  78  c  gezeigt,   wozu  noch  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
§  210;  II,  §  712,  3.  S.  513  zu  vergleichen  sind. 
Statt  §  211,  14  lies  §  211,  16. 

§  132.  Im  dat.  sg.  ist  auch  die  Form  -n{d)  als  lenierend  zu 
kennzeichnen.  Die  beim  nom.  pl.  inna,  na  fehlende  Über- 
schrift ist  in  den  Corrigenda  insofern  nur  halbwegs  ergänzt, 
als  die  Formen  dort  nur  als  feminin,  nicht  auch  als  zugleich 
neutral  bezeichnet  werden. 

§  137.  Die  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  301 ;  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  440  Anm.  1 
besprochene  Unsicherheit  der  Bildung  des  nom.  acc.  pl.  neutr. 
hätte  erwähnt  werden  dürfen. 

§  138.  Dafs  der  dat.  sg.  von  rigain  in  seiner  einzigen  Belegstelle 
aus  den  Glossen,  Ml.  65dl3,  nicht  rignai,  sondern  —  im 
Anschlufs  an  die  «-  oder  ^■- Flexion  —  rigain  lautet,  konnte 
unter  den  Ausnahmen  angeführt  werden. 

S.  68  note,  Zeile  3.    Lies  ainm{ni)  „name"  (§  146). 

§  156.  Wegen  der  Quantität  des  Vokals  im  Zahlwort  „zwei" 
vergl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §§46.  384,2.390;  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §§  157. 
202,  2. 


BEITRÄGE   ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK.  335 

§  159  b,  class  I,  Zeile  6.  Statt  «,  e,  i  or  u  ist,  mit  Rücksicht  auf 
das  S.  76  zu  dieser  Regel  gegebene  Beispiel  aro-b-romasc, 
zu  lesen:  a,  e,  i,  o  or  u. 

Examples  ad  d  (S.  76).  Dafs  in  amal  for-n-da-cbngair 
„  as  he  orders  them  •'  in  der  Stelle  Ml.  94  b  3  das  Pronomen 
-da-  der  3.  sg.  fem.  vorliegt,  sollte,  um  Mifsverständnissen 
vorzubeugen,  bemerkt  werden. 

§  160,  Zeile  2.  Statt  „after  the  1  and  2  pi."  lies  „after  the  1. 
and  3.  pi."!    Vgl.  übrigens  unten  zu  §  173,2b! 

II C.  Die  etymologisch  vielleicht  berechtigte  Unter- 
scheidung von  drei  Präpositionen  air,  er  und  ir  hier  und 
§  211,  2.  12.  22  (mit  Note),  denen  allen  in  vortoniger 
Stellung  ar-  entspricht,  scheint  mir  in  einer  kurzgefafsten 
Grammatik  überflüssig,  wenn  nicht  irreführend.  Vergl. 
übrigens  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  238,  Pokorny  K.  Z.  45,  138  ff.,  Thurn- 
eysen  Idg.  Anz.  27,  15  zu  Ped.  Gr.  I  S.  339  f. 

§  163,  letzte  Zeile.    Statt  (§  158  b)  lies  (§  159  b). 

§  168,  5  (a).  Dafs  die  hier  aufgezählten  Augentia  auch  akkusa- 
tivisch verwendet  werden,  sollte  ausdrücklich  erwähnt  sein. 
Vergl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  474.  ' 

§  169,  2.    Statt  cétn{a)e  (§  156)  lies  cétn{a)e  (§  157). 

§  171,  3,  Zeile  2.  Die  Ziffer  hinter  araiU  bezieht  sich  noch  auf 
S.  83  Anm. 

§  172.  Die  beiden  Überschriften  „Motion  towards  the  speaker" 
und  „  Motion  from  the  speaker "  sind  gerade  miteinander  zu 
vertauschen,  da  sair,  star  doch  natürlich  die  vom  Stand- 
punkt des  Sprechenden  wegführende  Richtung,  anair,  aniar 
dagegen  die  von  aufsen  her  zu  ihm  hinleitende  bezeichnen. 
Der  Paragraph  entspricht  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  477. 

§  173,2  b.  Die  Verweisung  auf  §  211,  der  doch  die  Präpositionen 
enthält,  ist  hier  natürlich  falsch.     Vgl.  unten  zu  §  174,  la. 

§  173,  Zeile' 6.  Statt:  1.  and  2.  pl.  lies:  1.  and  3.  pl.!  Vgl.  oben 
§  160,  Zeile  2. 

§  174,1a.  „Simple  verbs"  hören  auf,  solche  zu  sein,  wenn  sie 
mit  den  in  §  211  aufgezählten  Präpositionen  in  Verbindung 
treten;  dieser  ist  hier  also  ebenso  falsch  zitiert,  wie  in 
§  173,  2  b.  Anderseits  ist  die  Verbalpartikel  ro,  die  das 
Eintreten  von  no  ebenfalls  hindert,  hier  übergangen  worden. 


336  HANS  HESSEN, 

§  174,  1  b.  Die  Funktion  der  Verbalpartikel  in  nasalierenden 
Relativsätzen  wäre  besser  in  Ic  untergebracht. 

§  174,  2  d.  Über  die  wunderbare  Analyse  von  „we  d-a-r-génat^^ 
„they  will  not  be  able  to  do  it",  wofür  an  der  betreffenden 
Stelle  (Ml.  80a  9)  nvdergenat  „sie  werden  nicht  machen 
können"  steht,  scheint  mir  ein  Kommentar  überflüssig. 

§  174,3,  Zeile  3.  Statt:  con -scar  „destroys"  lies:  con-scara 
„destroys". 

§  175,  1.  Über  die  hier  und  §  203  note  2  als  *-ei  angesetzte 
Endung  der  konjunkten  2.  sg.  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  366  Anm.  6, 
II,  S.  342f.;  anders  Thurn.  Hdb.  §§  74,3,  558  und  danach 
Rezensent  ZCP  IX  72  (Endung  -es).  Vgl.  übrigens  Ped. 
Gr.  II,  S.  333  oben. 

§  175,  letzte  Zeile.    Statt:  ^jH;  §  132  lies:  *i;/-,  §  131. 

§  177,  2.  Dafs  die  Formen  cechlais  u.  ä.  der  im  §  109  gegebenen 
Regel  widersprechen,  sollte  nicht  verschwiegen  werden. 

§  177,  Zeile  13.  It  contracts.  Da  „it"  unverständlich,  lies:  i 
contracts. 

§  178,  3(a)  vorletzte  Zeile.  Statt:  crenaid  „you  sell"  lies:  crenaid 
,.you  buy".  Der  Irrtum  stammt  aus  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  689,  wo 
er  jedoch  auf  S.  527  unten  berichtigt  ist. 

§  178,  S.  92  Note.    Statt:  *ro-M-ontro  lies:  *ro-hl-ontar  (corr.  Pok.). 

§  186.    Statt:  §  179,  1  a  lies:  §  174,  1  a. 

§  203.  Í- Präteritum,  konjunkte  Formen  der  1.  und  2.  sg.  Statt: 
-mniU  lies:  (-hinrt).  Statt:  -meilt  lies:  {•hirt),  -meilt.  Vgl.  dazu 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  681,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  778,  Thurn.  Idg.  .A.nz.  33, 
S.  33  zu  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  665.  Übrigens  wird  der  Ansatz  einer 
Form  •niiult  vielleicht  durch  da'rindgiult  TBC  (ed.  Strachan- 
O'Keeffe)  1552  (vgl.  Thurn.  Idg.  Anz.  33,  34)  gerechtfertigt. 

§  205.  Obgleich,  wie  mir  Herr  Prof.  Thurneysen  mitteilt,  als 
absolute  Formen  der  1.  sg.  praes.  mit  „konjunkter"  Endung 
aufser  den  bekannten  tiagu,  arco  (fuin)  &c  auch  a{i)lin  Ir. 
Texte  III,  1.  S.  35  n.  17,  S.  51  n.  94  und  cuiriu-sa  R.  C.  10,  84 
belegt  sind,  —  ebenso  gaihiu  anßs,  ihiu  anfis,  Trip,  life  (ed. 
Stokes)  S.  54,  14  —  darf  daraufhin  doch  nicht  ohne  weiteres 
auch  ein  guidiu  als  absolute  1.  sg.  angesetzt  werden.  Vgl. 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §§  556,  557,  591,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  598  Anm.  3, 
Thurn.  K.  Z.  44,  113  (Miszelleu  3.). 


BEITRAGE   ZUR   ALTIRISCHEN   GRAMMATIK. 


337 


§  206.  Secoudaiy  future,  1.  sg.  Statt:  -rirtJünn  ist  natürlich 
-ririnn  zu  leseu! 

§  207.   Imperfect.  Statt:  Cf.  guidid,  §  198  lies:  Cf.  -suidiginn,  §  186! 

§  209  note  2,  Zeile  3.    Statt:  §  53,  2d  lies:  §  53,  2e. 

§  209  note  3,  Zeile  3.    Statt:  catiid  lies:  cenid,  cinidl 

§  210.  -cuirethar.  Das  Verbum  fo'ceird  (ygl.  Tliurn.  Hdb.  §803) 
bildet  selber  keine  ;o- Formen,  sondern  wird,  wie  'cuirethar, 
in  dieser  Bedeutung  durch  ro-ld-  ersetzt;  die  Angabe  ist  daher 
irreführend,  dafs  •cuirethar  durch  fo'ceird,  aufser  in  allen 
absoluten  Formen  und  im  Futurum,  auch  in  den  >o -Formen 
ergänzt  werde.     Vgl.  ebenda  S.  117  fo'ccird,  auch  §  174,  3. 

§  211,  9.  Dais  com-  weder  in  Verbindung  mit  suffigierten  Pro- 
nomina vorkommt,  noch  als  relatives  Präverb  gebraucht  wii"d, 
vielmehr  in  diesen  Fällen  la  an  seine  Stelle  tritt,  sollte 
hier  (oder  in  §  160,  IIA)  erwähnt  werden. 


Wortverzeichnis. 


du  „Ohr" 

329 

fíado  „Herr" 

321  ' 

nócha 

331 

bó 

329 

flechod 

324! 

nóichtech, 

noíchtech 

331 

bódae 

328 

fochaid 

328 

nómad 

331 

cnó,  cnó- 

329, 

330 

fócrae 

332 

nónbor 

331 

do • cotar 

328 

foéssama 

321  i 

óac 

326 

cráu,  cró 

329, 

330 

arafoimú 

334' 

oíce 

326 

cródae 

328, 

330 

fúacra 

332 

fod'ruar 

326 

cuiUuin 

333 

fiiar 

325  1 

scuchaid 

333 

déess 

327 

für 

326 

taisce 

822 

i  n-degaid 

328 

gáu,  grío, 

go 

329 

■táit 

331 

condegam 

328 

grend 

325 

té,  tee 

327 

deíd 

327 

gú- 

331 

tindrem 

323 

diall 

328 

inimun 

324 

tóbae 

331, 

332 

cotfdieig 

328 

indnaide 

322 

tócbál 

332 

i  n-digaid 

328 

indrach 

322 

tórmach 

331, 

332 

estósc 

327, 

334 

indrad,  -i 

>-ed 

322 

tusca 

322 

.fdcaib 

329 

httamail 

322 

uan  „Schaum" 

327 

ferann,  feronn 

324 

mennmn 

324  i 

únach 

332 

Freiburg 

i.  B.. 

den  1.  Sept. 

1914. 

Hans 

Hessen. 

MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

AUS  LAUD  615. 

S.  36. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

1  Triar  as  mesa  tic  a  cli,        cid  olc  a  ndil  'na  cert  dun, 
beidid  a  n-ifrinn  gan  acht,        's  nl  tmctaid  amacli  ar  cal, 

2  Espoc  michraibtecli  co  fir        taisles  na  tlrt[h]a  go  dian, 
'na  ladrann  ag  creachad  ceall,        ni  he  sin  as  ferr  don  triar. 

3  El  nach  cunmann  coir  no  cert,        mairg  ara  mbi  nert  gon 

[triath, 
lia  nl  curt[h]a  ös  a  fert,        'se  as  mesa  go  becht  don  triar.  T. 

4  Sagart  sanntach  am  gach  ni        da  hteicther  cli  toir  is  tiar, 
muna  roib  ullam  cum  cuirp,        as  e  as  mo  uilc  don  triar. 

[Triar. 

5  Is  me  Cohim  Cille  üa  Neill,       mlan  learn  a  heth  do  réir  Dhia, 
creidim  go  bfuil  mac  De  bi        'na  enter  's  na  dis  's  na  triar. 

[Triar. 


Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

lb.  S.  104. 

1  Dorala  for  mo  menmuin        gunum  denmnetuch  deghdhair, 
cinnus  roinnfet  thiar  is  toir       mo  chüarta  dom  chongbálaibh. 

2  In  chüairt-si  fil  ö  Slébh  Fuait        gu  SUah  Laigen  imacüairt, 
óthá  Ath  Fene  gan  roinn        tucthar  alle  do  Eachrainn. 

3  Ó  Ath  Fene,  eraim  nglan,        gu  Loch  Carmain  na  comramh, 
mo  caairt,  mo  cain-si  go  coir        gan  esbaid,  gan  imaröil, 

a  tabairt  d'ögh  a  rere        gu  lermachi)  do  Lasrene. 

1)   i.  e.  Dermach. 


MITTEILUNGEN  AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  339 

4  Laisren,  lasair  cräbuidli  g"lain,        mo  daltán  fll  ag  Devmaigh, 
is  inmuiii  lem-sa,  a  mic  De,        a  chendsa  ria  maincliiiie, 
lüach  ant  saothair  dogni  a  bus        rombe,  a  De,  mo  c[h]omli- 

[arbus. 

5  Cuairt  Connacht  céd  ó  Es  Eüaidli        iter  audes  is  atüaidh, 
Iar[na]  tinöl  gi\  ngrinne,        a  mbreit[h]  d'  Inis  Bó  Finne; 
gin  go  ránuc  trell  a  lár,        bid  cell  7  bid  congbal. 

6  Dossicfat  aighedh  iar  tain        dar  monga  mara  medhvaig, 
inmuin  senadh  salmglan  slán        gebdoid  for  a  clar  comhlän, 
c[l]lara  caomha,  glan  a  li,        a  tir  ciana  a  n-oilitliri, 

7  Acht  Cain  Cairbri  is  Cremthainn       cain  tucthar  si  do  Dhermaig, 
üair  is  indte-si  sund  siu        bedit  sium  'na  mbitliligiu. 

8  Is  inmuin  lem-sa  Dermbach,        tiair  is  caithir  caid  credhlach, 
7  hüair  robá  fo  grés        innte  tri  blTadna  i  regies. 

9  Inmuin  lem  ar  mac  uá  Cein,        inmuin  ar  Colla  coimhré[i]dh, 
inmuin  ar  mac  nDima  ndron,        inmuin  ar  Librén  lobbar, 
inmuin  ar  gacli  aon  gu  mblad       büi  a  codliuil  ciir aigh  ChonracA. 

10  Cuairt  Cairpri  möiri  millsi        7  Callraighe  ngibhsi, 

7  Muighe  Ren  gan  roinn        sán  can  sen  lasin  Sinainn, 
iarna  tinól  thiar  is  toir,        a  tbabairt  gu  Luim  Lethain. 

11  Bendacbt  for  Luim  loin  Lethain  gostic  mór  tonn  is  trethan, 
7  bendacht  Righ  na  recht        forsna  tonna  nusfoilced. 

12  Cuairt  mo  charat  ciat  garga,        Conaill  is  Eogain  arda, 
a  tinöl  fria  rlgha  recht        is  a  tabairt  do  Blathmac. 

13  Blathmac  inmhain  cleirchin  cain        full  for  lár  Doire  dealbh- 

[ghloin, 
bá  madhngénar,  a  m/c  De,        do  chluin  ina  cluin  sidhe. 

14  Fuaim  na  tuinne  risin  trächt  ac  tichtain  d'  Indber  na  mBárc, 
scolgaire  in  luin  lúithigh  loir  do  chloistiu  'sa  mochdheghoil, 
ceól  na  henlaithi  male        sainghaeth  fri  dairbhribh  Doire. 

15  Frainc  7  Saxain  soma,        Bretnaigh,  Albanaigh  olla, 
Findghaill,  Dubhghoill  bid  mole        ag  foghnam  na  hindsi-si. 

16  Mo  chuid-si  fein  sunn  a  bfuss        óna  cealla^ö  doruirmius, 

or  7  cluicc  carda  druing,       eich  scüaibleabhra  tar  muirtliind, 
cibé  tan  dighes  for  fecht        mo  bhiathadh  's  mo  coimidecht. 

17  Int  or  for  na  mindaibh  maithi),  na  cluicc  dona  lidanchaibh, 
na  heich  dh'  airchennchaib-)  na  ceall  airir  Alban  is  Eirenn, 
gurab  forra  thiar  is  toir        betid  siumh  for  a  cüartaibh. 


')   maithi  MS.  ^)   aircennech-  MS. 


340  KUNO   MEYER, 

18  Cara  dam-sa  Crist  mac  De        gan  bhara,  gan  bhroghaine, 
in   gach   sist   lar   nemlidhaibh   uatli         for   mo   mheanmuin 

[doralacZ/i. 
D. 

Mughrón  cecinit. 

lb.  S.  105. 

1  Colum  Cille  cend  Alban,        grindi  im  ghargblaí?7i  tar  gargler, 
bare  bardlogli  ga«  ordal,        ogbdar  dian  ardröu  airdnem. 

2  Ar  n-abstal  ógh  ard  Áraud        gau  astadh  im  or  n-ireand, 
grian  gan  tair,  ceim  cäin  Cíialand,        én  güalann  De  na  dilenn. 

3  Düthracht  tucc  Crist  do  Chonall       gan  trist  im  rúngbart  rolond, 
mac  Eigb  nime  ar  dliii?2g  derann,        trebhand  treibhi  Cuind 

[ColMm. 
C. 

Ib.  S.  37. 

Pädraic  cecinit  anüair  do  bris  feirsdi  a  carpaií  ag  Áth  in 
C[h]arpaíY  ardail  (?)  ag  tarngaire  Coluim  Chilis,  oir  nir  cedaidb  Dia 
dö  dnl  do  bennugMíí  ceneil  Conaill  co  ticedh  C.  C.  fein  7  co 
mbendaigheadh  sé  iad. 

1  Inmain  äidhei)  ilbnadhach 
cüanna  crutbglan  cumachtach 
nasal  ordraic  ilmäinech, 
faidh  foillsidhti  firinne. 

2  Moc[h]en  slicht  da  saorgenfe^) 
üa  flathfoclac/i  Fergusa, 

reim  a  gotha  glauadhbuil 
eistfit  aingil  firnaomt[h]a. 

3  BrTgh3)  bladhach  a  c[h]umachta 
nl  fed  naom  na  nilaerlum 

cur  re  reim  a  maithesa 
eiri  iwdglan  füaranach. 

4  Is  port  Albaw  oiregda'') 
bid  llnta  da  ardchrabMcZ 
is  d'allwíí  a  ardbla?di, 

nl  fed  each  a  cuimniugiicZ. 


1)   r=  altir.  oigi.  2)   saorngenfe  MS.  ^)   bridh  MS. 

*)   oir  7  a  MS. 


MITTEILUNGEN  AUS   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN.  341 

5  Bid  comeasta  a  mirbiiile 
ag  ai[ii]glib  gau  indisi 

re  gach  cuire  crathnaomhda 
dar  taistil  flad  flnuFödla. 

6  Büan  eistfes  Dia  dearbitscech 
re  a  comrädh  cruthnaomt[h]a, 
biaid  aingil  an  Duilemim 

ag  molad  a  mirbuiledli  i). 

7  Na  tfiathsi  is  na  treaba-sa 
fuicfed-sa  gau  mörbaistefi 
CO  tl  cuca  in  firerlam 

da  cineadli  's  da  clannmaicne. 

8  A  t[h]eclit  is  dorn  t[li]airngaire 
mac  flal  fertach  Feidlimidh, 
mörmoltöc/i  a  mlrbiüle; 

tar  an  äth  nl  racham-ne 

re  bucht  äidheadh^)  inmaine.    Inmain. 

Ib.  S.  97. 

1  'A  c[hjleirigh  au  c[h]urraÍ5r  cain,       innis  scela  düiuu  gan  ail, 
nö  cuin  täinic  tu  ar  muir        ö  mac  cennard  Feidlimidh.' 

2  'Tricha  laithi  eusane,        as  e  do  sgar  me  rea  gne, 

as  uime  täinic  me  ar  säl,        d'  Taraidh  fola  m/c  Samain.' 

3  'Cred  sin  donlther  da  fuil.        innis,  a  c[h]leirigh  co  mbloidh, 
nö  cred  sgitrus  rea  anmhuin        in  cathmlbVZ  möradbuL' 

4  'Aniug  täinic  a  uidhe,        iuueös«i  fls  na  huide, 

do  sgríbaíí  leabítr  da  tuil,        as  uime  täinic  me  ar  muir.' 

5  'Ag  so  misi  ag  södh  dom  deöin,        sochaide  le  hid  ainndeöin, 
connach  abradh  breg  när  dligh        degmac  finnard  Feidlimidh.' 

6  NT  larab  ar  Elgh  nime        athc[h]uiugi  nä  impidhe, 

acht  taob  re  Colum  na  cros       m'  anum  do  breith  co  parrtÄws.' 

7  'Beir  ant  ogham  beg-sa  ad  läim        7  imcair  é  tar  bäidh, 
innis  do  C[h]olum  co  mhlaid        gach  nl  canaim,  a  c[h]leirigh.' 

A.  c. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

Ib.  S.  96. 
1  Torach,  aitreab  nemnech  naom,        misi  do  benuaigh  co  fir, 
in  fonn  a  bos  7  tall,        as  le  mo  c[h]rois  an  feronn. 


•)  a  moniiirbuÜ7  MS.  -)   altir.  oiged. 


342  KÜNO   MEYER, 

2  Mo  chros  as  minn  bladhacli  büan,       as  cenn  ar  Toraig  hothuad, 
misi  fein  Colum  co  mbloid,        mo  c[h]ros  as  minn  ar  Toraig. 

3  Aparüis  dorad  Gridhair,        aing-le  De  tue  co  hidhan, 

mo  chros  mör  an  minn  co  mbloidli        d'  foghnam  dorn  c[h]ill 

[do  T[h]oraig. 

4  Torach,  aitreab  idhan  ard,        inmain  cuire  glan  närgarg, 

fa  crüaidh  cvEhud,  fa  min  modh,        a  mbidh  rem  t[hJaob 

['san  aitreab. 

5  Crüaidh]  eiginn  as  mlnlabra,        gnäthbtlan  gabä/Z  a  salma, 
innraic  cräibtech  cöir  a  bus,        gnath  troisci  7  treigdenus. 

6  Mo    t[h]eglach   naomh-sa  a  Toraig         ger  n  urnaigti  binn 

[bfoghair, 
grädach  salmach  saltrach  sunn       linmar  slechtan  is  n-iraann. 

7  Torach  mo  naomaitreab  fein,        tri  cet  mile  innti  do  c[h]leir, 
nocha  bidh  enfer  dlb  soin        nach  do  Dia  do  gnathioghnai^r. 

8  Fägaim-si  büadha  ar  Toraig        am  ainm  fen  fa  sen  soraid, 
gach  corp  da  n-annluicfider  ann,       nach  faicfid  demna  a  anum. 

9  Büaid  eli  ar  Toraig  na  treab       fägaim-si  co  brach  ar  bladh: 
nem  d'  faghäil,  fa  glan  a  glöir,        da  toghfa  innti  -a  manöir. 

10  Gach  arrthrach  rachiis  le  corp        go  Toraig  ö  port  do  port, 
nl  bäiter  nech  da  mbla  ann,        gäibthech  anfud  a  ardtonn. 

11  Fägaim-si    ar   Toraig    co   brach         büadha   am   ainm   fein 

[Coluim  cäidh: 
nem  da  gach  aon  lena  modh        'san  ärus  a  n-adhlaict/jer. 

12  Secht  län  lamainne^)  fa  secht        tucus  go  Toraig  na  bfert, 
lem  d'iiir  üasail  na  röma        do  moradh  a  honöra. 

13  Loghad  trichad  mblladan  mbän        tue  Gridair  dam-sa  ar  mo 

[grädh, 
tucus-sa  an  loghadh  male        do  T[h]oraig  togfa  innte. 

14  As  imda  naomögh  is  naomh^)        blas  a  sirguidhe  do  tsTr, 
air  a  toghfa  a  Tora«^  truim        in  roport  a  nguäthaiginn. 

15  Torach  is  port  büadha  co  mhlad        ärus  äidhedh  is  aingel, 
sglath  gach  auma  ndighrais  nglan      moc[h]en  innti  adhlaict/ien 

16  Misi  as  brethem  ar  Toraig,        Colum  cäin,  ni  cel  oraib, 
berad  lern  go  Cnst  gsm  cair        na  slöigh  innti  adhlaicter. 

17  Colum  mac  Feidliinid  me  fein,      Torach  aitreab  naoni  tarm  eis, 
aderim  re  cäch  go  rath        mo  radh  siad  do  guäth  Torach. 

T. 

1)   L.  länamua. 

^)  Wie  der  Reim  zeigt,  ist  das  Gedicht  im  Dialekt  vou  Connacht  abgefafst. 


MITTEILUNGEN  AUS   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN.  343 

Bäithlu  mac  Cüanacli  cecinit. 

Ih.  S.  19. 

1  Cethrar  sagart,  süairc  in  dam,  Colum  Cille  7  Clarän, 
Comgall,  ba  he  rao  t[h]ogha,  is  Breniünn  mac  Finnloglia. 

2  Seiser  ba  lieölc[h]a  rea  linn,  ba  grinn  a  cill  an  ard[d]rong, 
Colum   Cille  is  Brenainn  binn,  Comgall  is  Moling  1)  gaw 

[forbonn, 
in  gilla  corcra  mac  Floinn        7  in  Dalian  Forgaill. 

3  Eitline  oire[g]dha  na  cli,        in  righan  do  Chorbraigi'^), 
matliair  Cohiifn,  comall  ugle,        ingen  Dima  m^c  Näee. 

4  Cüanna  7  Catliim  calma,        Odrän  fa  mac  fíadhColba, 
derbräthair  d'  Feimne  male        dann  Finnaide  firmöire. 

5  Dias  cloinne  ag  Finnabair  feil :       Comgall  taobglan  mac  Täidlie, 
7  Cognag,  caom  a  datli,        mäthair  Bäithln  m^c  Cüanach. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

Ib.  S.  130. 

1  Longas  Inhir  Domnann        Sacsain  gaibhtlie  murtbräclit: 
.xl.  cet  sithloug        im  secht  cäecu  sithbhárc. 

2  Roth  rämach  co  slemhna,        fiallac7i  aun  cen  merbha, 
Saxain  mnä  co  ndreamna        meldai  büar  im  Temhrai. 

3  Secht  n-athni  dar  Eirinn,        bat  ile  [a]  batha, 
secht  n-üara  cecJi  laithe        fessaithir  secht  catha. 

4  Is  adhbhal  in  röiniudh,        is  üathmar  in  cuire, 
insoide  do  chathaibh        for  Gaoidhelu  huile. 

5  Co  rlsat  in  coirthe        Mogha  Ruith,  rádh  fírbalc, 
mebais  ind  roth  ramhuch,        cowbebha  ind  Tdhlacht. 

6  Mogh  Roith  reil  asperar        näd  celar  co  dímhór, 
conhoing  ind  roth  rämhnch        dorónadh  la  Simon. 

7  Dussnicfe  tarbh  tntithach,        congersi  ainm  mBrighti, 
bidh  büadac/i  ainm  M'  íde,        mebais  for  slfiag  sirde. 

8  Dober  catha  doibh        do  sluagh  laimthech  lüthach, 
maoidigh  ann  for  genti,        [.  . .]  in  tarb  tnuthach. 

9  Dusnicfe  Flann  Cinach        ar  abhaill  mö[i]r  slabrae, 
cönbüreba  doib        in  maccän  secht  mblvcidnae. 

10  Is  condae  fonfüabair,        is  focus  do  betaibh, 
a  bidhg  triasna  catha        atrimfider  ceduibh. 


*)   Lies  M'liug.  -)   corbraide  MS. 


344  KUNO   MEYER, 

11  lar  sin  documm  mara        di  airde  tor  airde, 
in  lin  anw  atluife,        rusfirfi  min  gainme. 

12  Arnamairech  doibh        for  muir  miadli  airleth, 
in  lin  ann  atluife,        derb  nosfirfe  bairgedh. 

13  Cain  cowdaldae  doibh        do  inber  for  inber, 
att>-asatt  fo  oensciatli        fir,  mnáoi,  mic  sceo  ingen, 

14  Cad  eat  a  cricha        atfladar  bale  tairend, 

Ota  Lecaib  Pupa?7/  (?)        coricce  Bac  mBairenn. 

15  (p.  131)  Longbarcaidh  co  Mum/iain,        is  escaidh  a  tairbe, 
dusnicfe  in  Flann  cetna        7  congair  Ailblie. 

16  Dober  catha  doibh        dia  nibó  lán  linn  fola, 
Ota  Cnamclioill  cüanuigh        connige  tuinn  mara. 

17  Eludh  ann  for  romhuir,        nicon  fess  cia  dona, 
oenbannscal  co  n-öensüil,        alaile  derg  fola. 

18  AUmuire  iar  suidhiu,        atfiadar  fir  toiden, 

Ö  sein  CO  de  mbrätha        ni  tegad  [tir]  nGaoidhel. 

19  A  airet  na  toghla        fonäcaibh  mär  pup-, 
issedh  oen  atrlmter        teora  hlmdna  cäegat. 

20  Tiucfa  la  Flann  nGinach        lasan  flalchas  fenech, 
Cain  crothfidher  gSiiscedh,        cäin  mörfaider  clerech. 

21  Tiucfa  la  Flann  Cinach        a  coimpert  madh  airledh, 
mess,  blicht  comlán  crab-  7  bairgen. 

22  Tiucfa  la  Flann  Cinach,        bidh  fir  cé  otcherta, 
gaisc  ina  techta  crab-  ni  ba  geal  snechta. 

23  Betheobh  la  Flann  Cinach        cia  rEiter  ni  mifferr, 
intan  beti  ce^aibh        öenier  dlbh  a  n-ifernn. 

24  Ota  flaith  Flainn  Ginuigh,        is  fir  cia  rorime, 
0  sein  CO  de  mbrätha        is  derb  is  [s]e  mile. 

25  Can  cen^l  Flainn  Ginuicch        a  coimpert  cäin  airde, 
üä  Coirpri  cüanuidh,        ua  Güaire  Aidhne. 

26  Cia  conidhcerta        do  dáinibh  nl  rodhbudh, 

mac  Feidlimt[h]e  forfinn  a  ainm  Cille  Coluim. 

27  Allmuire  iar  suidhe        cia  räitir  in  toirrse, 

is  sirsanw  a  larmag        a  haithle  na  loiugsi.    Longas. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

lb.  S.  102. 

1  An  echtrach-sa  sciath  mo  sgol,       as  derb  go  bfiatfaii^er  dam, 
aithrig  dam  mo  leba  de        iter  ainglib  Righ  nime. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN.  345 

2  A  gabä?7  g-acha  dardäin,      gacli  satliairnn,  gach  domnaigh  tsäir, 
nl  teid  do  c[h]inedh  nä  cla[i]im        co  brach  nö  lar  mbräch  a 

[n-ifrinn. 

3  A  g?ibäil  sin  astigli  tall       gidhbe  dow  muintir  (?)  rosceníícanw, 
marb  co  brach  nl  recha  as        amach  fös  tar  a  dorus. 

4  A  gSihäil  [sin]  a  tigh  nái        nocha  sloinniun  sin  acht  säi, 

nl  loisg  tene  bus  büan  hlad       's  nocha  n-airginn  crech  bidbafZ. 

5  A  gaböiZ  ar  madiün  co  nioch        d'  lasgaire  re  ndul  ar  loch, 
acht  CO  creidi  do  Christ  cäid        gBbaid  se  a  läiigabä?7. 

6  A  gabaí7  [sin]  co  grod  grod        do  länamuin  re  comrac, 
sgarfa?d  slad  fa  büaidh  de,        is  biaidh  orra  büaid  cloinne. 

7  A  gdibäil  re  ndul  ar  ech,       madh  sidh,  mad  cogad,  mad  crech, 
dodentar  äthus  da  druim,        is  tiucfa  slän  re  toirling. 

8  A  cur  a  ngüalamw  eich  ain        's  a  slIasazY  des  inn  da  laim, 
nl  trascart/iar  marcach  di,        's  biaidh  uirt[h]i  büaid  coimlinge. 

9  A  g&bäil  re  ndul  a  luing        ar  anfaiZ  an  mara  moill, 
fer  da  foirinn  nT  teid  dl        le  anfarf  na  glasfairgi. 

10  A  cur  ada  dernainn  deis,        re  ndul  do  snäm  gau  eislis, 
hid  fada  h'uidhe  gaw  treöir        's  nl  bäithfi  tti  tonn  aineöil. 

IIA  cur  a  n-uball  beg  ban,        a  cüaich  nö  a  corn  nö  a  copän, 
a  caithim  go  rig  a  les,        is  bar  cara  intl  caithes. 

12  A  cur-si  CO  meid  ratha        a  snaithi  glas  nö  datha, 
d'  anacul  anma  m/c  big        7  a  cur  fa  a  bragaid. 

13  A  cur  a  se  áeochaib  dec        ar  tinnis  na  mban,  's  nl  breg, 
coisgfiVZ  a  n-ita  gan  geis        7  töiriidh  a  tinnes. 

14  A  cur  a  n-arän  nö  a  n-im        do  mac  re  ndul  cum  leiginn, 
dodena  ni  bus  les  do        7  hid  nem  a  iargnö. 

15  As  misi  Colum  Cille,        dalta  Righ  na  firinne, 

anocht  tainic  mo  laithi       an  uar-si  fan  n-echtraithi.    Anecht. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit. 

lb.  S.  48.     Vgl  PmicI.  B.  502,  S.  106  b  39. 

Dia  ard  airleathar^)  •  aingel  innrechta^)  •  tabhr«i?/i  daigh- 
berta^)  •  for  ar  n-imthechta  •  for  ar  n-imrimim^)  •  arnachelamar. 
arnachomanar^)  •  risam  tisam  térnamar  •  for  ar  ndianairlibh.  Dia 
dorn  aidhbredh-sa  6)  •  Crist  dom  dhiti-si'')  •  Dia  dom  airli-si^). 


^)  árlethar  E.  *)   aúgel  indrechta  B.      ^)   dagberta  R. 

*)   imrimmeTid  R.  ^)   arnac/íomon  E.  *)   aithbresa  B. 

')   ditesa  jB.  *)   airlisea  E. 


346  KUNO  MEYER, 

Ih.  S.  27. 
Vgl.  Lebor  Brecc  (L),  S.  262  b  76:  Loricca  Coluim  Cilli  incipit. 

1  Sciath  De  do  iiim  iimam        ar  bitli  clie,  cain  anradhi), 
tairsit  a  ngaiP)  gnlmradh        aingeal  De  dorn  tälgadhs). 

2  Mörc[li]oimdi  na  ndomun,        Ri  na  rigli  admuirer^), 
ar  altaib,  ar  neimib        ardonceltair  cuirer^). 

3  Amail  rocuir^)  Muire        a  mac  ar')  cüairt  coime^), 
ardomcuire  samlaid^)        co  liäes  n-adlibal  n-ugbraio). 

4  Ar  meabhaib,  ar  mertain,        ar  buidhib,  ar  brecaib, 
ar  fáebraib,  ar  ataib,        ar  baeghlaib^i),  ar  lecaib. 

5  Ar  cithaibi2),  ar  cestaib,        ar  cathaib,  ar  coscar^s), 
ar  trethan,  ar  tlirasgairt,        ar  lasair,  ar  loscadh"). 

6  15)  Ar  torainn  an  alltair.        ar  galar,  ar  geinntib, 
ar  millmt?  in  cenntair,        ar  silhud,  ar  teinntib. 

7  Celtair  De  do  nimib        umam  for  na  liuilib, 

ar  toraibh,  ar  teinigh,        ar  conaib,  ar  cuiribi^). 

8  Ar  trethnaib,  ar  tonnaib,        ar  lochaib,  ar  liunibi"), 
ar  pianuib,  ar  buillib,        ar  riadhaibis),  ar  rinnibi^). 

9  Ar  plädliaib2o)j  ar  planiiib,        ar  larnaim^i),  ar  täebraib, 
ar  ogaib  do  tsiabhraib,        ar  brodaib,  ar  báeghluib. 

10  Ar  tsergaib,  ar  itliib.        ar  iupaib-),  ar  fatliaib'^^), 
ar  muirib,  ar  mithibh,        ar  guinib,  ar  gäithfib24). 

11  Fo  lam  De  am  torann.        am  trebann,  am  tarann, 
am  bir  do  brü  barann,        am  iuneoin  7wi  ngabann. 

12  Am  ail  for  sleib  sclathach        muire  amor  athar  (?), 
am  rian  ran  go  ruathar,        am  mac  mör  na  mäthar. 


1)  arad  L.  -)  tairsed  iarngail  L. 

^)  snádud  L.  *)  armuirer  L. 

^)  arfelltaib  aromun  •  arcelltraib  nacuired  L. 

")  Mar  docliuir  L.  ')  im  L. 

«)  comga  cuunla  L.  ^)  corumditne  curasamla  L. 

1°)  cohoes  uadba  lubrai  L. 

")  Ainiedair arbrétaib •  arbuidiiib arbrécaib •  arhidlaib areltaib •  arfoebraibi. 
^-)  chethaib  L.  i^)  coscraib  L. 

")  arlassair  aiioscud  •  arthrethan  arthroscud  L. 
'=>)  om.  L. 

1*')  Cathbarr  de  douini  •  bamcborp  bamanmain  uile  •  artboraind  artbeine  " 
archonaib  arcbuire  L. 

")  arlonga[iJb  dolindib  L.  "*)  riagaib  L. 

1^)  Hier  bricht  L  ab.  -°)  I.  plaghaib. 

21)  I.  Tarnaib.  ^^)  i  uptbaib. 

23)  I.  äithib.  -*)  I.  gäibtbib. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  347 

13  Am  tonn  forsmbid  muire,        am  cloidhem  trom  tana. 
ni  i'iiil  n5c/<ambeaba        do  neoch  nacliamcara. 

14  Romc[h]ara  mac  Muire,        coimsidh  greine  gile, 
snäidhsiw  Dia  na  n-uile,        rlsim  Rl[g]  secht  nime. 

15  Molsum  gach  maith  molair,        ainsim  gach  bridh  rabimaidh, 
biadsum  gach  tonn  toraidh,       snäidhsim  gach  slüadh  suban7/i. 

16  GrTansum  grlan,  cäin  cainnel,        saorsum  gach  dun  daingen, 
märsim  Dia  ua  finnnem,        caomsum  Coimdi  aingel. 

17  Atach  cäin  an  Coimdi.        mo  main,  as  é  a  adradh, 
spirut  naom,  nüall  cuimnech,        aiteocham  fria  a  labra[d]. 

18  Luirech  De  domrösat        dom  cnämaib  cuiw  tlasat, 
döigh  nl  bidhba?c?  gäisit,     döigh  nl  ranna  riasat. 

19  Döigh  nl  nämaid  riaraid        Muire  immoräidid, 
döig  nl  cesta  ctiirit,        döigh  nl  huisgi  bäidhitt. 

20  Döigh  nT  formad  fine,        döigh  nimraba  muire, 
döig  nimloisge  tene,        döigh  nimmarba  duine. 

21  Romain  ar  gach  caingnib       mac  Muire  go  n-ainglib  finna[ib], 
luirech  De  fam  balluib        öm  miúhich  gom  finnuib. 

22  M'  anum,  mo  nert  uile        öm  c[h]orp  go  halt  m'  fine, 

fodbrabt  a  Muire,        fo  sclathraigh  Righ  nime. 

23  Snäidhsim  mac  na  näime        Muire  mördat  mile, 
ar  gach  mbäs  ar  talmain,        ar  galar  acht  crlne. 

24  Mo  C[h]aomög  a  Llathmuigh,        Mo  Laisi  cen  dTc[h]leith, 
romain  ar  cüa[i]/^  crüachdiüb        Mo  Ling  a  Glinn  Dithrib. 

25  Nä  rumtäirli  a  thiaithrecli.        nä  rummeile  larann, 
nä  ruminnill  bodhba        gein  mairfed  for  doman, 
mo  chorp  7  m'  anum        romain  ar  gach  n-oman 

sclath  De  do  nim  tarum. 

Sc.  De. 

Colnm  Cille  ceciuit. 

lb.  S.  116. 

1  Dla  na  ndúl  dom  dhldin        ar  each  teidhm  ar  talmain, 
dom  coimhed  gach  inba/(?/i        ar  imghuin,  ar  armuibh, 

2  Ar  dhomhan  dom  dhallad,        ar  mh^allad  ó  maoinibh, 
ar  email  gach  uabhair,        ar  dheamnaibli,  ar  dhaoinibh. 

3  Ar  cleasaibh  na  colla        dom  chealccadh  on  crábhadh, 
ar  dhoraidh  6  dhiabul,        ar  ghonuibh,  ar  ghábhadh. 

;n  4  Ar  urchar,  ar  oilbeim,        ar  ledradh,  ar  losccud, 
ar  cathais,  ar  c^staibh,        ar  athais,  ar  oscar. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  23 


348      KUNO   MEYER,    MITTEIIAÍNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HÄNDSCHRIFTEN. 

5  Ar  nert  iieimhnecli  námhatt,        ar  gach  n-eccöir  n-uile, 
ar  gach  glonuaibh  goimhe,        ar  tlionnaibh,  ar  thuile. 

6  Ar  lochuib,  ar  linntibh,        ar  uiscedhuibh  inubher, 
ar  cuire  na  caidbeu.        ar  gacli  uile  imnedh. 

7  Ar  clochuibh,  ar  crannaibh,        ar  alltaibli,  ar  üamuibh, 
ar  dheabhtaibh  ó  dhaoiiiibli        ar  cethraibb,  ar  cuanuibh. 

8  Ar  threthan,  ar  theinntigh,        ar  gaothaibh,  ar  glaimnigh, 
ar  dhoinind,  ar  dhroighnibh,        ar  thoraiud,  ar  thairuigh. 

9  Ar  bhás  obanu  aigméil,        ar  gach  n-aisling  ii-úathmhair, 
ar  sca^olvaidh,  ar  scáthaibh,        ar  sä,ebh.raidh,  ar  suadghail. 

10  Gan  mhé  d'  faigsin  iftrinn,         gen  é  úadh  dorn  faiecsin, 
Ó  linibh,  Ó  loiscthib,        ó  ghnímhuibh,  ó  ghaistibh. 

11  Ar  mh^llad,  ar  mhire,        ar  daoinibh  nach  diadha, 

ar  na  rennaibh  rüadha        gusna  dremaibh  diana.    D.  n, 

12  Nár  adhrass  dorn  ghuidhe,        när  sluuss  arm  adhart, 
tucc  mo  ceini  gu  comholc,        ruc  mo  reim  's  mo  radharc. 

13  Gach  itchi  nár  faomhííó'        ort,  a  Rí  fíal  fertach, 

iich  a  thríath  foil  fechtach,        me  cen  conn  is  cintach. 

14  Gach  itche  rotiarriis        ort,  a  thrlath  gan  tomhus, 
doghébh  gén  gur  ghabhass,        a  Ri  na  srebh  soImss. 

15  Logh  dam,  a  Dhé,  anossa        mo  pecaidh  's  mo  plana, 
leig  mo  chaing^n  cúanna        co  daingean  's  co  díadha. 

16  Ar  h'  áille  's  ar  h'  einech,        ar  h'  üaisle  's  ar  h'  íirta, 
a  Ri  suilbhir  sotla,        na  cuimnigh  mo  cinnta. 

17  Do  chrochad  's  do  chesadh,        h'  ég,  a  íssa,  is  airde, 
cuir  a  n-aghaidh  th'  feirge        dorn  chabhair  gan  chairde. 

D.  i.  a. 

Charlottenburg.  Kuno  Meyer. 


ERLÄUTERUNGEN  UND  BESSERUNGEN 
ZU  IRISCHEN  TEXTEN. 


1.   Zu  Stokes'  Ausgabe  von  O'Davorens  Glossar. 

§  40.    accais  wird  auch  in  §  399  durch  imnidh  glossiert. 
§  118.     Statt  ^neclann  lies  %\\eclainn. 
§  134.    Statt  munal  lies  munah. 
§  141.     Statt  ad-cumrigim  lies  ad-rigim. 
§  173.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus   einem  in  YBL140b  erhaltenen 

Gedichte,  wo  es  sich  in  Z.  24  mit  der  Variante  raih  statt 

roh  findet. 
§  189.    Das  Zitat  mani  hat  ainmnet  findet  sich  Trip.  78,  19. 
§  195.    dociihi  dadae  (leg.  d'adaig)   „wurde  zur  Nacht  gesehen". 
§  196.    Statt  teasbad  lies  teasbaid 
§  281.    Statt  cöwibongat  lies  cowbongat. 

§  315.    inm  snies  trena  brat  „was  durch  seinen  Mantel  dringt". 
§  329.    Die  hier  zitierte  Strophe,  die  O'Mulc.  §  180  Flann,  d.  h. 

Flann  mac  Lonäin  beigelegt  wird,  läfst  sich  folgender- 

mafsen  herstellen  und  übersetzen: 

Usee  siehe  nlmsäsa,        coibcJie  co  ngeri  gnüsa, 

deog  daim  duinn  techtas  hlüsar,        bes  lusar  cenislüs-sa. 

'Mountain -water  does  not  satisfy  me,  a  boon  that  makes 

,     ^         one  pull  a  wry  face  —  the  drink  of  a  fallow  deer  that 

^^  bellows,  maybe  it  is  enjoyed,  though  I  enjoy  it  not'.    dti-^'Ji   "^^--^  ^^^ 

Das  Verbum  lusaim,  zu  dem  lüs  die  konjunkte  Form 

der    1.  Sg.    des    ä- Konjunktivs    ist,    bedeutet    vielmehr 

„kosten,  geniefsen"  als  „trinken",  da  es  bei  O'Dav.  1195 

auch  von  Speisen  gebraucht  wird  {ma  lusait  tüara  y  dig). 

Es  findet  sich  auch  H  3. 18,  S.  212:  gur  lüs  büas  hang 

na   Böinde  .i.  gur  ihh  se  an  elada  do  hhi  'sna  cnäibh 

23* 


350  KUNO    METER, 

imais.  Das  Wort  coihche  bedeutet  in  weiterem  Sinne 
„Gabe,  Geschenk". 

§  340.  ara  clith  ist  hier  und  in  §  407  in  amchlich  zu  ändern, 
wie  §  162  richtig  steht.    S.  ar-clichim,  Contrib. 

§  341.     Lies  an  anim[ni]e. 

§  344.  a  c[h]uinnsi  dicht  'the  figure  of  his  face',  mit  voran- 
gestelltem Genitiv. 

§  350.  roclui  aicmi  üchlandaig  'he  overthrew  a  tribe  of  many 
subdivisions',  üchlandaig  ist  nicht  der  Gen.  Sg.  eines 
Kollektivums,  wie  Stokes  will,  sondern  der  Acc.  Sg.  fem. 
eines  Adjektivs  ilchlandach. 

§  460.  Hier  ist  ime-fri-son  nur  eine  etymologische  Zerlegung 
von  im(b)reson. 

§  463.    Statt  fir  elgnais  Lies  flr  elgnais. 

§  476.  Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  Gedichte  in  den  Verslehren 
(Ir.  T.  III  50,  19  und  28),  und  ist  wohl  zu  lesen: 

cöic  häe  cacha  mörnatha        nad  dichressa  a  caramna 

„fünf  Kühe  für  jedes  grofse  nath,  deren  Leiber  (?)  nicht 
mager  seien".  Das  Metrum  verlangt  dreisilbigen  Ausgang 
der  Verszeilen. 

§  480.  mr  cül,  was  Stokes  wörtlich  'at  the  back'  übersetzt, 
bedeutet  vielmehr  'on  behalf  of.  wie  es  z.B.  Thes.II  289, 18 
richtig  übersetzt  ist.  Zu  den  dort  angeführten  Beispielen 
läfst  sich  Mon.  Tall.  §  24  hinzufügen:  in  raihi  athchomarc 
lat  mr  do  chfil  ria  tudecht  hicc?  'hadst  thou  permission 
on  thy  behalf  before  coming  here?'  nicht  'of  those  whom 
thou  didst  leave',  wie  die  Herausgeber  übersetzen.  x\ber 
in  anderem  Zusammenhang  kann  mr  cid  auch  „hinter 
dem  Rücken"  bedeuten,  z.  B.  SR  5815:  cen  nJ  lar  cül 
„ohne  dafs  er  irgend  etwas  zurückhielt,  verbarg". 

§  493.  Statt  nola  air  ist  gewifs  no-da-air  „er  pÜügt  sie"  zu 
lesen. 

§  515.  im  cruiter  and  'that  which  is  milked  therein'.  S.  crudim 
und  cruthaim,  Contrib. 

§  536.     conclethi  ist  in  conchlichi  zu  ändern. 

§  547.  Das  Zitat  ist  aus  einem  Fothad  na  Canöine  zugeschriebenen 
Gedichte,  welches  sich  in  Egerton  1782,  46  b  und  23  N  10, 
S.  82    findet   und  anfängt:   Dia  mbat  rJ  hat  rJgchertach. 


ERLÄUTERUNGEN    UND    BESSERUNGEN    ZU    IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.      351 

Statt  Her  clainn  y  geinelach  heilst  es  dort  for  dahin  usw. 

cusin  nömad  nö  möchte  ich  „bis  zum  neunmal  neunten" 

übersetzen,   indem   no  des  Reimes  wegen  für  nöi  steht. 
§  593.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  TBC,  z.  B.  LL  263  b  29  immorchor 

ndelend. 
§  603.    airbere  ist  mit  „Vorwurf,  Tadel"  zu  übersetzen. 
§  638.    cen  derbdilsi  dlicht  stammt  aus  dem  alten  Texte  Imm- 

athchor   Ailello    ocus    Airt    (Anecd.  Ill  29.  10),   wo    die 

Lesart  cen  dagdilse  dlicht  lautet. 
§  702.    Statt  dos  ndime  lies  dosndime  'he  binds  them'. 
§  708.     Mit  dofeügc  vgl.  dofeihe  §  710. 
§  748.     Beide  Zitate,  meiser  aicde  ar  a  deimni  und  meiser  etach 

ar  deimni,  stammen  aus  Audacht  Morainn. 
§  757.    for  a  hitJi-denma  kommt  auch  LL  278a  35  (Eriu  I  90.  5)  vor. 
§  780.     Statt  érain  lies  eräin. 
§  813.     Statt  asbe/r  lies  asber;-. 
§  828.     Statt  áliged  lies  áligiud  (Dat.  instr.).  Zu  diesem  archaischen 

Gebrauch  des  Dativs  vgl.  z.  B.  ana  heocliell  henair  dänaih, 

O'Dav.  282;    diuhairt  eclaise  breithir  fiö  gnim,   ib.  192; 

fordlastar  tedmaim,  ib.  691. 
§  846.    Fäiltigern  stellt  sich  nicht  zu  fäl,  sondern  zu  fail  ..AVolf". 
§  848.     fonnamh  =  *fo-snäm. 
§  849.    Das  Zitat  stammt  wieder  aus  dem  Gedichte  in  Ir.  T.  III  50. 

Es  ist  zu  lesen: 

fuirim  sensaniaisc        ar  dein  co  ndronchöiri. 

§  861.     Statt  'censure'  lies  ''contempt'  (tninsem). 

§  882.     Das  Zitat  ist  den  Bretha  Xemed  entnommen.  Vgl.  Ir.  T.  III 28 

§  68:   cia  sui  forcanar  nad  forcanar  duinib  (leg.  döinib). 

Es  ist  wohl  zu  übersetzen:  ,.Wer  ist  der  Weise,  welcher 

gelehrt  wird,  der   nicht   von   Menschen   gelehrt   wird?" 
§  910.    Vor  'over -consumption'  ist  'unlawful"  einzuschalten. 
§  916.     Statt    CO    fathaib  feith  lies   co   fätha   (sie  F)    feith,    mit 

vorangestelltem  Genitiv. 
§  951.     Zu  fuasnad  vgl.  fUasnadh   A.  sgäiledh,    ut  est:   fuasnad 

Iiiighe  nö  ayimcardesa,  H  3.  18,  62  b. 
§  1003.  Vgl.  jetzt  Eriu  IH  S.  96. 
§  1004.  coitte  ist  nicht  zu  cotid,  sondern  zu  coit  zu  stellen.    Vgl. 

calad  .i.  crüaid  nö  coit,  Fei.  Ixxi. 
§  1026.  Statt  conberbar  liest  H  3.  18,  615  a  conherbthar. 


352  KUNO   MEYER, 

§  1063.  Das  Zitat  (gromfa  grömfa,  glämfa  glämfa)  ist  aus  Fingen 

mac  Flainns   Gedicht  (Arch.  Ill  297   §  47)   entnommen, 
§  1072.  Statt  inloing  liest  O'Mulc.  537  ineUaig.     Zu  diesem  und 

dem   folgenden  Paragraphen   vgl.  Sitzungsber.  der  Kgl. 

preufs.  Akademie  1913,  S.  453. 
§  1073.  JVö  dula  usw.  gehört  zu  §  1074,  mit  dem  §  1106  zu  ver- 
gleichen ist. 
§  1091.  Vgl.  Sitzungsber.  1914,  S.  640. 
§  1122.  Zu  impetoir  vgl.  oc  cecli  altöir  y  ierimpetoir  .?.  imaltöir, 

Ériu  I  219,  §  9,  wo  O'Keeffe  das  Wort  mit  -portable 

altar'  übersetzt. 
§  1130.  inlolaig  „sammelte",  zu  m-long-. 
§  1218.  lam  steht  wohl  für   lemm   ,.für   mich",     airbhitiu  wohl 

=  airfiiiud,  wie  oben  §  45.     Vgl.  airbitiud.  Imr.  Br.  §  18. 
§  1223  a.  amail  descaidh  maine  mughmenman  4ike  dregs  .  .  of  a 

slavish  mind'. 
§  1226.  Statt  his  a[c\  cumas[c\  a  chetuil  lies  his  a  cumas  (cumes  F) 

a  clietuü. 
§  1246.  Hier  bedeutet  hide  „Eingeweide",  nicht  'meaning',  wie 

Stokes  übersetzt. 
§  1265.  tutli  hracha  'the  smell  of  malt'. 

§  1267.  mera  mescill  scel  'wild  are  the  stories  of  a  drunken  man' 
§  1294.  Statt  cidit  lies  cit  {cid  E)\  statt  rohordaighe^  lies  rohor- 

daighed. 
§  1295.  Statt  'blue'  lies  'woad'  (glaisin). 
§  1313.  fir  cotiort  cetc[h]inta  'of  a  man  who  has  committed  (his) 

first  crimes'.    Zu  con-urgg  vgl.  conoirg  Laws  IV  174  z. 

176,  2.    coniuratar,  Immac.  in  da  th.  §  247. 
§  1328.  Statt  cid  ro  oir  lies  cid  ro-orr. 
§  1345.  Das  Zitat  findet  sich  Arch.  Ill  293. 
§  1368.  Hier   ist   ro-echtach    eine    etymologisierende   Glosse    zu 

ruchtach. 
§  1393.  rodet  'he  was  granted',  nicht  'he  granted'. 
§  1394.  ronecam  findet  sich  auch  Arch.  Ill  294  §  13. 
§  1406.  Statt  sobhas  lies  sobhws.     Sluag  sohhus  'a  well-behaved 

army'. 
§  1416.  he  sues  sruth  coctha  for  cula  'a  woman  that  turns  back 

a  stream  of  warfare', 
§  1445.  CO  n-hnatso  softs.    Lies  co  n-imat  sofis.    Das  erste  so  ist 

Dittographie. 


ERLÄUTERUNGEN   UND    BESSERUNGEN    ZU   IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.      353 

§  1481.  Das  Zitat  sui  euch  somnaiyhe  stammt  aus  Triads  §  251, 

wo  die  Lesart  sdi  each  somnath  ist. 
§  1482.  Statt  coirmthech  cen  faiscre  lies  c.  cen  faisneis. 
§  1511.  Statt  impa  lies  infra. 
§  1535.  Hier  bedeutet  co  wohl  „wie?" 
§  1547.  Lies   tenyiid  hreo   tengad  tulbretha,   wo   tengad  (sie  EF) 

wieder  der  voraufgestellte  Genitiv  ist.    Statt  trithsaige 

lies  hilhs II  ide  (F). 
§  1551.  Die  Glosse  findet  sich  auch  in  H  3.  18,  62b:  imtogrenn 

flrenech  firfili  .i.  is  eim  toibhghes  in  fufili  anni  doherar 

tar  cenn  einigh. 
§  1565.  Dies  Zitat   stammt   aus   einem    alten  Gedicht,   welches 

Ir.  T.  III  51  erhalten  ist  und  dort  (Z.  6)  so  lautet: 
aüochur  techt  i  tech  co  rlg. 
§  1604.  Vgl.  Hib.  Min.  S.  8,  Z.  271. 

2.   Zu  Stokes'  Ausgabe  tou  O'Mulconrjs  Glossar. 

§  3.    Hier  haben  wir  eine  Halbstrophe  in  rannaigecht: 

tüatha  ahacc  iisci  Uair,        gluciir  conanat  i  caeh  däil 

„die  Biberstämme  des  kalten  "Wassers,  glänzend  wohnen 

sie  zusammen  in  jeder  Versammlung". 

gluair   ist   also   nicht   Gen.  Sg.,   wie  Stokes   im  Glossar 

annimmt,  sondern  Nom.  Sg.  Plur. 
§  20.    H  liest  adunde. 
§  32.    H  liest  aiede. 
§  35.     H  liest  yalin  utrum  latine. 
§  40.    H  liest  a  uerho. 
§  42.    H  liest  amurea. 
§  43.    Statt  inmi  hat  die  Hs.  (YBL)  immi. 
§  48.    H  liest  ingen. 
§53.    Vgl.  §718. 
§  54.    Statt  ö  odaig  liest  H  hodaig.    Statt  choimdid  lies  coimdid 

(„wie  der  Wagenlenker  dem  Herrn  vorangeht"). 
§  61.     Statt  tolltes  hat  die  Hs.  tolltg  (i.  e.  toUtui). 
§  67.    H  liest  tosach  n-agho. 
§  73.     Statt  adtdt[er]o  lies  adulto. 
§  84.    H  liest  amhae. 
§  85.    H  liest  ammona. 
§  98.    H  liest  aeclesia. 


354  KUNO    MEYER, 

§  104.     Lies  nl  tren  fri  clannagud  arba. 

§  107.    H  3. 18  liest:  fri  fuil  in  mil  moir  ni  fodmat  bronda  an  fen. 

Wie  die  Alliteration  zeigt,  haben  wir  es  mit  rhythmischer 

Prosa  zu  tun. 
§  108.    Lies:  ut  dixit  Bracän  Claon: 

Sadall  9  farsid  for  druim  eich      is  mac  Luigne  nochan  uil 

„Ein  alter  Sattel  auf  einem  Pferderücken  ist  nicht  unter 

M.  L." 
§  110.    H  liest  mid  nais. 
§  123.    Statt  läithe  lies  laitlie.    Statt  hratiium  ist  brauium  {ßga- 

ßüoi^  zu  lesen,    das   im   Durham  Ritual  92    mit  mind 

glossiert  wird. 
§  125.     H   liest   bretli  ocai.     Zu   ainm  aicepta   belri  vgl.  nomen 

aiciuchta  belrai  §  229. 
§  132.    Die  Hs.  hat  Be  Net  A.  midier  eins. 
§  134.    Lies  m  tet  i  mbel. 
§  138.    Statt  ab  es  lies  a  hcs  und  vgl.   Hib.  Min.   S.  13,  440: 

bes  7  uita  donintai. 
§  139.    banuagrag  ist  in  ban-augracli  „zänkisch  Avie  ein  Weib" 

zu  korrigieren. 
§  140.     bemandro  i.  e.  ßfj/ia  dvÓQÓg. 
§  143.    Hinter  flechad  hat  H  noch  dicitur  brec. 
§  154.    Statt  hie  lies  hi[n'\c. 

§  159.    H  liest  orator.    Es  handelt  sich  gewifs  um  eine  Etymo- 
logie von  brlathar,  wie  Stokes  bemerkt;  aber  es  wird  die 

archaische  Form  brethor  zugrunde  gelegt. 
§  166.    Lies  fäih'd 

§  167.    Statt  bit  hat  H  bid  (i.  e.  bid). 
§  171.    Zu  bo  ./.  laus  vgl.  §  213. 
§  175.    H  liest  batialia. 
§  190.    H  liest  lé. 

§  194.     Auch  H  liest  caldce  y  cathlac. 
§  195.    H  hat  crimn(B  und  falo  statt  halo. 
§  198.    Statt  doeim  liest  H  dieim. 
§  208.     Statt  ftia  thalmad  lies  fri  athalmad  =  aih-folmaä.    Statt 

crúi  hat  H  chrúi  und  statt  acam  coss  richtig  a  camchoss. 

Lies  bachall  (iod[e]/m  a  chamchoss  „ein  Stab  stützt  seinen 

krummen  Fufs". 

*)  sadaill  Hs. 


ERLÄUTERUNGEN    UND    BESSERUNGEN    ZU    IRISCHEN    TEXTEN.       355 

§  211.    ceniit  steht  in  der  Hs. 

§  213.    Lies  grece  cae  [.i.]  7  „griechisch  y.ai  d.  h.  und". 

§  236.    H  liest  conto  statt  conta. 

§  240  gehört  zu  239. 

§  245.    Lies  gu-scor  und  vgl.  gü-lenis  §  260. 

§  254.     idem  ist  in  item  zu  bessern. 

§  266.    Hier  bricht  H  mit  dem  Worte  comhric  ab. 

§  268.    Lies  crUhal,  wie  der  Reim  mit  mücliad  zeigt. 

§  274.     H  3.  18  hat  richtig  each  suiligh. 

§  276.     Statt  curclmn  hat  H  3.  18  curchaih,  statt  cló  cloa. 

§  277.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  Gedichte,  das  Ir.  T.  I  163 

abgedruckt  ist. 
§  300.     hiiithe  ist  in  buithi   (Part,  nee.)    zu  ändern.    Vgl.  Cäin 

Adamnain  S.  44. 
§  310.    duh-en  ist  wohl  „Rabe",  nicht  „Krähe".    Vgl. 

'Some  say  the  ravens  foster  forlorn  children 
The  whilst  their  own  birds  famish  in  the  nest.' 

(Titus  Andronicus). 

§  312.     Statt  eJiais  hat  die  Hs.  richtig  chois.    H  3.  18  liest  nl 

hidida  do  cliois  „nicht  zu  Fufs  zu  begehen". 
§  315  a.     digres  ist  wohl  digm?s  zu  lesen. 
§  349.    Wie  die  Siebenzahl  der  Silben  und  die  Alliteration  zeigen, 

ist  hreth  rue  díahiil  ös  druimden  ein  Vers. 
§  357.    In  detraeere  steht  c  für  ch  =  h. 
§  361a.    Lies  éC7ie  Á.  e-chiniiith  und  e[i]sc.    Das  zweite  ecad  ist 

für  ecne  verschrieben. 
§  368.     Lies  ab  iectione. 

§  371.    Lies:  vel  edom  quia  edendo  intestina  uiuit. 
§  375.    Lies:  di  labrai  thond  i  side  „von  dem  Geschwätz  der 

Wogen  in  diesem". 
§  402.     Zu  riiiced  (=  ruccad)  vgl.  rueed  §  456. 
§  403.     Lies:  ar  is  si  rann  ifä  fodail  na  sians  .i.  facies. 
§  417.    H  3.  18  liest  richtig  fir  Erann. 
§  427.     eene    itnmenessamar     „solange    wir    verzehren    mögen",   -J/ 

5-Konj.  zu  imm-ithim. 
§  443.    Lies  iinus  alaieh  7  äla[icli\  ceeli  öin   „dasselbe  Betragen 

wúe  das  Betragen  eines  jeden". 
§  456.    Lies  ditli  n-oco. 
§  462.    ni  cumtaig  =  nm-cumtaig  „bedeckt  ihn  nicht". 


356  KUNO   MEYER, 

§  479.  dtllä  er  arniris,  dillä  demin  döclm  „die  Wahrheit  vertreibt 

den  Zweifel,  das  Sichere  vertreibt  die  Mutmafsung ". 

§  527.  Lies  docurethar. 

§  541,  gniat  Hs.  =  gmat[h].    Vgl.  mac  Augaine  Irgnaith,  §  606. 

§  544.  Lies  frigec[h]. 

§  549.  Hinter   timor   fügt  H  2.  15,   S.  41   hinzu:    unde    dicitur 

fuftadh  Á.  omnad. 

§  550.  Statt  hend  muchnce  lies  Bend  nlucJmce  mit  der  Hs. 

§  557.  Lies  tochras. 

§  558.  Lies  Gaini  a  cJie[me]  =  xüfici.    Vgl.  §  615. 

§  506.  Statt  ut  est  isinti  hat  die  Hs.  uestis  indi. 

§  573.  Lies  for  hü,  nicht  „upon  death"  wie  Stokes,  Arch.  I  474 

will,  sondern  „on  kine". 

§  575.  Lies  foirbthe  (fibthe  Hs.). 

§  599.  Die  Hs.  hat  Fes  A.  fé. 

§  606.  Statt  Belach  hat  H  3.  18  Belut. 

§  634.  H  3.  18  liest  gelit. 

§  635.  H  3.  18  liest  gleo. 

§  637.  duine  duine  ist  Dittographie.    H  3.  18   hat  nur   einmal 

duine. 

§  638.  Hinter  ni  hen  fügt  H  3.  18  sed  filia  hinzu. 

§  639.  H  3.  18  hat  monoy. 

§  640.  H  3.  18  hat  ghjnoon. 

§  666.  Wohl  guth-ree  „Stimme  der  Zeit". 

§  677.  Lies  *  merful. 

§  679.  Lies  Glüanderc  A.  glau  finn  dar  a  sUil. 

§  686.  Lies  in  Guthart  (Name  eines  Flusses). 

§  688.  Lies  äille  na  sine. 

§  704.  Lies  fuil  dotid  idain,  linn  dond  Uu  und  vgl.  Corm.  §  770. 

§  706.  Die  Hs.  hat  nicht  iach,  sondern  ich. 

§  711.  Lies  cUana  7  choin,  htiala  7  ilach. 

§  726.  Statt  Bret[hain]  lies  Bret[ain].   Der  Satz  ist  vollständig. 

§  727.  Lies  ar  doman. 

§  744.  Statt  aro  chuci  ist  wohl  ar  a  chumci  zu  lesen. 

§  768.  Das  Zitat  bildet  eine  Strophe  in  debide.    Statt  cuirwe 

lies  cuirew.    Es  reimt  auf  cuilen,  das  wieder  mit  nos- 

cicharän  alliteriert. 

§  779.  Statt  Labrad  lies  Labra^c?. 

§  789.  Die  Hs.  hat:  direch  nded  fri  saigid  set. 


ERLÄUTERUNGEN    UND   BESSERUNGEN   ZU   IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.      357 

§  808.     Lies  ainm  tiprat  i)  asromuid. 

§  812.     H  3.  18,  82  b  liest  mocon  statt  mocho. 

§  816.    Die  Hs.  hat  richtig  imsai. 

§  822.     Die  Hs.  hat  graine. 

§  830  d.    Aos  dänae  in  rlg  co   rinnih  ist  ein   Vers   aus    einem 

Gedicht. 
§  830  e.     Lies  cäi  for  barraih   „ein  Kuckuck  auf  Baumkronen". 
§  830  g.     Vgl.  Sitzungsber.  d.  Kgl.  preufs.  Akad.  1914,  S.  941. 
§  830  i.     Statt  dober  hat  die  Hs.  diher. 
§  839.    Statt  ut  dicitur  hat  H  3.  18  ut  dixit  Fer  Muman. 
§  841.    Die  Hs.  hat  nicht  nmincdi,  sondern  muincM. 
§  859,     Lies  sogen  w/ac  m?ic  Conaill  Cernaig,  ein  Vers. 


^)  tiprati  Ms. 

Charlottenburg.  Kuno  Meyer. 


ÜBER  EINIGE  QUELLENANGABEN 
DER  TOGAIL  TROI. 


Zu  den  „Irischen  Texten"  II i,  S.  108  habe  ich  aus  der 
in  der  Stowehandschrift  D IV  2  (damals  Nr.  992)  befindlichen 
Versionen  der  Togail  Trói  folgende  Stelle  abgedruckt,  die  sich 
weder  in  den  von  Stokes  veröffentlichten  Versionen  noch  im 
Buch  von  Ballymote  findet:')  conidh  amlaidh  sin  indisis  sdair 
in  fili  socenelach  do  Franccaih  cetimnim  luingi  Argo  le  gasruidib 
glana  Grec  co  hinis  leaburburccaigh  Leimhin  7  rofaccaib  Feirgil  7 
Bairiet  Frigeta  y  Eitnir  Gothach  in  scel  sin  ar  iaraidh  in 
croicind  or  da  in  reithi  Frisicda  i  cinn  sleihi  uraird  Isper  iarthair 
deiscirt  Afraicthi,  conidh  é  cathngud  ban  Indsi  Leimhin  connicc 
sin.  Finit.  Dies  übersetzte  ich  damals: 2)  „So  erzählt  die 
Geschichte  der  adlige  Dichter  der  Franzosen,  (nämlich)  die 
erste  Fahrt  des  Schiffes  Argo"  usw.  und  sah  darin  einen  Bezug 
auf  den  „Roman  de  Troie"  des  Benoit  de  St.  More.  Jetzt  hat 
sich  auf  meine  Bitte  Herr  Dr.  van  Hamel  bei  einem  Besuch  in 
Dublin  die  Stelle  angesehen  und  gefunden,  dais  in  der  Hand- 
schrift nicht  schlechtweg  sdair  steht,  sondern  dies  erst  aus  siait 
korrigiert  ist.  Letzteres  ist  natürlich  die  richtige  Lesart,  die 
keiner  Korrektur  bedurfte.  Stait  ist  nämlich  die  altirische 
AViedergabe  des  römischen  Namens  Statins,  und  so  ist  zu  über- 
setzen: „So  erzählt  Statins,  der  adlige  Dichter  aus  Gallien,  die 
erste   Fahrt   des   Schiffes   Argo".     Frainc   „Franken"    ist   dem 


1)  Sie  steht  am  Ende  der  Erzähluug  des  Argonautenzuges,  die  in  allen 
Versionen  der  irischen  Trojasage  der  eigentlichen  Togail  Trüi  voraufgeht. 
Diese  beginnt  mit  dem  Satze  Ba  cuimnech  tra  nia  7  caur  7  cathnälid  usw. 
TTr.»  S12=TTy.-  27=BB416a  14=D  IV 2,  fol.  30a 2. 

-)  Zur  Entschuldigung  meiner  Flüchtigkeit  möge  der  Umstand  dienen, 
dafs  ich  mir  damals  (1883)  die  Stowehandschriften,  welche  zum  Verkauf  im 
Britischen  Museum  ausgestellt  waren,  nur  auf  kurze  Zeit  ansehen  durfte  und 
meine  Exzerpte  nur  in  grofser  Eile  machen  konnte. 


ÜBER   EINIGE  QUELLENANGABEN   DER    TOGAIL   TRÖl.         359 

späteren  Sprachgebrauch  gemäfs  an  die  Stelle  von  Gaul ,. Gallier" 
getreten.  Wenn  hier  Statins,  bei  dem  doch  gewifs  an  P.  Papinius 
zu  denken  ist,  zum  Gallier  gemacht  wird,  so  mag  das  auf  einer 
Verwechslung  mit  seinem  Namensvetter,  dem  Komödienschreiber 
Caecilius,  beruhen,  der  im  zisalpinischen  Gallien  geboren  war. 
Aber  keiner  von  beiden  kommt  in  Wirklichkeit  als  Quelle  für 
die  irische  Argouautensage  in  Betracht.  Es  handelt  sich  einfach 
um  eine  Schwiudelangabe. 

Dasselbe  ist  der  Fall  mit  einer  anderen  Angabe  unseres 
Textes,  der  Berufung  auf  Eitnir  Gothach,  ein  Name,  auf  den 
ich  lange  vergeblich  gefahndet  habe,  bis  ich  ihn  in  dem  Aithanarü 
Gothorum  philosoplius^)  des  Geographus  Eavennas  (edd.  Binder 
et  Parthey,  p.  201)  entdeckte.  2) 

Noch  andere  ebenfalls  schwindelhafte  Quellenangaben  finden 
sich  in  der  im  Buch  von  Ballymote  enthaltenen  Version  der 
Argonautensage.  Es  heilst  dort  S.  415  b  28:  Deired  sceod  ß  don 
sceöl  sin  in  croicind  örda,  is  e  seo  a  reidugnd,  amdl  athúv  stair 
Mhuir  y  stair  Ennia.  Is  e  rocertaigli  in  scel  sin  in  croicind 
örda.  Die  hier  als  Quelle  für  die  Erzählung  vom  goldenen 
Vliefs  aufgeführten  Muir  und  Ennia  sind  wohl  als  Moiris  und 
Ennius  zu  deuten.  Ennius  hat  ja  eine  „Medea"  geschrieben  und 
Moiris  wird  einmal  in  den  Schollen  zu  Apollonius'  Argonautika 
bei  einer  Bemerkung  über  die  Mygdoner  angeführt.  ^)  Auch  hier 
ist  es  natürlich  ganz  ausgeschlossen,  dafs  wirkliche  Quellen- 
beuutzung  vorliegt.  Der  irische  Bearbeiter  schmückt  sich  nur 
mit  der  Kenntnis  der  Namen  der  beiden  Klassiker. 

Es  ist  bemerkenswert,  dafs  diese  Angaben  sich  nur  in  den 
späteren  Versionen  der  Sage  finden.  Die  von  Stokes  heraus- 
gegeben Texte  des  Buchs  von  Leinster  und  H.  2. 17  (Ir.  T.  II.  S.  1) 


*)  Ferner  ebenda:  Aitanariäus  et  Eldevaläus  et  Marconiirus  Gothorum 
jphilosophi.  Nach  einer  freundlichen  Mitteilung  meines  Kollegen  Josef  Marquart 
hat  sich  der  Ravennas  den  >'anieu  aus  dem  des  Westgotenköuigs  Athanaricus, 
dem  Zeitgenossen  des  Frankeukünigs  Marcomeres  (Gregor.  Turon.),  zurecht- 
gemacht. 

*)  Eitnir  ist  in  irischem  Munde  keine  auTsergewöhnliche  Entstellung 
des  Namens.  Die  irische  Aussprache  betonte  die  erste  Silbe,  wodurch  die 
darauf  folgende  synkopiert  wurde.  Die  Endung  -idus  ist  weggefallen,  wie 
aus  Valei-icus  ir.  Ualer  wird  (Gorm.  April  1),  Simpoir  aus  Symphorianus 
(ib.  Juli  7),  Irein  aus  Irenaeus  (ib.  Juli  3)  usw. 

ä)  //  Qr^ztov  Oll  MotQiói  xaxyjxo/.ovä^Tjoev.  oirog  /«(>  Mvyoövag  Siprjae 
xurano/.eafjoaL  tov ''HquxHc.  (zu  TI  786). 


360      K.  METER,  ÜBER  EINIGE  QUELLENANGABEN  DER  TOGAIL   TROI. 

geben  überhaupt  keine  Quellen  an.  Die  oben  erwähnten  Zusätze 
stammen  aus  der  Epig-onenzeit  irischer  Gelehrsamkeit  und  sind 
nur  als  ein  Echo  aus  der  Periode  der  klassischen  Bildung 
Irlands  von  Interesse  und  Bedeutung,  i)  Dafs  die  Argonautensage 
den  klassisch  gebildeten  Iren  des  6.  und  der  folgenden  Jahr- 
hunderte gut  bekannt  war,  beweist  u.  a.  die  Episode  des 
Imratn  Mäile  Duin  (cap.  XVIII)  von  dem  von  der  Königin 
geworfenen  Knäuel,  welches  Mäel  Drän  in  seinem  Schiffe  an 
der  Hand  haften  blieb,  so  dafs  sie  abgeschlagen  werden  mufste. 
Die  Kenntnis  des  Motivs  2)  ist  wie  so  manches  andere  im  Laufe 
der  Zeit  aus  gelehrten  Kreisen  in  diejenigen  der  Sagenerzähler 
gedrungen. 


1)  Im  Gegensatz  zu  solchen  erfundenen  Angaben  sind  z.  B.  die  Berichte 
über  die  benutzten  Quellen  in  der  ii'ischen  Version  der  Alexandersage  durch- 
aus korrekt. 

"-)    Vgl.  TTr.  343ff. 


Charlottenburg.  Kuno  Meyer. 


DAS  WÖRTERBUCH 
DER  KGL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE. 


Da  nicht  anzunehmen  ist,  dafs  dieses  Wörterbuch  in  der 
Weise  wie  es  angelegt  ist  fortgeführt  wei'den  wird,  —  wenn 
überhaupt  eine  Fortsetzung  erfolgt,  —  so  lasse  ich  mich  hier 
auf  eine  Kritik  seiner  Anlage  oder  der  im  einzelnen  befolgten 
Methode  und  Ausführung  nicht  ein,  beschränke  mich  vielmehr 
darauf,  eine  Liste  der  Versehen,  Fehler  und  Mifsgriffe,  die  den 
Gebrauch  erschweren,  sowie  einige  Zusätze  zu  geben.  Nur  ganz 
kurz  möchte  ich  den  Fleifs,  der  auf  die  Zusammenstellung  des 
Ganzen  und  die  Ausarbeitung  einzelner  Artikel  verwendet  ist, 
die  Bemühung  alles  zusammenzutragen,  was  zur  Aufklärung  von 
Schwierigkeiten  dienen  kann,  und  das  Bestreben,  die  Fehler 
anderer  richtig  zu  stellen,  hervorheben;  andererseits  aber  auch 
das  Bedauern  aussprechen,  dafs  durch  ein  viel  zu  hoch  gestecktes 
und  ehrgeiziges  Ziel,  das  dem  jetzigen  Stand  unserer  Kenntnisse 
nicht  entspricht,  und  durch  eine  gewaltige  Raum  Verschwendung 
im  Anhäufen  gieichgiltiger  Zitate,  Wiederholungen  und  durch  die 
Aufnahme  vieles  Ungehörigen  ein  so  nützliches  Unternehmen  ge- 
schädigt ist.  Hier  galt  Goethes  Wort  „In  der  Beschränkung  zeigt 
sich  erst  der  Meister."  Leider  kann  die  folgende  Liste  auf 
Vollständigkeit  nicht  entfernt  Anspruch  machen.  Der  Leser 
wird  Avoltun,  nach  wie  vor  jedes  Zitat  auf  seine  Genauigkeit 
selbst  zu  prüfen.  Die  von  mir  in  den  Sitzungsberichten  der 
preufsischen  Akademie  1913,  S.  956  ff.  gegebene  Liste  von  Ver- 
sehen in  den  Personennamen  lasse  ich  hier  aus.  Herr  Pokorny 
hat  mir  seine  eigene  Sammlung  von  Ausstellungen  freundlich 
zur  Verfügung  gestellt,  die  ich,  durch  die  Initiale  (P)  gekenn- 
zeichnet, mit  aufgenommen  habe.  Der  Ausbruch  des  Krieges  hat 
es   leider   verhindert,  dafs  Herr  Bergin  mir  seine  Aufstellung 


362  KUNO   MEYER, 

von  Verbesserungen  zuschicken  konnte.  Sie  kann  vielleicht  im 
nächsten  Hefte  nachgebracht  werden.  Einige  seiner  mir  früher 
schon  brieflich  oder  mündlich  mitgeteilten  Bemerkungen  füge 
ich  jetzt  schon,  mit  (B)  bezeichnet,  in  meine  Liste  ein. 

1,  2.     Lies  ro  liainmniged  (rohaing-  Hs).  —  33.  add.  da  =  dobert, 

CZ  VIII 103,  9;  vgl.  auch  2  dathad  (P).  —  35.  lies  daigid  (P). 

2,  41.    da  n-.    Hier  handelt  es  sich  nicht  um  ein  nasalierendes 

da;  die  Ellipse  ist  vielmehr  durch  den  vorausgehenden 
Artikel  (Gen.  PI.)  hervorgerufen. 

3,  17.    Add.  de  feraib  deac,  Trip.  30,  3.  —  29.  lies  hocht  (.uiii.Hs). 

—  56.  fo  dl,  später  co  fo  dJ,  z.  ß.  Rawl.  502,  84  b  34.  Vgl.  co 
bo  dö. 

4,  6.    In  mehreren  der  hier  angeführten  Ortsnamen  ist  Da  nicht 

das  Zahlwort,  sondern  =  Bo  in  Kosenamen,  z.  B.  Cell  Da 
Chamöc,  Clüain  Da  Bäetöc,  Mad  Da  CJionnA)  —  8.  lies 
Gamna.  —  21.  In  Da  Cherdda,  Da  Thö  usw.  wird  Da 
nicht  als  gleichbedeutend  mit  ua,  sondern  als  das  Zahlw^ort 
aufgefafst.  —  23.  add.  da-,  mittel-  und  mod.-ir.  Kompositions- 
form für  altir.  de-;  vgl.  unter  de-chennach  usw.  (P)  — 
24.  statt  Daaithim  hat  LL  349  c  Daathim  no  Daithid.  — 
43.  lies  Fen.  190,  18.  — 

5,  2.    Lies  ola.  —  20.  IV  ist  zu  streichen.    Dies  dabJiach  steht 

für  dumhach  f.,  gen.  duimhche.  Vgl.  Gael.  J.  Dec.  1908  (B).  — 
31.  statt  'sainV  lies  'abbot  of  Bangor'  (f  928).  —  37.  lies 
Inis  Her.  —  48.  lies  Dabeöc  ^=  Do  Beöc.  —  51.  add.  Cnoc 
Dabiila,  Metr.  D.  1 38.  —  53.  lies  Cichurid.  —  54.  Das  hand- 
schriftliche dabla  ist  in  dalba  zu  bessern.  —  60.  statt 
rath\bri(ga]  lies  rath[buige]  trotz  LL50a43.  —  62.  lies  Da 
Buide.  —  64.  statt  'twenty'  lies  'forty'.  Add.  daicliid, 
Ulster  (P). 

6,  4.    dachaid   =   dia   thaig.    —    7.    add.  Rennes   Dinds.  44.  — 

22.  add.  Fer  Da  Clinch,  Dub  Da  Chrlch  (Dubdagrecus).  — 
39.  lies  Da  Cliolmöc.  —  40.  statt  Dacon  lies  Da  Chonn 
=  3ioconna  Essa  mac  nEirc,  Gorm.  March  8.  —  41.  dactil 
=  dachtaü  (P).  —  65.  Dadamh  m.  Reabta  =  Dadan  iilius 
Rhegma,  Isid.  Etym.  IX  2,  18. 


^)  Von   diesem   Da   =  Do,    welches   mit   Mo    wechselt,    spricht  der 
Herausgeber  überhaupt  nicht. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  363 

7,  1,    Badüu,  aus  Gen.  10,7;   I  Chron.  1,9.  —  2.  Hierher  gehört 

Dadanaim  von  col.  125,  1.  —  3.  JDadera  =  Do  Dera.  — 
5.  add.  Dadnan,  Gorm.  Apr.  6,  Badhnän,  Mart.  Don.  — 
9.  lies  piopa.  —  10.  add.  dadadh,  tada,  Munster.  — 
18.  däecMa  gehört  zum  heutigen  daochän  und  bedeutet 
'horrid,  base'  (P).  —  25.  Der  Flufsname  Bäel  ist  identisch 
mit  doli  'schwarzer  Käfer'.  —  29.  add.  Bäen  n.  1.,  catli  Bäen 
Fen.  328,  4.  —  34.  lies  Mil.  —  44.  Dele  'often  deth\  Es 
ward  nie  so  geschrieben,  sondern  nur  dj.  —  59  ff.  Hier  ist 
jede  Angabe  des  Geschlechts  unterblieben. 

8,  1.    Die  Hs.  hat  dagathrige  (P).  —  10.    statt  dr  lies  ar  und  so 

an  vielen  anderen  Stellen,  dag-hert  bedeutet  „tapfere  Tat", 
nicht  'good  luck'.  —  18.  statt  huhil  lies  hihib.  —  21.  lies 
dagcenel.  Die  Lenierung  des  c  ist  eine  spätere  Entwicklung, 
die  sich  nie  im  Altir.  findet  (P).  --  30.  Arch.  Ill  235,  32 
hat  dagcraidib.  —  40.  lies  dag-donn;  vgl.  gall.  Bonno- 
tmirus  (P). 

9,  7.     Add.  dagnimmthíb ,  Thes.  II  244.  33,   wo   es  fälschlich  zu 

dag-imraiib  korrigiert  ist.  —  47.  Hier  und  bei  manchen 
anderen  Wörtern  fehlt  ohne  ersichtlichen  Grund  die  Über- 
setzung (..edler  Bräutigam").  —  54.  lies  dag-räith.  — 
55.  Hier  war  die  Angabe  des  Geschlechts  besonders 
wichtig  (masc). 

10,  47.    Zum  Zitat  vgl.  Arch.  Ill  304  §  7.  —   54.   Hier  und  sonst 

ist  eine  späte  Form  (deg-aithne  statt  deg-aicline)  angesetzt 
ohne  darauf  aufmerksam  zu  machen. 

11,  11.    Add.   'good   luck'.   —   15.   add.  'a   goodly   barque'.   — 

16.  statt  dia7i  lies  din  {•.rig). 

12,  2.    Add.   'a   fair   oak-wood'.   —    24.    lies   deg-doe   und   vgl. 

Sg.  68  a  1  (P). 

13,  38.    Add.  CO  degmaith,  LL  129 a43.    Statt  subst.  'a  nobleman' 

lies  degmaithi  (Plur.)  'noblemen'.  Der  Sing,  wird  nie  so 
gebraucht. 

15,  10.    Lies   deg-ord.   —    36.    lies   Eawl.  502  a  31.     Hier  hätte 

gesagt  werden  müssen,  dais  dag  die  geweihte  Hostie 
bedeutet  und  dafs  tair  für  triar  verschrieben  ist  (P).  — 
38,  3  dag  ist  zu  tilgen.    Es  ist  das  hebräische  Wort. 

16,  13,    Hier    hat    der    Herausgeber    den    irischen    Namen    des 

Philistergötzen  Dagon  (Bagän)  aus  SR  und  den  irischen 
Personennamen  Bagän  durcheinander  gemengt.  —  19.  dagar 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt,  i-hilologie  X.  24 


364  KUNO   MEYEK, 

Dies  ist  die  richtige  Form  des  Norn.  Sg.  und  nicht  blofs 
eine  Variante,  daiger  beruht  auf  dem  Eindringen  der 
palatal en  Form  aus  dem  Gen.  daigre,  Dat.  daigir  (P).  — 
35.  dago,  lies  dagö,  eine  Verbalform,  zu  do-göim  „ich 
wähle".  —  36.  dagsad,  fälschlich  aus  munad  agsad  er- 
schlossen; lies  ägsad  (:  süsad),  eine  späte  Konjunktiv-Bildung 
zu  ägur  „ich  fürchte";  Yg\.  nisnägsind,  Imr.  Br.  11  228,  8. — 
50.  dele  BaUd,  Wb  5b5.  Die  Handschrift  hat  das  Kom- 
pendium .dd.  BaUd  ist  natürlich  eine  unmögliche  altir. 
Form.  —  53.  daic  =  do  ic;  doic  dim  „ich  bin  im  Stande".  — 

60.  Bald.    Aber  LL  348  i  hat  Baoed  und  LB  16  a  29  Baig.  — 

61.  Lies  BB2l8e47. 

17,  24.    Lies  suüid  =  suilig.  —  25.  statt  12  lies  1.  2.  —  daidbres. 

Die  richtige  alte  Nominativform  ist  daidhrius,  wie  der 
Herausgeber  aus  dem  Gen.  daidbrmssa  Z.  36  hätte  ent- 
nehmen können  (P).  —  35.  lies  [njdaidhhhris.  —  42.  daig. 
Zum  Geschlecht  vgl.  is  e  in  daigli  derg,  BB  319  b  30.  — 
47.  lies  Gnäthaltach.  —  52.  statt  dicitiir  lies  dixit  Fer 
Muman  mit  H  3.  18,  637.  —  56.  Zu  dem  Zitate  aus  Eawl. 
vgl.  a  oca  hatar  ar  daig  \  ag  orcain  Maoil  Milscothaig, 
Anecd.  II  66,  1.  —  60.  statt  orcain  (dat.)  lies  orcon  (Nom.). 

18,  29.    Statt  JEs  Bega  Beirg  lies  eo  dega  deirg,  was  unter  daig 

zu  stellen  ist.  —  57.  ate  romheotar  usw.  ist  hier  zu  streichen. 
Es  handelt  sich  nicht  um  däig,  sondern  daig  und  ist  oben 
17,  56  schon  einmal  zitiert. 

20,  7.    Dele    'Probably'.    —    33.    lies    derglasrach.  —    53.    lies 

Burbudi. 

21,  22.    Statt  ddigmech  lies  daig-menmnach  mit  Best.  —  24.  Baigre. 

Die  älteste  Nominativform  ist  Baigri.  add.  Baigri  BoicJilech, 
Eawl.  502,  106 a 46.  —  30.  statt  Eangain  (BB!)  lies  Angäin 
mit  Eawl.  502,  160  a  43.  —  32.  statt  Urchocho  (BB)  hat 
LL  348  h  Ciiircocha.  —  33.  Falsches  Zitat.  —  34.  daigrech 
ist  in  LL  150  b  nicht  durch  dermar  glossiert,  sondern  soll 
es  im  Texte  ersetzen  {daigrech  no  dermar).  —  53.  lies  ara 
dailbe.  Dele  SE  1870,  wo  der  Eeim  condailbi  verlangt.  — 
60.  lies  ar  nddlem.  —  65.  lies  Beltbimni. 

22,  34.    Statt  'of  other  liquids'  lies  'metaphorically'.  —  65.  add. 

'dispenses,  apportions';  rodail  a  bennachtain,  SE  2912;  in 
muir  mör  .  .  rodail  Fa  grene  .  .  for  formnu  fene  Forainn, 
ib.  3980. 


DAS    WÖRTERBUCH    DER    KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  365 

23,  3.    Lies  utaregat.  —  33.   lies  däüiuh-sa.   —   42.  Dele  'opp. 

lérnaig-e'.  Die  Stelle  in  LB  241  a  68  lautet:  ni  rofuirme 
daiUe  n-üernaige  dam,  was  Glosse  zu  hleacli  amrosc  ilarda 
ist.  Daraus  hat  der  Herausgeber  sein  Urnaige  herausgelesen. 
Vgl.  CZ III 224  §  11,  wo  eine  andere  Hs.  n-üernalaig  liest.  — 
45.  Add.  'blinding  darkness'  z.  B.  glend  na  daille,  d.  h.  die 
Hölle,  LB  256b.  —  58.  statt  'composer'  lies  'dispenser'.  — 
65.    Hier  liest  L  dam-sa  statt  dorn  daim. 

24,  3.    Daim.    Dies  ist  nicht  etwa  eine  Kurzform,  sondern  blofser 

Schreibfehler  in  LL.  YBL  liest  an  der  Stelle  richtig 
Daimin.  —  4.  lies  däime.  —  5.  add.  O'Dav.  456.  — 
13.  lies  Daim  argait  und  so  durchweg.  —  59.  lies  co 
tdrfad. 

25,  14.    Lies  etiv.  —   24.  lies   ainech  .  .  daimet  (so  die  Hs.)  — 

42.  lies  hruth  co  fe\{]rg.  —  62.  statt  a  mliarhhadh  lies  do 
mharbhadh.  —  64.  lies  cuind. 

26,  1.    Lies   cuind.  —  22.   lies   co   [n]damann.  —  48.  lies   b[a] 

aitliger.  —  57.  lies  Donann.  —  59.  lies  Mend. 

27,  31.     Add.  hongdais  dorair  ndäin  {:  cäin),  Laud  610,  73  b  1.  — 

38.  In  LL  7  a  7  steht  daigniu ,  woraus  sich  kein  Nominativ 
daigen  erschliefsen  läfst.  nidaighen  BB  298  b  10  ist  für 
n-imdaingen  verschrieben. 

29,  8.    daingnecht  bedeutet  auch  'fastness,  interior,  best  place'  (P). 

—  16.  lies  radangnigit.  —  26.  statt  'curd'  lies  'curdle'. 

30,  18.    Das   älteste  Vorkommen  des  Namens  in  Irland,  A.D. 

660  (AU)  hätte  erwähnt  werden  sollen.  —  25.  lies  cen 
danim  duib  —  iigUir  —  cecli  träig.  —  37.  lies  dainmecli.  — 
48.  dainnech  ist  vermutlich  eine  Kontamination  von  däinecli, 
döinech,  mod.  daoineach  'having  a  large  following'  und 
döendach.  mod.  daonnach  'liberal,  generous'  (P).  —  47.  Ein 
kymr.  dantec  gibt  es  nicht. 

31,  2.    Add.  'gall-apple'.  —  5.  lies  [i]n-airechus.  —  12.  Die  Hs. 

hat  dairchisib.  —  37.  lies  rohainmniged.  —  45.  Add.  Máél 
anfaid  na  Darinse,  LL370e53;  Iläel  anfaid  Darinse 
Märe,  ib.  c  46.  —  46.  Hier  wäre  der  Baumesname  Daur 
dibeoil,  Corm.  1159,  Dur  {Dor)  dibeoil,  HC  21,  154  hinzu- 
zufügen. —  61.  statt  Dair  ües  Däir  'Darius'.  Es  reimt 
auf  saim  LL  133  b  5  und  etäil,  Ir.  T.  III  69. 

32,  1.    Lies  Cathair  clmim.  —  2.  Der  ganze  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen. 

Die  Stelle  Laws  TV  312,  24  lautet:  dartaid  i  crann  n-airidi 

24* 


366  KUNO   MEYER, 

do  thein,  y  da%r\t\  la  liaitligin  each  n-ae.  O'Donovans 
'a  notching'  ist  blofse  Raterei.  —  15.  lies  dóir-hé.  —  23.  lies 
DairiniU. 
33,  3.  Dairhrech  ist  sicher  kein  Gen.  von  Daibre.  add.  Bruim 
nBairbrech,  M.  Dinds.  II  46.  —  7.  daircepadh  ist  sicher  als 
dairchepad  zu  lesen,  da  es  auf  airchetal  reimt.  —  35.  add. 
Äth  Bairi  Buib,  B.  in  Scäil  §  11.  —  38.  dele  'either  late 
plur.  of  daire',  was  die  Entstehungszeit  des  Gedichtes 
ausschliefst. 

35,  3.    Lies  Guill.  —  10.  Die  Hs.  hat  Barean.  —  22.  lies  Bäiren.  — 

33.  statt  dairfeda  liest  LL  314  b  diruda.  —  34.  add.  Ciar 
ingen  Buib  de  Bairiud,  LB  22.  —  59.  Warum  Dariet  ein 
Ausländer  gewesen  sein  soll,  weifs  ich  nicht.  —  64.  add. 
dairme  „Eichenhain":  Banne  ednechnA.,  Fél.^ 240,  6  (P). 

36,  33.    In  LL  375  a 43  reimt  Bairine  auf  bmi-inne.  —  41.  lies 

Barini.  —  49.  lies  Bairinill.  —  52.  lies  Fathain. 

37,  24.    Statt   'mis written'   lies   'misprinted'.     Der  Druckfehler 

ist  aber  von  Stokes  selbst  korrigiert.  —  35.  lies  n[d]öibeU.  — 
37.  lies  Foniorach.  —  38.  dele  dáirnaisce,  dernaisce.  — 
39.  add.  ut  dicitur  daiirnaisce  dar  lemain. 

38,  17.    Lies  ba  mmóír.  —  33.  add.  tech  Barta,  Ir.  T.  IP  196.  — 

41.  add.  daurthach,  LL  287b 42.  —  54.  lies  cétna-baclas.  — 
61.  lies  Rechet  {reihet  Hs.)  Baurthige. 

40,  36.    Lies  ainmne.  —  37.  lies  öenblladain.  —  50.  lies  ninach. 

41,  11.    In  SR  8174  handelt   es  sich  um   tum,  Acc.  PI.  von  tor, 

in  Z.  7844  um  tür  „Forschen".  —  46.  add.  Baithe  n.  1., 
cath  Bathe,  B.  in  Scäil  33,  LL  182 a 32.  —  47.  ddithe  = 
diiithe  f.  „Unverstand,  Ungeschick",  das  Gegenteil  von  súíthe, 
eine  Ableilung  von  dui  (*du-vids).  —  48.  dele  'seems 
corrupt'.  —  48.  add.  daühech  'swift,  active',  daithecht  f. 
'swiftness,  activity'  (P).  —  56.  daithen,  eine  analogische 
Nebenbildung  zu  dathan  (P).  —  59.  lies  68  c. 

42,  39.    daithgen,    nur    schlechte    Schreibung    für    daithen    und 

daher  kein  o-  sondern  ä- stamm  (P).  —  34.  add.  daithinedh 
A  üaire  aisneid,  H.  3.  18,  64  a  =  dathined  A.  üair  aisneidh, 
ib.  635  a.  —  60.  lies  do  Bhdil  A.  do  Leith  Chuinn.  —  61.  add. 
do  Bail  Chonchobair  dosom,  Thes.  II  325,  4.  i  nBdl  Araidi, 
LL  132  a  13. 

43,  11.     Add.   gpl.   düla.    Vgl.  col.  45,  21  {co  n-imad  nddla)  und 

52,  wo  die  Form  fälschlich  als  Gen.  Sg.  angeführt  wird.  — 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  367 

31.  dal  allein  bedeutet  auch  „Tod",  z.  B.  hi  llaithiu  däla, 
Rawl.  502,  124  b  55  =  ina  ló  ddla,  RC  13,  394. 

44,  8  und  25.    Dele  'Very  frequent  in  Ossianic  poetry'.    Es  ist 

dort  nicht  häufiger  als  anderswo  auch. 

45,  56.    Add.    'decision',     legid   dam-sa   ar   däil,    Fen.  182.   — 

60.  lies  dal  De  donessai  cecJi  rainn. 

46,  38.     Lies  mod.  —  56.  statt  cuirid  lies  cuirithir  (P). 

47,  51.    Add.  mod.  dälta.  —  65.  add.  Mag-  Däla,  Er.  I  132. 

48,  1.    Lies   attäil  und  vgl.  Z.  32,  wo  es  im  Zitat  LL  147  a  53 

auf  macca'm  reimt.  —  9.  statt  'misjudged'  lies  'misinter- 
preted'. —  17.  Das  Zitat  von  SR  gehört  zu  dal  'decision' 
(vgl.  Z.  1694:  is  mör  dognl  d'imrätaib).  —  19.  Das  Zitat 
aus    LU    gehört    zu    dal    'meeting'.     Vgl.  TBC  1001.    — 

32.  Das  aus  TSh  zitierte  faddail  ist  richtig  faddäil  oder 
besser  fadäil  zu  schreiben  und  ist  eine  Ableitung  von  mod. 
fada  mit  der  Endung  der  Yerbalnomina  -äil.  Das  Zitat 
aus  LL  147  a  53  gehört  nicht  hierher.  —  34.  lies  däil  i,  f. 
Dais  dies  Wort  ein  i-stamm  ist,  beweist  nicht  nur  das 
abgeleitete  I-Verbum  däilid,  sondern  auch  die  Komposita 
comdail,  email,  fodail,  todail  sowde  das  verwandte  Lit. 
daVis  'Teil'  (P).  —  38.  lies  292. 

49,  9.     Add.    lar    ndllind   dtamra    dala,    {-.gala),    LL6b41.   — 

21.  In  dem  aus  Fei.  Sept.  29  angeführten  Zitate  bedeutet 
dalach  nicht  •  multitudinous',  sondern  'combative'  {draic 
dälach).  —  27.  lies  cnöi  dagruis  dälaig.  —  45.  add.  dann 
JDälaig,  CZ  VIII 116  §  7.  ■ —  51.  Die  Formen  mit  palatalem 
l  gehen  auf  Einünfs  von  däilid  zurück  (P).  —  60.  Eine 
weitere  Bedeutung  des  Verbums  ist  'sends  to  a  tryst', 
z.  B.  dälfaid  in  hen  a  ssetchi  cliucund,  RC  13,  381. 

50,  6.    Hier   liest   eine   andere   Hs.   (Hib.  Min.)   rodäilestar.   — 

23.  lies  cucam-sa  do  huain.  —  44.  lies  Dalamön  oder 
Dalamön.  —  49  und  51.  Balun,  recte  Ballän,  s.  col.  55,  1.  — 
53.  Hier  liest  LB20d27  m.  Dalaig.  —  54.  Hierher  gehört 
die  archaische  Form  Bdlon,  col.  56,  47. 

51,  12.    Add.   nt    do   dailb   didu,   M.  Dinds.  II  32.    Gen.  Sg.  lar 

mhreith  dalha  (sie  leg.),  LL  139  a  45.  —  26.  add.  Druim 
nDailh,  Metr.  D.  I  40.  —  35.  add.  Balhach  Cille  Colh, 
LL  370  c  51.  —  41.  Hier  ist  der  ganze  Eintrag  I  zu  tilgen. 
Das  Adj.  zu  dalb  lautet  dalbach,  nicht  dulbda.  In  SR  4809 
bedeutet  duine  dalbda,  das  auf  aurlabra  reimt,  „der  erschaffene 


368  KUNO   MEYER, 

Mensch",  indem  dalbda  =  dolbtha.  —  45.  dalhtha  ist  eine 
vox  niliili,  die  der  Herausgeber  fälschlich  aus  sodalhtha 
erschlossen  hat,  das  im  Reim  mit  comartha  für  sodolbtha 
„gut  gezielt"  steht.  —  57.  dalei  hat  natürlich  nichts  mit 
dale  'give'  zu  schaffen,  sondern  bedeutet  „es  schien  ihr".  — 
59.  dultic.  lies  da-leic{i\.  —  61.  statt  dälgud  und  dälagud 
lies  dalugud. 

52,  11.    -often  dáll'  ist  zu  viel  gesagt.    Der  Herausgeber  gibt 

auch  nur  Ein  Beispiel  aus  LB. 

53,  22.    Lies   ar  an  gaedhlainn.  —  28.   add.    mac  Baill,  Ir.  T. 

1 67,  —  35.  statt  Erruaid  lies  Es  Rüaid.  —  57.  mod. 
dalladh  bedeutet  'sufficient  quantity'  (P). 

54,  27.    ro  dallod  im  Sinne  von  „er  starb"  ist  nur  dichterischer 

Sprachgebrauch. 

55,  4.    Die  Hai  Dallain  (BB  144  f  20)  hätten  aufgeführt  werden 

sollen.  —  7.  lies  dituiccsi.  —  22.  Hier  wäre  dall-hodar 
„blind  und  taub"  mit  dem  Zitat  Duma  Dall-hodra,  M.  Dind. 
I  18  einzuschalten.  —  31.  Das  Zitat  aus  Ériu  gehört  nicht 
hierher,  da  es  sich  um  dall  dach  handelt,  nicht  um  ein 
Komp.  dall-cJieö,  wie  die  Allitteration  mit  chnch  zeigt  (B). 
Vor  ar  snaidm  ist  do  díchuir  sé  zum  Verständnis  nicht  zu 
entbehren.  —  39.  Das  Fragezeichen  ist  zu  tilgen.  — 
53.  Hier  ist  dall-cMiUn  'blind  pup'  aus  O'Dav.  99  ein- 
zuschalten. —  54.  lies  Gilla.  —  55.  lies  CZ  VIII  331, 16. 
Der  Eintrag  ist  überflüssig,  da  das  Wort  oben  schon  als 
JDaille  figuriert.  —  61.  lies  Gadelica  I.  —  62.  dele  cf. 
dallbach. 

56,  38.    Add.  Rawl.  502, 116b43,  149  a  6.  —  41.  lies  im  rind. — 

42.  statt  Baimain  (sie  BB)  hat  Rawl.  Balmait.  —  47.  lies 
Bälon.  —  48.  statt  maccu  hat  Fen.  mac  üi.  Vgl.  Cainnech 
macu  Dälan,  Fei.  Oct.  11. 

57,  19.     Lies  di.  —  47.  lies  Chirine. 

58,  7.     Dele    'Read    dúr-dáltaig'   usw.     Da    daltaiy    auf   harcaih 

reimt,  kann  es  sich  um  kein  Kompositum  handeln.  — 
16.  lies  dältait.  add.  is  fris  dältait,  Arch.  Ill  303  §  12.  — 
28.  lies  \i]nar.  —  37.  Zu  tilgen.  Es  ist  adhaltranna  „Ehe- 
brecher" zu  lesen.  Vgl.  mod.  adhaltrannach  (P).  —  45.  lies 
reisin.  —  64.  lies  Arddän. 

59,  1.    Das    Zitat   aus   ScM.  11    gehört   nicht   hierher.     Es   ist 

tromdäm  (:  rän)  zu  lesen.  —  4.  In  den  Zitaten  aus  Acall. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH    DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  369 

und  RC  handelt  es  sich  nicht  um  Rinder,  sondern  um 
Hirsche:  dam  donn  'fallow  deer'.  —  26.  dele  'the'.  — 
28.  statt  dilcnn  lies  Bilenn,  was  Acall.  850  auf  SiUann 
reimt.  —  51.  add.  Derc  Bairn  Onom.,  Loch  Daim,  B.  in 
Scail  §  11.  —  54.  dele  oil-dam  'a  great  ox'.  Es  ist  oll-däm 
im  Reime  auf  comhug  zu  lesen.  —  61.  add.  daim  drmn- 
dergga,  LL  200  b  20. 

60,  14.    Dele  ow  daim.   Es  ist  an  däirn  zu  lesen.    Vgl.  BR  44,  7. 

17.  dam  'a  worm,  reptile,  louse',  wohl  nur  aus  dub-dam, 
daol-dhamh  (vgl.  „Hirschkäfer")  abstrahiert.  —  24.  Wie 
der  Herausgeber  dazu  kommt  aus  Cormacs  Glosse  ein  ir. 
dam  'silent'  herauszulesen  verstehe  ich  nicht.  —  32.  dele 
'no  instance  of  gen.  dáma'.  Der  Herausgeber  führt  selbst 
zwei  solche  in  Z.  63  und  col.  61, 11  an.  —  44.  lies  lesi^i.  — 
52.  statt  hegeda  liest  F  höeyidu.  —  65.  lies  choir e  oder  altir. 
choiriu. 

61,  6.    Die  Hs.  hat  indam?iv.  —  14.  lies  trasc[th'\i.  —  26.  gaodhal, 

lies  gaol.  —  48.  lies  Dämaich.  —  51.  add.  nirho  lais  in 
damaire  dia  rohatar  daim  aile  oca,  Rl  502,  113  a  6.  — 
52.  Auch  I.  damairecht  steht  für  damgairccht  (P).  — 
58.  add.  Bamairne  m.  Beccraig,  LL  155  b  41.  —  63.  lies 
sir-Bamasca. 

62,  1.     damalta,  wohl  ==  diibhalta.  —  39.  lies  damän,  Dim.  von 

dam.  —  damantach  wird  col.  64  als  dammantach  wiederholt. 

—  57.  lies  deil. 

63,  9.    Lies  clethe.    Der  Herausgeber  verwechselt  cletha  'stakes, 

rods'  mit  clethe  'roof tree'.  —  18.  statt  i.  e.  ddmai  lies  i.  e. 
damu  (dumu)  'stags'.  —  19.  Das  richtige  Zitat  lautet: 
Luccln  Bromma  Bamdai  .1.  et  Baimde.  Vgl.  LL367f.: 
Lochän  Bamdae  Bromma  7  Baimde.  S.  Bruimm  Bamdae, 
Onom.  —  25.  lies  dasachtaich.  —  28.  lies  dämdis.  — 
34.  damgairecht  bedeutet  sowohl  'a  herd  of  deer'  als  'the 
roaring  of  stags  in  the  rutting  season'.  Herr  Pokorny 
schreibt  mir:  'The  original  meaning  of  the  root  gair  is 
'to  call',  hence  'to  summon,  to  call  together,  to  herd';  cf. 
the  verb  do-in- gair  which  means  both  'he  calls'  and  'he 
protects',  or  the  verbal  noun  in-gaire  'act  of  tending  cattle'. 

—  49.  lies  Erce.  —  51.  lies  Laud  615, 129. 

64,  9.    nola  air  ist  gewifs  zu  no-da-air  zu  bessern.     Statt  orda 

lies  ordu.  —  11.  dele  'Ox-or'.  —   18.  lies  dam-lann  f.  — 


370  KUNO   MEYER, 

63.  Der  Vergleich  mit  dem  verwandten  kymr.  defnydd  hätte 
näher  gelegen. 

65,  20  und  23.    Lies  a^adh.  —  39.  lies  domna.  —  54.  dele  'Cf. 

also'.  —  61.  lies  mod.  damhna  m. 

66,  10.     Statt    enim   lies   erum.    —   47.    lies    failet  fri  damnad 

Diabuil  i  n-iffurn  do  hilphianaib.  —  52.  add.  Damnad  o, 
n.  1.  conßch  döini  Damnaid,  Alt.  Dicht.  41  §  27;  a  Domnad, 
CZIX451  §16. 

67,  35.    Lies  nAmmön. 

68,  22.    Der  ganze   Artikel  ist  auszulassen,   da   damnand  kein 

wirkliches  Wort,  sondern  nur  eine  etymologische  Erfindung 
ist  wie  man  sie  zu  Dutzenden  im  Cöir  Anmann  und  anderen 
Glossaren  findet.  —  56.  lies  Ba-Mongöc,  Koseform  eines 
Mong-  enthaltenden  Personennamens.  —  65.  add.  Fe  7 
Men  du,  ri  damraithe  Er  end,  Corm.  603.  dt  rig  damraide 
.i.  Fea  7  Femen,  diatä  Mag  Fea  7  Mag  Femin,  LL  9  b  33. 

69,  8.    Lies  Greic.  —  29.  dele  dámradh  dopall  (recte  dupall). 

Es  handelt  sicli  um  Rinder,  also  damrad.  —  35.  add. 
Damrai  (Hirschpfad)  n.  1.  Mo  Lüa  Bamrai  LL  368  a  9. 
—  37.  lies  damraind  in  cedbliadain.  —  38.  add.  Dam-ros 
n.  1.  Cüan  Bamrois,  Onom.  —  39.  damsa  bedeutet  auch 
'gambolling'  (P).  —  48.  lies  dämsam  und  clirú. 

70,  12.    damthain   hätte   als  mittelir.  Form   bezeichnet   werden 

sollen.  —  28.  Da  es  kein  Wort  dam  „schwarz"  oder 
„schwarzer  Käfer"  gibt,  so  kann  dam-tJieine  nicht  „schwarzes 
Feuer"  bedeuten.  Vgl.  vielmehr  tore  tened.  —  30.  lies 
damthenead.  —  55.  add.  ddni  Wb  27  b  15;  ilddni  20d29.  — 

57.  lies  dánán. 

71,  24.    Lies  öenddn. 

72,  31.    äes  däna  bedeutet  'poets',  aber  nicht  'artists'.  —  40.  dele 

den  ganzen  Eintrag  (a).  Auch  hier  heilst  th'  fer  düna 
„dein  Dichter".  —  45.  Ingen  Buna  ist  in  PI  502,  110  b 
=  Anecd.  II 50  §  12  ein  ad  hoc  erfundener  Name,  nicht 
ein  gewöhnlicher  Ausdruck  für  'poetess'.  —  46  —  50  sind 
zu  tilgen.  Der  Herausgeber  hat  die  zitierten  Stellen  mifs- 
verstanden.  Es  ist  zu  übersetzen:  „Eine  gute  Kunst  ist 
Weisheit"  usw.  —  49.   Vor  ddn  ist  maitli  ausgelassen.  — 

58.  statt  na  haird  lies  in-  haird,  da  das  Zitat  noch  der 
altir,  Periode  angehört  (P). 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER    KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  371 

73,  5.     Statt  do  chumtach  lies  do  chumtuch  (P).  —  20.  lies  ddn 

do  attruh  (P).  —  21.  lies  aurfoynom.  —  22.  lies  frithgnom. 

—  27.  lies  düilgine.  —  44.  lies  Emoin.  —  47.  statt  'doc- 
tors' lies  'pliysicians'.  —  60.  orhae  bedeutet  nicht  'tilling 
land',  sondern  'inherited  property'.  —  62.  lies  dmia  inunna. 
Im  Altirischeu  wird  inunn  nicht  flektiert  und  geht  immer 
dem  Nomen  voraus  (P). 

74,  28.    Statt  'chancing  upon  these  professions'  lies  'those  pro- 

fessions having  fallen  to  his  lot'. 

75,  8.     Statt  'farming'  lies  'inheritance'.   —   26.   lies  aes  horhe- 

ladan  'workers  in  unskilled  professions'.   —   28.  lies  fia\d\ 

—  41.  statt  the  practisers  of  every  profession  in  general 
lies  any  other  professionals. 

76,  35.     ha  dan  dosotn  bedeutet  nicht  'it  was  his  custom',  sondern 

'it  was  a  practice  of  his'. 

77,  1.    Lies  'it  is  not  his  own  sword  that  is  destined  to  kill 

him'.  —  2.  lies  diadä.  —  18.  statt  den  láimh  lies  d'enläimh. 

—  21,  lies  huith  di  öendän  (P).  —  52.  statt  'tens'  lies 
'decimals*. 

78,  44.    Statt  LL  lies  LU. 

79,  49.    dänad  II  bedeutet  'case  of  giving,  dative'.  —  57.  dele 

danae  'indicium'.  —  61.  add.  dUnae,  O'Mulc.  756. 

80,  43.     Vgl.  nmi  dmia  lar  fir  \  imma  dala  mo  degrJg,  SR  2069. 

—  56.  add.  proverb.  7il  (sic  leg.)  danw  each  ndolbacli, 
O'Mulc.  756. 

81,  12.     Lies  doindnaig  (P).   —    17.   statt  danaige  lies  dánaide. 

Bekanntlich  gibt  es  keine  Adjektivendung  -aige.  —  23.  lies 
ddnaideclit.  —  33.  Das  Zitat  aus  Ml  lautet  richtig  nephat- 
danigtki.  —  35.  lies  ascedaigid  CZ  III 223, 7.  —  45.  lies 
Christ.  —  58.  Die  Sache  ist  umgekehrt:  dänugud  ist  die 
ältere,  dänaigiud  die  jüngere  Form  (P).  —  63.  lies  trócairi. 

82,  29.    Hier  hätte  gesagt  werden  müssen,  dafs  die  ältere  Form 

des  Namens  I)ä  Chich  Anann  (Nom.  Anu,  Corm.  31)  ist. 
Anand  diatät  Gichi  Anand  i  ILüachair,  LL  9  b  38.  — 
42.  lies  hantimthech  Ti'iathe  De  B. 

83,  29.    Lies  lug[ha\.  —  44.  lies  longas  nacullom.  —  61.  lies  isin. 

85,  38.    Lies  is  é  met  roerig  usw.  —  39.  lies  crechaired. 

86,  52.    Es   handelt    sich    um    Deidamia,    Tochter    des   Königs 

von  Skyros.  —  53.  lies  143  b  46.  —  55,  dano  steht  nach 
Thurneysen,  Idg.  Forsch.  27,  Anz.  S.  14  für  di-an-siu,  was 


372  KÜNO   MEYER, 

die  archaische  Form  daniu  begünstigt.  Der  Herausgeber, 
welcher  glaubt,  dals  daniu  nach  didiu  (neben  didu)  um- 
gemodelt ist,  scheint  nicht  zu  wissen,  dafs  zwischen  didiu 
und  didu  kein  anderer  Unterschied  besteht,  als  dafs  der 
Gleitvokal  im  letzteren  Falle  nicht  ausgedrückt  ist,  was  oft 
der  Fall  ist,  wenn  einem  palatalen  Konsonant  schon  ein 
palataler  Vokal  voraufgeht  (P). 
88,  1.  *In  poetry  the  accent  falls  on  the  ultimate'.  Was  der 
Herausgeber  sagen  will,  ist,  dafs  wir  die  Betonung  des 
Wortes  auf  der  ultima  aus  den  Reimen  erkennen  können.  — 

19.  lies  Rawl.  B  512,  1  a  1. 

91,  39.    Statt  ahi,  was  nur  Schreibfehler  ist,  lies  adib  (P). 

92,  25.    m  .  .  dano  läfst  sich   an   allen   Stellen  mit   engl,  'nor' 

übersetzen,  add.  nl  rofailliged  dino  (sie  leg.),  Hib.  Min.  52 
§  5.  —  57.  Warum  ocus  dano  „und  ferner"  oft  nur  ein 
emphatisches  'ocus'  sein  soll,  sieht  man  nicht  ein,  ebenso- 
wenig wie  das  lat.  et  eüam  (vgl.  Trip.  369,  23).  add.  7  dano, 
orsi,  LU  111  a 8.  7  dino  na  däilemain,  Ir.  T.  II  173,  13; 
7  dano,  LU  121b  40;  ;  dno,  Arch.  Ill  2,  3. 
94,  40.    Lies  fut.  —  41.  lies  AU  II. 

96,  42.    Hier  fehlt  der  mod.  Name  Don  und  der  Hinweis  auf 

1  Banae  (P).  —  65.  Zu  dem  Zitat  aus  AU  wäre  die  Jahres- 
zahl (660)  erwünscht  gewesen. 

97,  1.     ^^'ie  jemand  darauf  kommen  sollte  Bant  und  Bonait  zu 

verwechseln,  ist  nicht  ersichtlich.  —    11.   olsodain  ha  geis 
la  fiannu  heifst  nicht  'though  it  was  a  geAs  with  the  an- 
4.  Ijwi^í  '  cients',  sondern  'because  it  was  a  geis  with  the  fiana\  — 

47.  Bamiib  ist  doch  nicht  als  'the  Irish  development 
of  Danubius'  zu  bezeichnen,  da  es  eine  blofs  gelehrte 
Form  ist. 

99,  26.    'All  wrong',  wie  der  Herausgeber  gerne  sagt.    Der  Satz 

fängt  mit  da  chiir  i  gcéill  an  und  dar  leó  fein  ist  eine 
Parenthese,  wie  Atkinson  richtig  druckt. 

100,  15.     Add.  is  ö  JiErnaib   cech   dara  ri,  Rl  502,  147  b  15.   — 

20.  statt  mac  Intait  Barai  lies  wac  Intait  meic  Bari  mit 
LL  321h.  —  25.  Nach  htm  geht  der  Satz  weiter:  mad  tair, 
is  é  a  ainm  NucJiul.  —  35.  Die  Qualität  des  n  in  Baränae 
ist  zweifelhaft.  Der  Reim  auf  äge  beweist  nichts,  da  dies 
auch  auf  mäire  (Jul.  31)  und  täide  (Oct.  10)  reimt.  Jul.  31 
hat  LB  Baräine.    Andererseits  ist  zu  bemerken,   dafs  die 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  373 

Sclireibungen  Darüna,  Darünae  nicht  vorkommen,  so  dafs 
alles  auf  palatales  w  hinweist  (P).  —  47.  statt  dia-ro-ha 
lies  dia-ro-bo  (P).  —  52.  lies  darb  :i  cumal  usw. 

101,  15.     Lies  Darbelin  (P).  —    37.    lies  hile  daro.  —    52.    Der 

richtige  Xame  ist  Üi  Derca-chein;  s.  Onom.  S.  667  (P.)  — 
55.  lies  Darcaircrenn.  —  63.  Darcellus.  Dieser  Name  gehört 
nicht  in  ein  irisches  Wörterbuch.  Der  assyrische  König 
Dercilus  (Euseb.)  ist  gemeint.  Der  Herausgeber  bringt  den 
Namen  sogar  noch  einmal  als  Darsellus. 

102,  7.    Darcon  sieht  aus  wie  der  G-en.  von  Dairiucc,  einer  Kose- 

form von  Bair-cliU  (vgl.  Bair-hran)  (P).  —  41.  SR  7699 
in  dia  dardnin  hätte  voll  zitiert  werden  sollen.  —  49.  dia 
dardäin  caplaite  hätte  in  älteren  Zitaten  und  mit  der  Über- 
setzung 'Maunday  Thursday'  augeführt  werden  müssen. 
S.  meine  Contrib.  s.  v.  caj^lat.  —  59.  statt  isi  hat  die  Hs. 
richtig  isin]  s.  Güterbock,  Z.  f.  vgl.  Spr.  XIII  90. 

103,  9.     Add.  dia  dardäin  fresgabala,  LB  256  b.  —  55.  Darfräich 

als  masc.  ist  ganz  zu  streichen.  Bar  kommt  nur  in  weib- 
lichen Namen  vor. 

104,  15.    Statt  Cdthair  lies  CatliUir.  —   20.  lies  LL  353  a  24.  — 

37.  statt  im  Leacon  lies  imleacon.  —  42.  lies  däririb. 

105,  10.    Add.  mod.  daririWi  cruinn  'in  real  earnest',  Munster  (P).  — 

42.  dele  Barnat.  LL  140  a  23  liest  Bamnat  ingen  Miirchada 
Luirc.  Vgl.  col.  68,  33.  —  45.  lies  Ernäin.  —  60.  darpuit, 
wohl  füi'  ddr'thuit  'als  er  fiel'  verschrieben.  —  65.  statt  dar- 
rdi  lies  dar-rä  (ä-verb). 

106,  4.    darrmart.    Ein  ganz  unnötiger  Eintrag,  durch  ungenaues 

Lesen  des  Herausgebers  verschuldet.  Die  Hs.  hat  richtig 
darrinart.  —  19.  lies  dartdn. 

107,  21.    Lies  mórphersan.  —  22.  lies  popid.  —  62.  Die  Formen 

(Dat.)  Tarthesc  LU  77  a  5  und  Tartescc  Tain  1757  hätten 
herangezogen  werden  sollen.  Da  äth  ursprünglich  Neutrum 
war,  so  ist  Barteisc  klärlich  phonetische  Schreibung  für 
Tarteisc  (P). 

111,  16.    Lies  fud. 

113,  31.  Das  Wort  ddsachtaid  existiert  nicht,  ddsaclitaidi  in 
CCath.  steht  für  däsachtaiyi,  Nom.  PI.  fem.  von  däsachtach.  — 

43.  Eine  deponentiale  Form  ddsachtaigidir  kommt  nicht  vor, 
sondern  nur  eine  passive  dásachtaigthir ,  wie  ddistir,  sia- 
barthair  usw.  (P).  —   48.   Die  vermeintliche  aktive  Form 


374  KUNO   MEYER, 

rodhdsachtaigh  ist  in  rodhásachtadh  (Pass.  Prat.)  zu  ändern 
(P).  —  64.  lies  condasataid  =  condasattaig ,  eine  mittelir. 
Form  für  altir.  conaitecht  (P). 

114,  1.    Es  wäre  ddstaigthir  zu  lesen,  wenn  nicht  einfach  eine 

Verschreibung  für  dásaddaigtlúr  vorliegt  (P).  —  56.  cen 
liga  .i.  cen  datha  wird  col.  115,  35  noch  einmal  zitiert,  aber 
mit  anderer  Bedeutung.  —  57.  Lies  LL  188  c  7. 

115,  51.    Lies  deich  n-étaighe. 

116,  28.    Lies  conimclüoi.  —   56.  dath  hrécae  ist  eine  unmögliche 

Form.  Der  Gen.  von  hrec  f.  lautet  regelmälsig  hré{í)ce  (P).  — 
63.  lies  éicsiu. 

117,  9.    Statt  céim  lies  cdem.  —  14.  lies  i  compöcath  oder  ic  com- 

pöcath.  —  54.  lies  donnhlidna. 

118,  6.    Statt  B  IV  2  lies  Arch.  IH  308.  —  11.  add.  Acall.  4949.  — 

20.  add.  don  tmith  dathglahi,  SR  5447.  —  23.  lies  ndath 
nglan.  Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  älteren  von  Keating 
angeführten  Gedichte  (B).  —  53.  Bath-snäth  'Coloured 
Thread'.  —  59.  Dele  dath-chalmae.  Es  ist  mit  der  Hs. 
dathamla  zu  lesen  (LL  203  a  4  und  marg.  sup). 

119,  2.    Lies  dath  'as',   wo  dath  \^^e  cruth  gebraucht  ist.    Add. 

dath  donic  irt  „wie  der  Tod  kommt",  Corm.  37  [oder  viel- 
leicht dath  dondich  irt  „wie  der  Tod  rächt"  zu  lesen  (P)].  — 
5.  dele 'If  reliable 'usw.  —  63.  a.áá.  Bud  i  tnac  Bei  rg  dathamla,, 
LL203a4. 

120,  3.    Lies  Bathan.    Hier  sind  drei  verschiedene  Namen  ver- 

mengt: 1.  der  einheimische  Personenname  Bathän;  2.  das 
hebräische  Dathan  (Num.  XYI  1),  irisiert  Bathün  SE  4464; 

3.  das  hebr.  Dothan  n.l.  (IT  Reg.  6, 13),  ir.  Bathän  SR  7178.  — 

4.  lies  lüis.  —  9.  dathan,  nicht  o-  sondern  ä-Stamm.  Stokes 
hatte  es  ganz  richtig  mit  daithen  identifiziert  (P).  —  20.  add. 
dathas  o,  m.  'nimbleness,  deftness',  lör  dathais  (-.leis), 
Er.  V  90, 9.  S.  daithius.  —  35.  =  CZ  VH!  297,  26.  —  36.  Der 
Eintrag  Bathnat  steht  hier  an  unrechter  Stelle  und  ist 
col.  122  wiederholt.  Statt  hen  Bomnaill  .  .  Bathnat  lies 
Bathnat  hen  Chellaig.  Es  ist  zu  dath  zu  stellen.  —  39.  Hier 
wäre  zu  bemerken,  dafs  El  502  nur  in  den  Stammbäumen 
die  Form  KatM  kennt.  Die  wichtige  Belegstelle  Bímma 
macc  Kathl  aus  dem  Buch  von  Dimma  (Thes.  II  257,  8 
=  Rl  502,  141  b  13)  ist  nachzutragen. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  375 

121,  13.     So  früh  ist  Kaihi  g-ewifs  niclit  durcli  Dafht  verdrängt 

worden.  —  25.  Von  Alliteration  des  n  kann  keine  Rede  sein, 
da  die  Betonung  niclit  auf  nath  fällt.  Auch  darf  das  Gedicht 
Gilla  Cöemäins  nicht  'old  poetry'  genannt  werden.  Im 
Mittelir.  alliteriert  vielmehr  das  th,  z.  B.  NatM  trenseng, 
LL  132b 4  in  einem  Gedichte  Flann  Mainistrechs;  DatM 
cen  tathäer,  El  86b  34;  Gorm.  Aug.  1  usw.  —  27.  Lies  hJmdan 
im  Eeim  a.ut  gudlad.  —  49.  add.  NatJn  m.  Bairr  m.  CäirÜiind, 
El  502, 127  a  28.  —  55.  Statt  Bróin  (BB!)  liest  El  502, 141  b  13 
Briön.  —  56.  lies  mac  Mic  Caille.  Er  heilst  El  151b  42 
Natlü  Sencliroccenn  m.  3Ieic  Caille.  —  57.  lies  143  f.  — 
58.  lies  145  c  49. 

122,  32.    Nathi  m.  Melda  (sie  leg.)  ist  identisch  mit  X.  m.  Crim- 

thainn.  Er  ist  hier  nach  der  Mutter  (Meld)  genannt.  — 
ib.  add.  Nathi  m.  Odoräiu.  El  159  b  56.  —  35.  statt  Sechnaig 
lies  Senaich  mit  El  502, 120  b  31.  —  53.  add.  Togaü  Bruidne 
JDathi,  Anecd.  II  44,  §  5.  —  60.  Auch  JDathü  alliteriert  im 
Mittelir.  mit  t,  z.  B.  do  mac  Datlw  co  a  thecli,  Ir.  T.  I  97,  11; 
mac  Dathö  in  taicid,  El  502,  82  b.  Es  hätte  bemerkt  werden 
sollen,  dafs  Windischs  Erklärung  des  Namens  sich  auf 
irische  Überlieferung  stützt:  da  mac  Dathö  in  sin.  Buidir 
amlahair  a  mmäthair  y  a  n-athair,  EG  VIII  52. 

123,  27.    Statt  húa  Batlaich  lies  Hüi  Badlaich.  —  44.  add.  foemai 

cosmailis  is  datu  \  frisna  huccu,  YBL  196  b. 

124,  56.    Lies  niam-data.  —  58.  Da  LL  die  richtige  Lesart  hat, 

war  der  Eintrag  überflüssig.  —  60.  statt  daithes  lies 
daithius  (P).  —  63.  lies  däu  (P). 

125,  11  und  12.    In  allen  Zitaten  ist  Buach  hier  Nom.  oder  Acc.  — 

47.  Laud  610,  98b 2  =  Anecd.  III  60,  10.  —  59.  statt  vllc 
lies  vik.  Dafs  i  hier  kurz  ist,  beweist  der  L'mlaut  in  DENA- 
VECA  (P). 

126,  4.    Add.  Eocho  Garh  m.  Buach  Baill  de  ThUaith  Be  Banann, 

LL  9a42.  —  9.  lies  Bihech.  —  16.  add.  B.  mac  Cathail, 
El  502,  125  a.  —  18.  lies  Gidbain.  —  22.  lies  Baimm.  — 
29.  lies  Ennai.  —  37.  Bei  Mac  Carthj  180,  8  steht  Buach 
Ladgair  {:  garghlaid).  —  38.  lies  Maine.  —  42.  add.  D.  mac 
Meic  Cairthind,  El  141b.  —  50.  lies  Conchrad  und  vgl, 
El  151a.  —  51.  Cóir  A.  §  133  =  LL  321  c50.  —  59.  lies 
lesse.  —  64.  Dele  Balíd  Wb  56,  5.  Die  Es.  hat  das  Kom- 
pendium dd. 


376  KUNO    MEYER. 

127,  3.    LiesDmd.  —  7.  lies  I)md.  —  11.  In  Rl  73  b  7  hatte  die 

Hs.  zuerst  duida,  was  in  dauida  g-eändert  ist.  —  14.  Dauid 
Cille  Muine   war   aber   kein  Ire,   sondern   ein  Britte.  — 

35.  \\e%  Daur-gahal  {gahal''Gdi\)eV).  —  39.  DúeDanrachl.  — 

43.  lies  daurauth  gl.  quercetum.  —  61.  add.  i  nDaurlus, 
El  502,  150  a  7. 

128,  12.    Add.  Daurtacht,   father   of  Echen,   Mac  Lasrind   and 

Echde,  LL328e;  Uislind  m.  Biirtliacht,  138  a  30;  Hui  Daur- 
theohi,  El  502,  126  a  38.  —  13.  Dausech  ist  eine  archaische 
Form  des  Namens  Buisech  Tig.  AU  501  (Bilisig  :  crüisig) 
(P).  —  47.  lies  desiu,  sie  Sg.  71b2,  217  b  12  (P). 
130,  53.  Hier  hätte  die  Form  dea  Laws  IV  162, 6  erwähnt  werden 
sollen. 

132,  34,     Lies   condessinn.  —   37.   lies   decmaing.     Dele   deeming, 

das  nach  Pedersen  II  9  das  pejorative  do-  enthält  (P).  — 
38.  Dele  déreg.  —  46.  lies  dlchetal.  —  49.  lies  -aisneiiie  (P).  — 
59.  Es  ist  nicht  möglich  de-  aus  dis-  oder  disa-  herzuleiten. 
Im  erstereu  Falle  würde  man  vor  Konsonanten  eine  Spur 
des  s  erwarten  und  disa-  wird  durch  synkopierte  Formen 
wie  dechraih,  Dat.  PI.  von  decJior,  als  unmöglich  erwiesen, 
da  ein  vorhistorisches  * disa-Jiorohis  nur  dechoraib  hätte  er- 
geben können  (P). 

133,  12.    Lies    suthin.    —    47.    statt    conoscaig    lies    conoscaigi, 

T-Stamm  (P). 

134,  24.    scochaid  ist  keine  mögliche  Form;   lies   altir.  scoichid, 

mittelir.  scuchaid  oder  scuichid  (P).  —  30.  statt  mar 
lies  nior. 

135,  7.    Statt  ni  congebed  lies  nicon  gebed,  wodurch  der  ganze 

Eintrag  hinfällig  wird.  —   24.   lies  do-airinni,  -tairinni.  — 

36.  lies  do-esca,  -tesca.  —  41.  lies  dodiat  (P).  —  44.  lies 
do-foscarta,  -diuscarta.  —  47.  lies  do-furcaib.  —  65.  con- 
darlicthe  entliält  nicht  das  Verbum  do-leci,  sondern  steht 
für  con-türlicUie  (to-ad-ro-leicthe),  Prät.  Konj.  Pass,  zu 
do{f)ailci  (P). 

136,  1.    Auch  tairlüiced  (sie  leg.)  gehört  zu  do-(f)ailci;  es  steht 

für  to-ad-ro-Uiced  (P).  —  15.  lies  foxal,  toxal.  —  40.  In 
LL  102  b  16    bedeutet   leicid   nicht   'puts   awaj'  from'.   — 

44.  dele  LL  218  b  36.  Die  Stelle  lautet:  rascoiltit  y  rascdilit 
sein  di  rethib  tréna  togla  (B).  —  47.  add.  'leave  alone', 
z.  B.  sgaoil  don  medaill    EC  29,  220.  —  54.  lies  chenn. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  377 

137,  9.     Lies   din  derchoiniud.  —    55.    lies   do-oir-mescca,  -fair- 

mescca.  —  58.  Der  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen.  rodUnsat  dorus 
dih  heilst  Hhey  shut  the  door  with  them',  viz.  caircce  troma 
(B).  —  63.  statt  'breathe'  lies  'take  breath'. 

138,  31.    Die  Bedeutung  von  ar-tä  ist  besser  mit  'stands  before, 

confronts,  remains'  zu  geben.  —  53.  lies  suidin. 

139,  3.    Statt  do-rúaiclea,  -derclea,  Formen,  die  nicht  existieren. 

lies  entweder  do-uiclea  oder  do-ruacell  (P).  —  48.  lies  óol.  — 
58.  lies  forclu  'choice'  (cf.  forylu  Thes.  II  340,  1). 

140,  9.    Dele  'The  passage'  usw.    Der  Herausgeber  hat  die  Stelle 

milsverstauden.  Es  ist  ein  Punkt  hinter  and  zu  setzen  und 
Sair  siar  doih  'they  move  forwards  and  backwards'  ist  ein 
Satz  für  sich  (B).  —  36.  lies  dm.  —  57.  lies  di.  —  63.  lies 
asheram  sanctos  sainredchii  doib. 

141,  12.     Lies  Nechtan.  —  13.  lies  Emene.  —  45.  lies  Grecaih. 

142,  3.     Lies  connacconhetk  ni  du  Isralieldaih  etir.  —  14.  lies  for 

fid  (d.  h.  for  Fid  Mär),  Arm.  18  bl. 

143,  26.    Lies  hes.  —  31.  lies  curpa.  —  40.  lies  cecUs.  —  62.  dele 

'intr,'  —  63.   lies  dorinne  finnmag  d'iforn. 

144,  12.     Lies  mulluch. 

145,  4.    Statt  'might'  lies  'may'.  —    9.   lies  d'inat.  —    15.   lies 

disin.  —  17.  add.  di-sund  'hence,  then',  de  wird  öfters  nach 
Adverbien  gebraucht,  welche  auf  und  nieder  bedeuten,  z.  B. 
suas  de,  anUas  de,  Ir.  T.  I  794  (P). 

146,  7.    Lies   ndimtiu.  —    16.    Hier   wären   Beispiele  mit  idio- 

matischer Wortstellung  wie  a  ndu  imuedaih  y  frithoircnib 
fodaimi  Ml  55  d  angebracht  gewesen.  —  35.  Ein  besseres 
Beispiel  wäre  cid  do  chana  (leg.  clianu)  duit,  TBC  565. 

148,  5.     Lies  ndd  hiad  de  clethe  lia  chenel  and.    Vgl.  die  Bemerkung 

zu  decleithi  unten.  —  16.  add.  m  hol  isin  uli  dontan  d'fir 
nö  do  mnäi,  d'öc  nn  do  sin,  LB  133  b.  —  34.  7  don  each 
duni  ist  richtig. 

149,  1.    Lies  triun.  —  9.  dele  do  heo  usw.   da  bedeutet  hier  'dein'; 

s.  TBC  1224. 

150,  54.    Der  Herausgeber  sieht  claidih  irrtümlich  als  Dat.  PI.  an. 

151,  9.     Lies  de.  —  38.  lies  ró  n-urchaír.  —  53.  lies  bochaiU. 

152,  17.    Besser  'under  the  safeguard  of.  —  18.  lies  des  in. 

153,  10.    dotaet  hide  stimmt  nicht  zu  dotced  bidg  in  Z.  25.   Die  Aus- 

gabe liest  doted  bidg.  —  55.  lies  desin.  —  61.  lies  disuidiu. 
155.  21.    Lies  dmd.  —  54.  lies  disin. 


378  KUNO   MEYER, 

156,  4.     Dele  ragaid  do  heo  usw.  —  6.  add.  is  ed  his  mo  smachf 

do  Sir,  Hib.  Min.  82, 12.  —  11.  add.  deag  Finn,  RC  XXV  346, 
§  2.  —  63.  mod.  de  dhruim  bedeutet  audi  'über'. 

157,  4,    Der  Herausgeber  schreibt   inkonsequent   di  eclai,   aber 

dfehas,  doengiäh  usw.  —  15.  lies  focJmnn.  —  22.  Die  richtige 
altir.  Form  wäre  di  forneurt  (P).  —  32.  add.  eirg  dem  in- 
chaiM  RC  XXV  346,  §  2.  —  51.  lies  de  cliommairgi.  — 
52.  lies  di  muin  Chormaic  ind  rig.  Mit  Fintan  beginnt  ein 
neuer  Satz.  —  57.  lies  tigi  fri  Temraig.  —  60.  lies  d'öe- 
naicniud. 

158,  17.    Lies  d'öemircJmr  (P). 

159,  13.    Lies  nionur.  —  60.  lies  lahraithir. 

160,  15.    Statt  taircliet  lies  do-erchain  (P). 

161,  12.     cechtarde  neben  cechtardae  30,  nechtarde  47  neben  nech- 

tardae  52  ist  inkonsequent  (P). 

162,  6.    Dieses  -de  (-te)  ist  zwar  enklitisch  und  verschmilzt  mit 

dem  Komparativ,  zählt  aber  für  den  Reim  nicht  mit,  so  dafs 
z.  B.  grünte  LL  375b  54  auf  süle  reimt.  —  37,  lies  int  olc.  — 
46.  hith  ist  keine  altir.  Form;  lies  buith  (P).  —  53.  Diese 
altir.  Rekonstruktion  ist  voller  Fehler;  lies  m  mescu  de 
dtöid  ind  Undo  (P).  —  55.  Besser:  'for  her  calf  being  left 
with  her'. 

163,  8.    Lies  dligthigu  (P).  —  50.  lies  anscuich[t]i]e. 

164,  8.    Lies  flrianu.  —  50.  lies  mescu  (P). 

165,  48.    Lies   mailh  di  anmain.    maith  7   ist   aus  maith'  ver- 

lesen. 

166,  5.    Zahlreiche  Beispiele  des  zweisilbigen  diäd  finden  sich  in 

TBC  in  dem  Namen  Fer  diäd,  z.  B.  3056,  3659,  3694. 
Dieser  Name  hätte  unter  1  de  erwähnt  werden  sollen.  — 
26.  add.  de  de  araid  sncut, ...  de  de  rlg  siit,  arse,  LL  122 a42.  — 
48.  lies  idnic.  —  50.  lies  48. 

167,  25.    Stokes  hat  seinen  Fehler  selbst  Arch.  Ill  55  verbessert.  — 

45,  add.  dea  'a  pagan  divinity'. 

168,  34.    lies  Bee  mac  De.  —  38.  statt  Z)ei  war  De  (LL  9  b  10) 

zu  schreiben.  Die  Orthographie  von  Cath  Muige  Tuired  ist 
doch  nicht  normal.  —  47.  Hier  hätte  Erwähnung  verdient, 
dafs  tüath  De  auch  als  „Volk  Gottes"  von  den  Juden  ge- 
braucht wird,  z.  B.  CZ III  33,  SR  5079,  5083  usw.  Auch  im  PI. 
tUatha  De]  SR  3883;  ferner  dafs  die  Tuatha  De  Danann 
auch  Fir  Dea  genannt  werden,  z.  B.  LU  122  b  41,  LL  245  b  49. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN    AKADEMIE,  379 

169,  8.     Add.  a  Slemain,  a  Sleib  Tri  nDe,  El  502,  84  a  30. 

170,  5.    Lies  328  b  21.  —   10.  dele  decJm-.ni  fili  usw.    Hier  ist 

der  Herausgeber  durch  Tlmrnej'sen  irregeführt  worden. 
Die  Hs.  liest:  dümaine  labartha  y  dechraighti,  s.  Thurneysen, 
Zu  ir.  Hss.  59 1). 

171,  19.    deäd  wird  auch  am  Ende  des   10.  Jahrhunderts   noch 

zweisilbig  gebraucht,  z.  B.  SR  2829,  wo  es  auf  gleäd  reimt.  — 
26.  -Aáá.  fo  diäd,  Arch.  III  30,  3.  —   33.  statt  Dublitir  Ua 
Huathgaile,  llth  century,  lies  Gilla  in  Chomded,   12th  cen- 
tuiy.  —  36.  statt  déíd  lies  co  déidJi. 
173,  53.     TTr  353  hat:  adfiadat  a  scela  dö  ö  tJiüs  co  deired. 

175,  62.    Statt  heith  lies  huitli  (P).  —  65.  statt  lucJi  lies  luclit. 

176,  52.    Lies  aihriosc. 

177,  26.    Lies  deoaid. 

178,  13.    Dele  ó  cumdach  usw.    Der  Herausgeber  hat  sich  durch 

MacCarthy  verführen  lassen.  Die  Hs.  hat  gu  deod  flatlia 
Asarda  „bis  zum  Ende  der  assyrischen  Herrschaft".  — 
26.  Dead  ist  in  dem  Namen  31ess  Deäd  LL  48  b  24  zwei- 
silbig. —  25.  lies  dian.  —  36.  add.  do  Dean  y  do  Apaill, 
TTr  73  =  BB  412  b  20;  i  tempal  loiph  7  Dea^i,  BB  413  a  9.  — 
59.  statt  Cinded  lies  Connäid.  —  60.  Die  richtige  Form 
des  Nom.  ist  Deäth,  wie  der  Eeim  auf  hräth  (Alt.  Dicht.  I, 
S.  54)  zeigt.  Schon  dadurch  fällt  die  versuchte  Etymologie 
des  Herausgebers  hin. 

179,  23.    f  dehai.    Ein  unnötiger  Eintrag,  da  die  Herausgeber  des 

Thesaurus  selbst  auf  S.  725  ihr  Versehen  verbessert  haben  (P). 

—  25.  lies  dometu  =  dommetu  „Armut".  —  28.  lies  dehennach. 

—  36.  Die  Verbesserung  de'b[l]enaib  steht  schon  CZ  VI  25  zu 
lesen.  —  55.  add.  0  deblladain  co  teora  hlladna,  O'Dav.  706. 

180,  2.    de-hricht  bedeutet  auch  ein  alliterierendes  aus  zwei  Zeilen 

bestehendes  Versmals.  S.  Ir.  T.  III  39,  §  31.  —  39.  Gewiis 
beweisen  die  Reime,  dafs  debrad  kurzes  e  hat.  —  42.  Der 
Dativ  foscud  und  der  Nom.  -//«om  beweisen  nichts  für 
debroth  (P).  —  54.  statt  om  lies  mo. 

181,  12.    debrath  ist  sicherlich  eine  Interjektion.  —  20.  statt  'by 

God's  doom'  lies  'by  God's  doom!'  —  49.  lies  cona  cathaib, 
gairge  regthe,  |  cona  ndebthaige  tria  oibbne.  Ir.  Nen.  252,  3 
ist  dasselbe  Zitat  noch  einmal. 

182,  15.    Hier  wäre  die  Schreibung  dethfa,  Arch.  Ill  296,  n.  4  und 

dethba   Er.  V  22,  23    zu   erwähnen   gewesen.   —   33,   Dafs 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  25 


SSO  KUNO    MEYER. 

de-  nicht  aus  dis-  hergeleitet  werden  kann,  ist  oben  S.  376 
schon  bemerkt  worden  (P). 

186,  44.    Statt  ceti  lies  cethri  —  49.  In  SR  717  ist  decco'ai[b]  zu 

lesen;  vgl  deccraih :  ettlaib,  ib.  6875.  Tochm.  F.  439  liest: 
Qi(  dam  nädeine  deccair  'it  is  something  to  me  which  does 
not  cause  wonder'.  —  56.  Die  Bedeutung  'act  of  wondering', 
die  ich  in  den  Contribb.  angesetzt  habe,  ist  aufrecht  zu 
halten.  Vgl.  z.  B.  dorönsat  slüaig  deccra  de  'the  hosts  mar- 
velled at  it',  Dinds.  Ill  44,  71.  —  61.  dele  deccardrong. 
Dechar-drong  findet  sich  auch  in  Laud  610,  78bl  :  7?/7a5 
dagerbla  dec]iard[r]iiing.   Statt  Ul.  lies  Üluim. 

187,  2.    Lies  on  rigraidh  sin.  —  7.  lies  co  massi.  —  16.  lies  sil.  — 

37.  lies  Beccrach. 

190,  46.    dechair  bedeutet  nicht  'to  follow',  sondern  ist  der  Dat. 

von  decJior,  das  im  Mittelir.  zum  Fem.  geworden  ist.  Das 
Zitat  aus  O'Clerj'  ist  zu  übersetzen:  'a  tale  without  a  poem 
distinguishing  it'.  —  53.  dechardae  gehört  zu  IV  dechor  und 
bedeutet  'distinguished,  excellent'.  —  62.  dechar-drong  be- 
deutet 'full  of  varied'  or  'distinguished  hosts'. 

191,  3.    Lies  dechcng.  —  23.  Wörter  wie  cenc  und  tenc  sind  wenig 
•  wahrscheinliche  Ansätze.  —  60.  add.  toraitliair  A.  dächennaig, 

Immac.  in  da  th.  §  255. 

192,  8.    Lies  dechétfaid  (P).  —  29.  statt  dHérind  lies  Uerenn. 

194,  41.    Lies  sétnad.  —  55.  statt  S.  JDeclman  lies  sanct  Bechnün. 

Statt  'saint'  lies  'priest'. 

195,  4.    Das  cli  in  declion  hat  nicht  u-,   sondern  o-Färbung  (P). 

196,  2.    Add.  Buh-dechon  n.  pr.  m.  Anecd.  III  61,  21.   —   9.   Hier 

hat  Lee.  579  3Iag  Glhine  Bä  Chon;  vgl.  Onom. 

197,  61.    Lies  cona  [n\dechraib.  —  62.  statt  'each  with  his  special 

tribe'  lies  'with  their  differences  in  each  tribe'.  —  64.  statt 
'after  their  separation'  lies  'according  to  their  differences'. 

198,  14.  lies  ndeadhrand.  —  30.  dechra  (altir.  dechrae)  'difference, 

distinction'  von  declior  abgeleitet.  In  dem  Zitat  aus  Rawl. 
könnte  es  auch  der  Acc.  PI.  von  decJior  sein.  —  39.  statt 
Adammair  lies  Ädamra. 

199,  31.    Statt  dechroid  hat  die  Hs.  decroid,  wohl  eine  mittelir. 

Schreibung  für  decrai,  Gen.  Sg.  zu  deccair  'hardship'.  Vgl. 
mör  decrai  y  mör  aingcessa  do  thabairt  form,  LU  131b  16 
(P).  _  50.  lies  210  b  25. 

200,  61.    Add.  'differentiates,  settles'. 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  3S1 

201,  6.    Lies  each  luih  tricc  ticc  tri  a  talmain. 

202,  24.  Add.  3.  decht  n.  'a  saying,  teaching';  vgl.  altir.  tär-dechta, 
EcMra  Connla  (P). 

203,  47.  Lies  dreteJl  —  48.  lies  Leitend  {Letend  BB  203  d  46).  — 
65.  lies  iZecon. 

204,36.  Lies  i)ecZä^^.  Add.  Ded««,  LB  15dl6.  In  der  Brüsseler 
Hs.  5100—4,  S.  4  (Gorm.  S.  VIII)  reimt  es  auf  Beccän.  Mod. 
Díaglán.  —  41.  statt  Sanctiis  lies  sacart.  —  58.  lies  näd 
biad  de  cleithe  Ha  clienel  and  'that  his  race  should  not 
have  a  roof  tree  there  thenceforth'.  Colgan  gibt  de  mit 
'in  posterum'  wieder  (P). 

205,  10.  Lies  n%  had  ecmacht.  —  12.  Eg.  1782,87  b  =  Arch. 
Ill  3,  10. 

206,  27.  Dieser  Eintrag  ist  unter  II  zu  stellen:  7}üana  decmuici 
'desires  that  are  difficult  to  fulfil'.  —  43.  lies  DeocJwn  Aed 
i  Cull  Maine.  —  55.  statt  decraiter  lies  dechraither  wie  in 
col.  199. 

207,  16.  Hier  wäre  die  sprichwörtliche  Redensart  ba  gleitJi  ech 
nDedad,  Anecd.  II  59  zu  erwähnen. 

208,  21.  recartacJia  steht  für  frecartacha.  —  51.  dedail  läfst 
sich  nicht  aus  de  +  deil  erklären;  das  breite  d  spricht 
dagegen.  Es  ist  natürlich  aus  de  und  däil  „Teilen"  zu- 
sammengesetzt (P).  —  64.  add.  deagailt,  CZ IX  172  §  14. 

209,  11.  Lies  drolaibh.  —  13.  lies  hiat.  —  26.  lies  ren  docra.  — 
28.  lies  deaghaiU.  —  41.  lies  ant  anam.  —  46.  dele 
'A  ceasing'  usw.  Wie  der  Reim  auf  genair  zeigt,  handelt 
es  sich  in  dem  Zitat  um  dedail.  —  61.  Was  hier  'at  the 
verse  end'  bedeuten  soll,  verstehe  ich  nicht. 

210,  13.    dedail  ist  keine  vox  nihili,  wie  der  Herausgeber  sagt, 

der  selbst  einen  langen  Eintrag  unter  dedail  bringt.  — 
14.  add.  Dedail  'Daedalus',  CZ  IV  239,  5.  —  44.  Dieser 
Eintrag  hat  wieder  in  einem  irischen  Wörterbuch  nichts 
zu  tun. 

211,  61.    Das   Wort    dedgair  ist  nicht  im   11.  Jahrhundert  aus- 

gestorben, sondern  lebt  noch  heute  in  der  vom  Herausgeber 
bezweifelten  Bedeutung  'quick'.  O'Leary  schreibt  es  diair, 
z.  B.  go  diair  'quickly',  Séadna  762  (B). 

212,  6.    Gegen  dedgarach  ist  nichts  einzuwenden.    Es  ist  regel- 

mäfsig  von  dedgair  abgeleitet  und  bedeutet  'active,  eager'.  — 

25* 


382  KUNO  MEYER, 

53.  lies  Br  eg.  —  57.  Das  Verbum  lautet  altir.  nicht  tnilliä 
sondern  do-sli,  -tuilli  (P). 

213,  10.    Statt   i   tmarcollaih    lies   m   iiar  (=    bar)   collaib.    — 

56.  lies  ool. 

214,  8.    Lies  Eremhuin.  —  47.   deec  kann   nicht  als  Gen.  eines 

Nom.  *dee  {de  +  penh"-')  gelten.  Der/Nom.  war  überhaupt 
nicht  dee,  denn  ein  vorhistorisches  '^dvei-pent-s  kann  un- 
möglich existiert  haben.  Wir  müssen  "^dvei-pen^e  ansetzen, 
das  altir.  nur  "^deic  hätte  geben  können,  deec  ist  übrigens 
nicht  Gen.  Sg.,  sondern  Dual  (P).  —  64.  statt  deec :  ec  lies 
deec  :  rec. 

215,  5.    LL52all  ist  zu  lesen  cök  cet  de[e]c  trichem  tromm.  — 

40.  statt  'ten'  lies  'decimal'.  —  47.  Im  heutigen  Dialekt 
von  Ost-Munster  heifsen  die  Lehrer  déagracJia  (P).  — 
50.  statt  sa  lies  sna. 

216,  17.    FM  A.  D.  1015  handelt  es  sich  um  tene  dediÜ  (B.)  — 

48.  Das  Wort  ist  nicht  schon  im  11.  Jahrhundert  aus- 
gestorben. Der  Herausgeber  führt  Z.  44  selbst  ein  Beispiel 
aus  CCath.  an.  —  50.  LL  357  d  28  hat  mac  Treno  m.  Beeid. 

217,  5.    Add.  deserce,  Arch.  Ill  217,  deaircci  ib.  30,  §  85. 

218,  4.    Lies  móir.  —  5.   lies  risan  déirc  .i.  re  oihrihh  na  tró- 

caire  (B).  —  31.  lies  Trisyllabic. 

219,  6.    Der  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen,    dehhfert  steht  für  deglifert.  — 

41.  lies  de- for  dal.  Das  Wort  ist  ein  E-Stamm  und  enthält 
2  dal  wie  das  mod.  forddil  'act  of  straying'  zeigt  (P). 

220,  54.  déga  steht  nicht  für  décha,  sondern  ist  phonetische 
Schreibung  für  dcca,  Imper.  von  do-eci.  —  62.  Ein  Adj. 
degabal  gibt  es  nicht. 

221,  15.    Es  liegt  kein  Grund  vor,  ein  digaid  mit  kurzem  i  an- 

zunehmen, ^^''ir  haben  nur  die  Formen  d~i-  und  de-.  Kurzes 
i  wäre  nur  im  Hiatus  möglich  (P).  —  36.  add.  Im  östlichen 
Munster  wird  go  deagJiaidh  im  Sinne  von  go  deo  (col.  173,  56) 
gebraucht. 

222,  43.    Lies  huith. 

223,  22.  Add.  Began  o,  n.  pr.  m.  Becc  mac  Began,  LL  393 a 46; 
Becc  m.  Lethdcgäm,  48  b  53.  —  32.  statt  na  liLideda  lies 
Naindedai\  LB  hat  Nindedai.  —  43.  lies  Begen  und  OiiOIT. 

224,  5.  Statt  Bldthchon  lies  Blatchon.  —  13.  BB  144  f  liest 
cenel  Neamongen:  Hui  Mic  Bechill,  Hui  Lahrada,  Hüi 
Balläin  usw.  —  18.  statt  Caiséne  lies  Cascene.  —  21.  statt 


DAS   WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN   AKADEMIE.  383 

Cmndn  lies  Cuman.  —  24.  dele  "father  of  usw.  BB  200b 43 
hat:  no  mac  Beichili.  —  26.  dele  "To  this  Decell'  usw. — 
31.  lies  144  f  25.  —  56.  Stokes  hatte  gewifs  recht  degnech 
als  von  deck-  abgeleitet  aufzufassen.  Die  Endung  -nech 
schreibt  sich  aus  Wörtern  wie  cuimiiech,  toraisnech  usw. 
her.    Vgl.  Thurneysen  §  517  (P). 

Wernigerode,  Kuno  Meyer. 

am  Tage  der  Eroberung-  von  Autwerpeu. 


ZUM  LEBOR  GABALA. 

Van  Harael  hat  auf  Gruud  einer  viel  eingehenderen  Kenntnis 
des  ersten  Teiles  des  Lebor  Gabála,  als  sie  mir  für  meinen  Artikel  i) 
zu  Gebote  stand,  das  Verhältnis  der  verschiedenen  Fassungen 
dieses  Textes  von  neuem  besprochen  ^)  und  ist  dabei  zu  weit  ab- 
weichenden Resultaten  gelangt.  Doch  scheint  mir  eine  Prüfung 
seiner  Beweise  zu  ergeben,  dafs  er  im  Irrtum  ist,  und  dafs  viel- 
mehr ich  im  Wesentlichen  richtig  gesehen  hatte. 

Meinen  —  nur  acht  Seiten  umfassenden  —  Artikel  hat 
freilich  van  Hamel  offenbar  nur  ganz  flüchtig  gelesen,  obschon 
er  mehrfach  dagegen  polemisiert.  Das  zeigt  sich  nicht  nur  in 
der  S.  110  gegebenen,  aber  nachträglich  S.  197  widerrufeneu  An- 
gabe, ich  setze  als  Quelle  ein  lateinisches  liher  occupationis 
voraus.  Da  gerade  meine  Hauptthese  war  (und  ist),  man  könne 
aus  den  beiden  irischen 3)  Fassungen,  die  ich  Bill  und  A 
genannt  habe,  den  ursprünglichen  Wortlaut  des  LG  mühelos 
herstellen,  so  ist  schwer  verständlich,  wie  ein  Leser  auch  niu- 
vorübergehend  zu  jenem  Milsverständnis  kommen  konnte.  Aber 
noch  mehr  fällt  auf,  dafs  van  Hamel  mehrfach  wiederholt,  ich 
hätte  in  der  Fassung  BI  (van  Hamels  Ba)  nur  eine  Kürzung 
von  A  (LL)  gesehen 4).  Ich  gestehe,  dafs  ich  mir  beim  ersten 
Lesen  bestürzt  an  die  Stirn  griff,  ob  ich  mich  denn  wirklich  so 
undeutlich  ausgedrückt  habe.    Aber  meine  Worte  (S.  8)  lauten: 


1)  Zu  ir.  Handschriften  und  Litteraturdenkmälern,  2.  Serie,  S.  3  ff. 

2)  Oben  S.  97  ff. 

3)  Nur  die  paar  ersten,  von  mir  S.  6  abgedruckten  Sätze,  die  gröfsteuteils 
aus  Isid.  Orig.  14,  6,  6  und  9,  2,  103  stammen,  sind  lateinisch,  und  das  sudet 
qui  legat,  womit  sie  schliefsen,  setzt  keinen  sehr  lateinfrohen  Kedaktor  voraus. 

*)  „In  Ba  .  .  Professor  Thurneysen  sees  only  an  abridgement  of  A.  This 
I  do  not  understand"  (S.  98  f.)-  -Jt  is  a  pity  Professor  Thurneysen  has  failed 
to  see  this"  (S.  Ill),  nämlich  dais  BI  ausführlicher  als  A  ist. 


ZUM    LEBOR   GABÁLA.  385 

„Die  Grundlage  (von  B I  =  Ba)  ist  durchaus  Version  A.  Bis  zu 
fol.  83r  (der  Hs.  Eawl.  B.  512)  wird  diese  mannigfach  erweitert 
und  nähert  sich  bereits  dem  Umfang,  den  ihr  dann  Version  C 
gibt.  Aber  nun  ändert  der  Redaktor  plötzlich  sein  Verfahren. 
Etwa  von  Tigernmas  (LLlGb)  an  kürzt  er  gewaltig"  usw.  Da 
van  Hamel  nur  vom  ersten  Teil  handelt,  habe  ich  also  fast  genau 
dasselbe  gesagt  wie  er  (S.  113):  ..The  above  list  shows  that  Ba 
is  in  almost  every  section  more  extensive  than  A".  Das  ist  doch 
sonderbare  Polemik!  —  Noch  ein  Drittes.  Van  Hamel  (S.  99) 
sagt,  man  habe  bisher  die  Hs.  R  (=  Rawl.  B.  512)  „immer  für 
den  Hauptvertreter"  der  Version  Ba  (mein  BI)  angesehen.  Da 
aufser  mir  meines  Wissens  niemand  über  diese  Version  gehandelt 
hat,  so  bin  wohl  auch  hier  ich  gemeint.  Aber  ich  habe  ja  S.  7 
ausdrücklich  bemerkt,  dafs  ich  R  nur  darum  benütze,  weil  mir 
durch  die  Güte  von  Plummer  eine  Abschrift  davon  vorliege.  Als 
„Hauptvertreter"  habe  ich  es  nicht  nur  nie  bezeichnet,  sondern  im 
Gegenteil  auf  die  groisen  Mängel  dieser  Handschrift  besonders  hin- 
gewiesen. Nur  stand  mir  bei  Abfassung  des  Artikels  keine  andere 
im  Wortlaut  zu  Gebote.  Auch  hier  kämpft  also  van  Hamel  gegen 
Luftgebilde.  Übrigens  ist  seine  Angabe  (S.  101.  102)  ungenau, 
die  Unordnung  in  R  beruhe  auf  falscher  Blätterlage  in  dieser 
Handschrift.  Ich  hatte  doch  S.  7  deutlich  bemerkt,  dafs  die 
falsche  Ordnung  auf  fol.  76 r  zeigt,  dafs  schon  die  Vorlage  ver- 
wirrt war.  Schon  deshalb  kann  R  nicht  eine  Kopie  von  S  sein, 
wie  van  Hamel  (S.  102)  meint. 

Die  Aufgabe  des  Nachprüfenden  wird  dadurch  sehr  erschwert, 
dafs  van  Hamel  niemals  auch  nur  eine  Seitenzahl  seiner  Hand- 
schriften anführt,  wieder  der  faksimilierten  noch  der  unedierten.  Es 
kann  also  den  Wert  oder  Unwert  seiner  Argumente  nur  der 
würdigen,  der  sich  selbständig  in  den  Stoff  eingearbeitet  hat^). 
Auch  rächt  sich  wohl  an  van  Hamel.  dafs  er  nur  den  ersten  Teil 


')  Den  Höhepunkt  ungenauen  Zitierens  bildet  wohl  S.  190,  wo  von  einer 
Version  der  Schlacht  auf  Mag  Tuired  die  Rede  ist  „such  as  that  preserved  in 
one  of  the  MSS.  belonging  to  the  Eoyal  Irish  Academy-'.  Xun  geh  und  suche! 
—  Unrichtig  ist  die  Angabe  S.  143,  LL  lese  in  Zeile  11  des  Gedichts:  mac  ßaaith 
»lie  Magoch  wie  R;  vielmehr  hat  es  (LL2a6)  mac  Fattecht  mic  Magoth,  er- 
weist also  die  Lesart  von  Lee.  (Bin)  als  ursprünglich,  die  von  R  als  be- 
deutungslose Korrektur.  —  Wenn  S.  178  Anm.  2  Cormac  §  1265  zitiert  wird, 
sollte  —  wegen  der  Zeitbestimmung  —  bemerkt  werden,  dafs  es  sich  nur  um 
einen  der  Zusatzartikel  im  Yellow  Book  of  Lecan  handelt. 


386  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

des  Textes,  die  eigentlichen  gahála  Erenn  ins  Auge  fafst  mit 
Aussclilufs  der  Listen  der  späteren  Könige;  deren  Berücksichtigung 
hätte  ihm  die  Einsicht  in  die  wahren  Verhältnisse  erleichtert. 

Eine  eigentümliche  Ansicht  hat  van  Hamel  über  die  Er- 
haltung irischer  Handschriften.  Er  glaubt  nämlich,  alle  unsere 
Handschriften  des  LG  seien  direkt  eine  aus  der  anderen  kopiert. 
Wer  sich  aber  irgend  mit  der  Überlieferung  der  irischen  Literatur 
beschäftigt  hat,  weifs,  wie  überaus  selten,  ja  fast  unerhört  es  ist, 
dafs  eine  Kopie  vor  dem  17.  Jahrhundert  auf  eine  erhaltene 
Handschrift  zurück  geht  i).  Das  ist  auch  sehr  begreiflich.  Hand- 
schriften, die  viel  benutzt  werden,  gehen  zugrunde;  nur  solche, 
die  zufällig  längere  Zeit  unbeachtet  abseits  liegen  bleiben,  haben 
Aussicht  auf  ein  höheres  Alter.  Man  vermilst  denn  auch  bei 
van  Hamel  jeden  Schatten  eines  Beweises,  etwa  durch  Nachweis 
gemeinsamer  Fehler  in  Gedichten,  eigentümlicher  Orthographie 
usw.  Ich  bin  einstweilen  überzeugt,  dafs  keine  unserer  Hand- 
schriften direkt,  wohl  auch  indirekt  aus  der  anderen  geflossen 
ist.  Nur  von  O'Clery  will  ich  nicht  bestreiten,  dafs  er  unser 
Book  of  Lecan  benutzt  hat;  ich  kenne  die  Texte  nicht  genau 
genug.  Somit  handelt  es  sich  für  uns  im  Folgenden  nur  um  die 
Abhängigkeit  der  verschiedenen  Fassungen  voneinander,  nicht 
der  einzelnen  Handschriften. 

Unsere  beiden  Thesen  lauten*-): 
1.  Die  meinige:  Das  LG  ist  im  12,  Jahrhundert  unter  König 
Ruadri  (regiert  seit  1156)  spätestens  11683)  entstanden.  Es 
ist  mit  ganz  wenig  Interpolationen  in  B  III  erhalten  (in  Rawl, 
B.  512  und  Lee.  I),  mit  sehr  viel  mehr  Erweiterungen  in  A  (LL). 
Eine  Bearbeitung  —  teils  Erweiterung  teils  Kürzung  —  von  A 
ist  B  I,  das  dann  mit  B  III  (und  B II)  vereinigt  worden  ist. 
Alle  diese  Neuerungen  fallen  zeitlich  unmittelbar  nach  der 
Vollendung  des  Originalwerks. 


1)  Eine  Ausnahme  bildet  wohl  die  Edinburger  Handschrift  des  16.  Jahr- 
hunderts, Nr.  XL,  deren  Mesca  TJlad  vielleicht  —  indirekt  —  aus  LL  geflossen 
ist,  s.  Zu  ir.  Hss.,  2.  Serie,  S.  13.  Ferner  die  Kopie  von  Cormacs  Glossar  im 
Book  of  Hy-Maiue,  die  auf  Laud  610  zurückgeht,  s.  Festschrift  Wiudisch  S.  8  ff. 

-)  Ich  gebrauche  meine  alten  Bezeichnungen  B  I  für  vau  Hamels  Ba, 
Bin  für  sein  Bb.    Mit  BIT  befafst  sich  van  Hamel  nicht. 

3)  Die  andere  Zahl,  1178  (S.  7),  beruhte  auf  dem  Versehen,  das  ich  S.  24 
verbessert  habe. 


ZUM   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  387 

2.  Van  Hamel:  Die  Zeit  der  Entstellung  des  LG  (Urhandschrift  X) 
liegt  zwischen  950 — 1050.  Verhältnismäfsig  am  treusten  gibt 
es  B I  wieder.  A  und  B  III  gehen  zunächst  auf  eine  ältere 
Fassung  0  zurück,  die  aus  dem  ursprünglichen  LG  wesentlich 
durch  Kürzung  entstanden  war.  Wo  Bill  kürzer  ist  als  A, 
beruht  das  auf  nochmaliger  Kürzung.  Daneben  haben  alle 
drei  Versionen  auch  eigene  Erweiterungen  und  Änderungen. 

In  betreff  der  Fassung  C  [in  BB  und  Lee  II 9]  stimmt  dagegen 
van  Hamel  mit  mir  darin  überein,  dais  sie  mit  Benutzung  aller 
älteren  Fassungen  kompiliert  ist.  Über  O'Clery's  Redaktion  (D) 
endlich  gibt  er  zum  ersten  Mal  näheren  Aufschlufs.  Nur  weils 
ich  nicht,  warum  er  sie  S.  119  Cucogry  O'Clery  zuschreibt,  während 
bisher  nach  der  Vorrede-)  Michael  O'Clery  als  Hauptredaktor, 
Cucogry  nur  als  Schreiber  einer  Kopie  gegolten  hat^).  Richtig 
hat  van  Hamel  konstatiert,  dafs  die  Fragmente  von  B  I  in  D.  V.  1 
und  D.  IV.  1  (früher  Stowe  Ms.  994  u.  991)  aneinander  schliefsen 
und  einst  eine  einzige  Handschrift  ausgemacht  haben  —  er  nennt 
sie  S  —  und  zwar  eine  ganz  vorzügliche,  wenn  auch  seine  An- 
nahme, sie  sei  geradezu  die  Urhandschrift  der  Version  B I,  keinerlei 
Wahrscheinlichkeit  hat. 

Ich  beginne  mit  der  Prüfung  der  Frage,  ob  die  Kürze  von 
Bin  gegenüber  A  als  eine  Kürzung  oder  ob  A  als  eine  Er- 
weiterung einer  Bill  nahestehenden  Fassung  (meines  0)  an- 
zusehen ist.  Es  genügt,  glaube  ich,  schon  die  Betrachtung  einer 
einzigen  Stelle,  um  das  letztere  zu  erweisen.  Nach  der  Einleitung 
über  die  Gaidil  heilst  es  als  Beginn  der  eigentlichen  gabdla 

in  Bni:  in  A  (LL4a47): 

Scuirem  ifecJitsa  do  scélaib  na  Sciiirem  ifechtsa  do  scélaib  na 

nGcedel  y  tinntoum  do  athnnniu-  üGcedel,  coro' aisnidem  dona  .uii. 

gudforsna  coic  gabalaih  ro'gabsat  tuathaih  ro'gdbsat  Herind  rempo: 

Herinn,  ut  dicitur:  \       Ro'gah  ém  Cessair  ingen  Betha 

Anno  .Ix.o  aetatis  Ahram  tenuit  m(ic)  Noe  .xl.  la  ria  ndilind. 

Parthol- Iberniam.  Ah  Adam  au-  Partholon  mac  Sera  tri  chet 

tem  .ü.  {milia)  y  .de.  y  .uiii.  anni.  hl-  iar  ndilind*). 

')   Über  das  Book  of  Fermoy  s.  unten  S.  392 ff. 

2)  O'Curry,  Lectures  on  the  Ms.  Materials,  p.  552. 

3)  Ebenda  173. 

*)  Die  Zeitbestimmung-  von  B  III  folgt  in  A  erst  weiter  unl  en  im  Texte 
(LLöall):  Isin  tsescatmad  bl-  aisi  Abrdim  ro'gab  Par(tholón)  llerind. 


)88  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

Nemed  iar  Partol-.  Nemed  mac  Agno-  do  Grecaih 

Fir  Bole  post,  clanna  Dela  Scithia  i  cind  .xxx.  hi-  iar  Par- 
m{ic)  Loith  usw.  thol-. 

Fir  Bolg  iarsain. 

Fir  Domnand  iarsain. 

Galioin  iarsain. 

Tuatlia  De  D.  iar  tain. 

Also  Bill  kennt  nur  fünf  gábála:  Partholón,  Nemed,  Fir  Bolg 
und  die  später  besprochenen  Tuatlia  De  Donann  und  Maie  Miled 
(=  Gadil).  A  zählt  sieben  Stämme  auf,  die  vor  den  Maie  Miled 
Irland  besetzt  haben;  man  könnte  also  von  acht  gabdla  bei  ihm 
sprechen,  obschon  Fir  Domnand  und  Galioin  im  weiteren  Text 
nicht  als  eigentliche  gabcda  behandelt  sind.  Und  das  erste  sollte 
eine  Kürzung  des  zweiten  sein?  Da  mufs  einer  die  Art  der 
mittelalterlichen  Iren  schlecht  kennen,  wenn  er  glaubt,  dafs  einer, 
der  über  die  gahdla  Érenn,  wenn  auch  kurz,  schreiben  will,  so 
vorgeht,  dafs  er  von  den  überlieferten  acht  einfach  drei  und 
darunter  gerade  die  erste  streicht!  Vielmehr  ist  ohne  weiteres 
klar,  dafs  der  Verfasser  von  Bill  von  Cessair  nichts  gewufst 
hat,  so  wenig  wie  Nennius.  Aber  van  Hamel  glaubt,  seine  an 
sich  unwahrscheinliche  Annahme  durch  den  Nachweis  stützen 
zu  können,  dafs  gerade  Bill  auch  Kenntnis  von  Cessair  verrate 
(S.  108  Anm.  1).  Es  handelt  sich  um  die  Unterschrift  des  Teiles, 
der  die  gabdla  enthält.  Sie  lautet  in  A  (LL  14  b  43):  Is  amlaid 
sen  tra  gahsat  Goedil  Herind,  in  C  (BB42a56):  Gaidhil  tra,  is 
amlaigli  sin  ro'ghabhsat  Erind;  T{uatha)  D(e)  D.,  im  Thailltean 
ro'ghabsat  tra.  Dafür  hat  Bill:  Is  amlaid  sin  ro'gab[ad]  II(eriu) 
0  cetgabail  Cesra  co  gabail  mac  Mil{ed).  Diese  Einführung  von 
Cessair  in  die  Unterschrift  hätte  aber  nur  dann  GeAvicht,  wenn 
Bin  für  sich  überliefert  wäre;  es  ist  aber  in  beiden  Hand- 
schriften, die  es  enthalten,  nur  Anhang  von  B I  (und  B II),  welches 
gabdl  Cesra  ausführlich  erzählt.  So  hat  sich  eben  der  Schreiber, 
der  die  Unterschrift  geändert  hat,  nicht  an  das  zuletzt  kopierte 
Textstück  gehalten,  sondern  die  erste  gahdl  aus  der  volleren, 
vorher  kopierten  Erzählung  suppliert.  Für  Cessair  ist,  was  van 
Hamel  nicht  beachtet  hat,  in  B III  überhaupt  kein  Platz,  da  es 
erst  mit  Noahs  Söhnen  und  ihren  Nachkommen  anhebt,  während 
alle  Berichte  von  Cessair  sie  vor  der  Sündflut  nach  Irland 
kommen  lassen.    Eben  darum  hat  A,  als  es  Cessair  nach  anderer 


ZUM  LEBOR  GABÁLA.  389 

Tradition  einführte,  die  Einleitung  geändert  und  mit  der  Er- 
schaffung der  Welt  begonnen. 

Geht  schon  daraus  hervor,  dafs  A  ein  erweitertes  Bill, 
nicht  B  III  aus  einer  A  nahestehenden  Fassung  gekürzt  ist,  so 
spricht  ferner  dafür  deutlich  ein  umstand,  auf  den  ich  schon  in 
meiner  früheren  Abhandlung  (S.  8)  aufmerksam  gemacht  habe, 
über  den  aber  van  Hamel  leicht  hinweggeht.  Die  sämtlichen 
Gedichte  von  Eochaid  ua  Flaind  (f  1004)  finden  sich  nur  in  A, 
nicht  in  B III;  vgl.  A  choemu  cldir  Cuind  cóemfind  LL  5  b  1 
(=  BB  24  a  54),  Togail  Mr  Conaind  co  ngail  LL  7  b  3  (=  BB  29  a  27), 
Heriu  CO  n-uaill  co  n-idnaib  LL  10  b  3  (=  BB  33  a  45),  Toisig  na- 
llohgse  dar  ler  LL  16  a  8,  Ugaine  uallach  awraLL22a9  und  die 
Strofe  Tri  sceir  Herend  ar-canar  LL  22b510,  von  denen  nur  die 
zwei  letzten  in  die  Lücke  unserer  Überlieferung  von  B III  fallen. 
Auch  das  in  Bß36bl0  Eochaid  zugeschriebene  Gedicht:  Estet 
(BS  ecnai  oebind,  in  dem  sich  freilich  der  Dichter  nicht  wie  sonst 
selber  nennt,  wird  nur  in  LL  in  der  Eandnote  18  a  erwähnt. 
Es  wäre  doch  sehr  sonderbar,  dafs  ein  Kürzender  gerade  alle 
diese  Gedichte  nicht  nur,  sondern  auch  die  vorangehenden  Prosa- 
berichte, die  zum  Teil  auf  ihnen  beruhen,  sorgfältig  übersprungen 
haben  sollte.  Vielmehr  scheint  mir  unzweifelhaft,  dafs  der  Ver- 
fasser des  LG  und  der  Eedaktor  von  Bill  diese  um  anderthalb 
Jahrhunderte  älteren  Gedichte  nicht  gekannt  und  verwertet  hat. 

Erklärt  sich  so  alles  glatt,  wenn  man  A  als  Erweiterung 
von  B III  fafst2),  wie  ich  getan  habe,  so  müfste  doch  diese  Ansicht 
aufgegeben  werden,  wenn  B I,  das  die  Überschüsse  von  A  grofsen- 
teils  und  dazu  noch  vieles  andere  enthält,  dem  ursprünglichen 
Text  näher  stände  als  A  und  B  III,  wie  van  Hamel  meint.  Allein 
sein  Beweis  ist  eigentümlicher  Art.  Den  Hauptnachdruck  legt 
er  auf  die  Stammbäume  von  Fenius  Farsaid  (S.  142 ff.),  wo  der 
Tatbestand  folgender  ist.    In  Bill  und  A  heilst  es  nach  einer 


')  Van  Hamel  (S.  115)  hat  das  zweite  übersehen.  Er  nennt  den  Dichter 
Eochu  (S.  lli),  während  dieser  sich  selber  Eochaid  schreibt  (LL  10  b  60  =  BB 
33  b  25,  LL  22  a  30),  und  läist  ihn  1003  statt  1004  g-estorben  sein  (115  Anm.2). 
—  Ohne  Grimd  teilen  O'Clery,  O'Curry  (Manners  a.  Customs  II  HO)  und  Atkinson 
(Einleitung-  zu  LL,  S.  18)  auch  das  Gedicht  Hcriu  oll  ordnit  Gcedil  (LL  6  b) 
Eochaid  zu. 

2)  Die  wenigen  Stellen,  wo  B  III  wirklich  kürzt,  etwa  bei  Genealogien 
u.  ähnl.,  weil  sie  ausführlich  schon  in  B  I  gebracht  worden  waren,  sind  wohl 
immer  durch  die  Worte  >  ut  supra  diximus  gekennzeichnet. 


390  R.  THUBNETSEN, 

Genealogie,  die  Feniiis  Farsaid  (Farsaich)  durch  Baad  und  Magog 
(Magocli)  auf  Japheth  zurückführt  i): 

Bill:  At'herat  araile  conibad  Baad  mac  Ibaid  mic  Goimeir 
mic  lafeth,  7  is  uad  Gaidil  7  fir  na  Scithia,  7  mac  do  Fenius 
Fars{aid).  Da  mac  la  Feinius  Fars{aid)  A.  NenuaP)  forfacaib 
i  flaithius  na  Scithia  dia  eis,  7  Nel  an  mac  ele  7  icon  tur  rucad 
side  usw. 

Dafür  A  (LL2a8):  Baath  indara  mac  Ibath  mic  Gomer 
mic  lafeth,  is  uad  Gcedil  7  fr  na  Scithia.  Mac  do  in  fer  amra 
airegda  diarbo  ainm  Fceniiis  Farsaid.  Is  se  side  indara  toesech 
.Ixx.  do'choid  do  denam  in  tnir  JS^ebróith  usw.  . .  Da  mac  immoro 
bdtar  oc  Foenius  .i.  Noenual  indala  mac  fo'racaib  i  flathius  na 
Scithia  dia  eis,  Nél  in  mac  aile,  icon  tur  rucad  side  usw. 

B I  gibt  einen  anderen  Stammbaum,  der  Fenius  Farsaid 
durch  viele  Zwischenglieder  mit  Baath  mac  Eifaith  Scuit  (Sohn 
von  Gomer)  verbindet  (v.  H.,  S.  142).  Aber  van  Hamel  macht 
S.  144  selber  darauf  aufmerksam,  dafs  auch  der  Redaktor 
von  BI  den  Bericht  A  gekannt  haben  muis,  da  er  hinzusetzt: 
Is  follus  de  sin,  nackraibe  Fenius  hi  cumtach  in  tuir,  mar  at'berat  na 
senchaide  cen  coméiniud  comhai[m]s€raid.  Also  aus  chronologischen 
Gründen  verwirft  er  den  Bericht  A  und  läfst  vielmehr  einen 
Urahn  von  Fenius,  Rifath  Scot,  beim  Turmbau  von  Babel  beteiligt 
sein.  Wie  kann  man  denn  daraus  folgern,  dafs  BI  nicht  eine 
Bearbeitung  von  A  sei,  sondern  das  es  dafs  Original  des  LG 
treuer  "\\aedergebe  als  A?^)  Das  ist  mir  völlig  unverständlich. 
Dafs  auch  der  Stammbaum  in  B I  ein  alter  ist,  indem  er  fast  ganz 
mit  der  versifizierten  Genealogie  übereinstimmt,  die  K.  Meyer ^) 
herausgegeben  hat,  ist  richtig,  hat  aber  mit  unserer  Frage  nichts 
zu  tun.  Denn  alle  Bearbeiter  des  LG  haben  von  allen  Seiten 
her  neue  Quellen  beigezogen,  darunter  häufig  solche,  die  weit 
älter  waren  als  das  ursprüngliche  Lebor  Gabála.  Dessen  Ver- 
fasser hat  ja  natürlich  lange  nicht  alles  gekannt,  was  vor  ihm 
über  die  Urgeschichte  Irlands  gefabelt  und  gedichtet  worden  war, 


')  Sie  ist  in  A  nicht  mehr  leserlich,  nur  der  Schlufs  des  angehängten 
Gedichtes. 

-)   Fienual  Hs. 

')  Vgl.  auch  S.  126:  it  ivas  an  unnecessary  Í7inovation  of  A  to  make 
Fenius  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  hiniself.  Consequently  the  superiority 
of  Ba  (mein  BI)  is  now  established  once  for  all. 

*)  Über  die  älteste  ir.  Dichtung  I  S.  30,  V.36ff. 


ZUM   LEBOR   GABÁLA.  391 

SO  dafs  fast  jeder  Kopist  in  der  Lage  war,  Weiteres  beizufügen. 
Man  darf  nicht  das  Lebor  Gabála,  ein  bestimmtes  literarisches 
Produkt,  mit  den  Fabeleien  über  irische  Vorgeschichte  im  all- 
gemeinen verwechseln,  die  wohl  in  jeder  Klosterbibliothek  wieder 
anders  aussahen,  weil  fast  jeder  senchaid  Altes  und  Xeuerfundenes 
beliebig  mischte  ^).  Die  ganze  Untersuchung  van  Hamels  ist  nun 
dadurch  in  eine  schiefe  Stellung  geraten  und  viele  seiner  Fragen 
von  vornherein  gegenstandslos  geworden,  dafs  er  stets  nach  seinem 
imaginären  X  sucht,  dem  angeblichen  Lebor  Gabála  des  10-11.  Jahr- 
hunderts, während  es  ein  solches  vor  dem  12.  Jahrhundert  gar  nicht 
gegeben  hat2).  Auch  die  Verfolgung  der  Entwicklung  der  irischen 
Urgeschichte  überhaupt  hat  darunter  gelitten.  Es  scheint  mir 
überhaupt  zweifelhaft,  ob  eine  solche  jemals  für  sich  bestanden 
hat,  ob  sie  nicht  seit  jeher  nur  die  Einleitung  zu  den  Stamm- 
bäumen irischer  Fürsten  bildete,  wie  in  den  von  K.  Meyer  ver- 
öffentlichten alten  Genealogien  und  wie  in  unserem  Lebor  Gabála. 
Dafs  das  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  das  zu  den  ältesten  Quellen  gehört, 
auch  Genealogien  enthielt,  ist  bekannt.  Und  wenn  Nennius  die 
irische  Besiedelungsgeschichte  für  sich  bringt,  so  erklärt  sich 
das  wohl  aus  dem  Charakter  seines  für  britannische  Kelten 
bestimmten  Werkchens. 

Sei  dem  wie  ihm  woUe,  die  Untersuchung  wird  sich  noch 
über  eine  weitere  Strecke  an  bestimmte  Daten  halten  können, 
als  bei  van  Hamel  geschehen  ist.  Den  Ausgangspunkt  bilden, 
aufser  den  alten  Genealogien,  die  Zitate  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
(8.  Jahrh.  ?)  und  die  Historia  Brittonum  des  Nennius  (c.  826). 
Daran  schliefst  sich  Mael  Muru  Othna  (fSST),  der  Saltair  na 
Eann  V.  3993— 4012  (gedichtet  987),  Eochaid  ua  Flaind  (f  100-1), 
Flann  Mauistrech  (f  1056),  der  in  seinem  Gedicht:  Ésiicl  a  eolchu 


^)  Sonderbar  ist  auch  die  Ansicht,  Gomer  werde  darum  als  Stammvater 
der  Iren  betrachtet,  weil  Isidor  (Orig.  9,  2,  26)  sage:  Gomer  ex  quo  Galatae 
.i.  Galli,  und  weil  die  Iien  sich  als  nahe  Verwandte  der  Gallier  gefühlt 
hätten  (S.  142.  173).  Sie  hätten  also  den  keltischen  Sprachstamm  schon  vor 
tausend  Jahren  herausgefunden  gehabt!  Wie  kommt  es  dann  aber,  dafs  sie 
jeden  Ausländer  beliebiger  Herkunft  Gall  nennen?  Vielleicht  darf  man  eher 
annehmen,  dafs  der  Stammvater  Gomer  daher  rührt,  dafs  Orosius  (S.  173) 
Brigantia,  nach  der  Sage  die  Mutterstadt  der  Iren,  als  Gallaeciae  ciuitas  be- 
zeichnet. Ein  alter  Genealoge  mag  Gallaecia  und  Galatae  .i.  Galli  vermengt  haben. 

'^)  Z.B.  kann  man  nicht  fragen,  ob  von  den  Stammbäumen  auf  S.  142 
a  oder  b  ursprünglich  sei.  Beide  gehören  schon  dem  ursprünglichen  LG 
an.    Und  so  öfters. 


392  R.  THURNEYSEN. 

cen  on  die  Tuatha  De  Danann  sich  gegenseitig  umbringen  läfst; 
Gilla  Coemain  (f  1072)  mit  seinem  Gedicht:  Goedel  Glass  o'tdt 
Gcedü;  dann  die  ursprüngliche  Form  des  Lebor  Gabála  (zwischen 
1156 — 1168),  um  nur  sicher  Datiertes  zu  nennen.  Ergänzend 
treten  andere  Gedichte  hinzu,  die  in  B III  und  A  zitiert  werden, 
also  älter  sind  als  LG,  auch  die  sonst  überlieferten  Genealogien. 
Ferner  wäre  das  zeitliche  Verhältnis  des  LG  zu  Auraiccecht 
klarzulegen,  von  dem  van  Hamel  nicht  spricht. 

Die  ganz  sekundäre  Eolle,  die  er  B  III  —  dem  getreusten 
Zeugen  des  Ursprünglichen  —  zuweist,  läCst  ihn  diese  Quelle 
etwas  zu  sehr  vernachlässigen.  So  übersieht  er  S.  170,  dafs  die 
Namen  von  Eriraons  und  Ebers  Söhnen  in  Lee.  II  sich  schon  in 
BIII  finden,  in  einem  in  A  fehlenden  Abschnitt:  Äs'berat  araile 
macu  la  JiEhir  fon  indas  [s]a  .^.  Caur,  Capa,  Corann,  Etor,  Airh, 
Airhi;  .ui.  aili  la  Eremon  A.  Aann,  Edenn,  Aine,  Cathiair,  Cacher, 
Cerna.    In  Lee.  II  ist  nur  CaiM  durch  Conmcel  verdrängt. 

Es  ist  nicht  meine  Absicht,  weiter  auf  den  Aufsatz 
van  Hamels  einzugehen,  der  in  den  Analysen  und  Übersichten 
der  verschiedenen  Versionen  und  auch  sonst  gewifs  manches 
Dankenswerte  bietet.  Nur  auf  das  Book  of  Fermoy  (F)  und  auf 
Gin  Dromma  Snechta  möchte  ich  noch  kurz  zu  sprechen  kommen, 
indem  hier  van  Hamel  wertvolles  Neues  zutage  gefördert  hat. 
Bei  meinem  Aufenthalt  in  Irland  hatte  ich  von  den  Zitaten  aus 
Gin  Dromma  Snechta  im  LG  nur  das  gekannt,  das  ich  Zu  ir.  Hss. 
S.  23  als  Nr.  4  bezeichnet  habe,  und  habe  daher  nur  nach  ihm 
in  den  verschiedenen  Handschriften  gesucht.  Da  ich  es  aufser 
in  F  nur  in  der  Redaktion  C  (BB  und  Lee.  II)  fand,  habe  ich 
die  Vermutung  ausgesprochen,  das  Fragment  F  möchte  die  älteste 
Gestaltung  dieser  Version  darstellen  (2.  Serie,  S.  8).  Van  Hamel 
zeigt  nun  (S.  107),  dafs  F  zwar  auch  Einschub  5  enthält  und 
vermutlich  Einschub  6  im  verlorenen  Teil  enthalten  hat  (S.  118), 
dafs  man  aber  darum  doch  kein  Recht  hat,  F  zur  Version  C  zu 
zählen,  da  es  viel  näher  bei  A  steht,  und  da  sich  die  meisten 
seiner  Überschüsse  auch  in  der  Textgestalt  B  I  finden.  Besonders 
wichtig  ist  aber  sein  Nachweis,  dafs  schon  gewisse  Handschriften 
der  Version  B  I  Einschübe  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  kennen,  und 
dafs  ich  einen  derselben  auch  in  Version  C  übersehen  habe  (S.  119). 
In  BB  24  b  53  (Version  C)  steht  nämlich  am  Rande:  A  cin  Droma 
Snechta  in  heg  so  sis;   und  der  Abschnitt  lautet:   Ceithri  maic 


ZUM  LEBOR  GABÁLA.  393 

Parrtholon  ro'cetroindsiuä  Erind  ar  thus  .i.  ^r,  OrJiha,  Feargna, 
Feron.  Bohadar  ceathrar  a  comhanmand  sin  ag  macaibh  Mi- 
leadh  7  ni  Mad  fein.  Ota  Ath  Cliath  Laighean  go  hAileacli  Neid 
as  i  roind  ^r  sin.  0  Ath  Cliath  cetna  co  hAilean  Ar  da  Nei- 
mheadh  [roind  Orhha  andsin].  ^)  On  Ailean  co  hAth  Cliath  Meadh- 
roighe  roind  Fearoin.  On"^)  Ath  Cliath  sain  co  hAileach  Neid  roind 
Feargna  isidein  {?).  Conadh  amlaigh  sin  ro'cedroindid  Ern,  am(aT) 
as'lert  in  file:  Ceathrar  mac  ha  gribdha  glor  usw.  (sieben  Strofen). 
Nicht  die  ganze  Stelle  ist  natürlich  dem  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
entnommen;  mindestens  der  zweite  Satz  ist  hinzugefügt  worden, 
weil  in  dieser  späteren  Zeit  Aer,  Orba,  Feron  und  Fergna  viel- 
mehr für  Söhne  von  Eber  mac  Miled  galten,  vgl.  LL12bl5 
=  BB38b45  und  BB171a4. 

Diese  Stelle  führt  nun  aber  van  Hamel  (S.  118  f.)  zu  einem 
äufserst  kühnen  Schlufs.  Sie  findet  sich  ebenso  schon  in  der  Hs. 
S  der  Version  B  I,  aber  ohne  die  Randnote,  also  ohne  die  Quellen- 
angabe. Somit,  meint  van  Hamel,  stammt  diese  vom  Schreiber 
von  BB,  und  dieser  hat  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  noch  selber  gekannt. 
Man  denke:  alle  vier  Einschübe  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  hat 
er,  so  viel  wir  sehen,  wörtlich  aus  älteren  Handschritten  des  LG 
übernommen;  nur  diese  philologische  Notiz  soll  von  ihm  selber 
herrühren!  Hat  das  denn  irgend  eine  Wahrscheinlichkeit?  Das 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  enthielt  noch  weitere  Angaben  über  die 
irische  Vorgeschichte.  3)  Wie  sonderbar,  dafs  er  davon  nichts 
bringt,  sondern  gerade  nur  das,  was  schon  Frühere  exzerpiert 
hatten!  Es  ist  vielmehr  ohne  weiteres  klar,  dafs  es  ältere  Hand- 
schriften vom  LG  gegeben  haben  mufs,  die  auch  die  Randnote 
enthielten,  und  dafs  diese  nur  von  S  oder  seiner  Vorlage  weg- 
gelassen worden  ist,  zumal  in  einem  zweiten  Fall  genau  dasselbe 
geschehen  ist. 

Dafs  nämlich  S  auch  den  Einschub  Nr.  4  gekannt  hat,  was 
van  Hamel  entgangen  ist,  geht  aus  seinem  Zitat  S.  100  (Nr.  3,  b) 
hervor.  Dort  fügt  S  zu  dem  Bericht,  dafs  Ceasair  als  erste 
Irland  besetzt  habe,  hinzu:  As'berat  araile  combad  Banba  ainm 
na  hingine  sin  ro'gab  Frind  ria  ndilind  7  comad  uaithi  no'beth 
Banba  for  Erind.     Wie   man   sieht,   ist  das   wörtlich   der  Satz 


*)  Am  Rande. 

^)  Adon  Handschrift,  vielleicht  otha  an  oder  and.  On  zu  lesen. 

^)  Siehe  Zu  irischen  Handschriften,  S.  25,  Nr.  9. 


394  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

aus  Cín  Dromma  Sneclita,  Nr.  4:  Is  ed  as-hert  lehar  Droma  Snechta 
comad  Banba  aimn  na  cetingine  ro'gab  Erinn  ria  ndilind  y  comad 
uaithi  no-hetli  Banba  for  Erinn,  nur  wiederum  mit  Unterdrückung 
der  Quellenangabe.  Hier  wird  aber  die  Quelle  in  F,  BB  und 
Lee.  II  genannt,  ist  also  nicht  erst  von  BB  beigefügt  worden. 
Danach  zweifle  ich  nicht,  dafs  S  oder  vielmehr  sein  Prototyp  weiter 
auch  Einschub  6  gekannt  hat  und  ihn  nur  für  seine  Darstellung 
nicht  hat  gebrauchen  können.  Denn  die  vier  Einträge  aus  Cin 
Dromma  Snechta  rühren  doch  wohl  sicher  von  demselben  Be- 
arbeiter her. 

In  der  Hs.  Lee.  I  der  Version  B I  ist  dieser  ganze  Teil  nicht  er- 
halten; sie  würde  aber,  wie  van  Hamel  mit  Recht  annimmt, 
gewifs  wie  S  lesen,  da  sie  sonst  ganz  mit  diesem  übereinstimmt. 
Dagegen  Rawl.  B.  512  kennt  keinen  dieser  Einträge.  Weil  es 
gekürzt  hat,  meint  van  Hamel.  Das  kommt  mir  nicht  sehr  wahr- 
scheinlich vor,  obschon  ich  nicht  leugnen  will,  dais  R  gelegentlich 
Kürzungen  zeigt  (auch  aufser  der  Auslassung  aller  Gedichte). 
Eher  stellt  es  die  Redaktion  B  I  vor  den  Interpolationen  aus 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  dar.  In  der  vierten  Hs.  von  B  I  endlich, 
in  D.  IV.  3,  fehlt  der  Eintrag  Nr.  5  und  der  oben  S.  392  f.  gedruckte 
gleichwie  in  R  (S.  104).  Wenn  die  kurze  Notiz  bei  van  Hamel 
(S.  103  unten):  „Ceasair  =  S"  buchstäblich  zu  nehmen  ist,  würde 
sie  dagegen  das  Exzerpt  aus  Eintrag  Nr.  4  wie  S  (S.  100,  3  b) 
enthalten.    In  diesem  Fall  müfste  sie  eine  Mischhandschrift  sein. 

Auch  bei  F  bin  ich  nicht  ganz  sicher,  van  Hamel  genau 
zu  verstehen.  Es  enthält  Eintrag  Nr.  4,  5  und  kann  einst,  wie 
oben  bemerkt,  6.  enthalten  haben.  Ob  der  vierte,  oben  S.  392f. 
gedruckte  fehlt,  ist  nach  van  Hamels  Worten  (S.  119)  nicht  ganz 
deutlich.  1)  Ist  es  der  Fall,  so  würde  eine  spezielle  Kürzung  von 
F  vorliegen.  Jedenfalls  nimmt  diese  Handschrift  eine  besondere 
Stellung  ein.    Da  sie  einige  der  Erweiterungen  von  B  I  enthält, 


1)  „LB  (=  BB)  has  a  short  x>assage  on  the  division  of  Ireland  by 
Partholon's  sons.  It  also  occurs  in  Sa  .  .  .  But  in  a  marginal  note  in  LB 
we  are  told  that  the  j^ff^sage  is  based  on  the  Lebor  Dromma  Snechta.  F  omits 
it,  though  the  whole  Gabdil  Partholoin  is  preserved  in  that  Ms."  Das  it  ist 
nach  dem  Zusammenhang  wohl  eher  auf  the  passage  als  auf  a  marginal  note 
zu  beziehen.  Zweifelhaft  macht  das  freilich  die  Notiz  S.  106  (Nr.  4  a),  F  ent- 
halte a  short  tract  oti  the  division  of  Ireland  by  Partholon's  sons.  Steht 
also  doch  die  ganze  Stelle  in  F,  und  hat  sie  van  Hamel  hier  nur  nicht  als 
Zitat  aus  Lebor  Dromma  Snechta  bezeichnet,  weil  es  die  Hs.  nicht  tut? 


ZUM    LEBOR    GABÁLA.  395 

aber  nicht  alle,  zeigt  sie,  dafs  zwischen  A  und  B  I  Zwischen- 
glieder lagen,  auf  deren  eines  sie  zurückgeht.  Eine  Kopie  eines 
dieser  Zwischenglieder  hatte  die  vier  Einträge  aus  Cin  Dromma 
Snechta  aufgenommen  und  liegt  nicht  nur  F  zugrunde,  sondern 
ist  auch  von  einem  Kopisten  der  B  I -Version  beigezogen  worden, 
nämlich  von  demjenigen,  der  die  Vorlage  von  S  und  Lee.  I 
geschrieben  hat.  So  sehen  wir,  dais,  nachdem  einmal  durch  0 
der  Kern  geschaffen  war,  ringsum  Neubearbeitungen  wie  Pilze 
aufschössen. 

Ich  bedaure  jetzt,  mir  von  B  III  nur  die  Sinnvarianten  zu  A, 
nicht  auch  alle  blofsen  Wortvarianten  genau  notiert  zu  haben. 
Sonst  könnte  ich  durch  Abdruck  des  hergestellten  0  künftiger 
Forschung  über  das  LG  eine  bequemere  Handhabe  bieten.  Aber 
ich  hielt  damals  eine  Ausgabe  aller  Versionen  von  LG  von 
anderer  Seite  für  nahe  bevorstehend. 

Bonn.  R.  Thurneysen. 


Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  26 


NOCHMALS    FLANN   MANISTRECHS    GEDICHT 
RÉDIG  DAM  USW. 


Oben  S.  273  habe  ich  bemerkt,  dafs  die  chronologischen 
Angaben,  die  Flann  in  seiner  Versifizierung  von  Bedas  Chronica 
macht,  nicht  stimmen,  wenn  man  deren  Schlufs,  das  neunte 
Regierungsjahr  Kaiser  Leos  IH.,  ins  Jahr  725  n.  Chr.  setzt,  dafs 
sie  dagegen  stimmen  würden,  wenn  man  annehmen  dürfte,  Flann 
habe  irrigerweise  jenes  Schlufsjahr  dem  Jahre  712  n.  Chr. 
gleichgesetzt.  Erst  nachträglich  sehe  ich,  dafs  diese  Annahme 
völlig  berechtigt  ist.  Die  Ulster  Annalen  a.  711  (=  712)  und 
Tigernachs  Annalen  (Rev.  Celt.  17,  223)  haben  zu  diesem  Jahr 
die  Notiz:  Beda  fecit  lihrmn  magnum.  MacNeill  (Eriu  7,  76 f.) 
hat  geglaubt,  damit  sei  die  703  vollendete  Schrift  Bedas 
De  temporihus  (De  natura  rerum)  gemeint,  von  der  viel- 
leicht um  712  eine  Handschrift  nach  Irland  gelangt  sei.  Doch 
war  die  Annahme  schon  darum  künstlich,  weil  jene  Annalen 
noch  Kaiser  nennen,  die  nach  703  regiert  haben,  so  dafs 
diese  nachträglich  ergänzt  sein  müfsten.  Vielmehr  ist  jetzt 
unzweifelhaft,  dafs  mit  dem  l/ber  magnus  eben  die  Chronica 
gemeint  sind.^)  Und  so  verstehen  wir,  weshalb  auch  Flann 
ihren  Schlufs  ins  Jahr  712  setzte;  es  war  die  bei  den 
irischen  Klostergelehrten  herrschende  Anschauung.  Und  da 
er  nach  eigener  Angabe  344  Jahre  später  gedichtet  hat,  hat 
er  sein  Gedicht  im  Jahr  1056,  seinem  Todesjahr,  verfafst 
oder  vollendet. 


1)  Dafs  der  letzte  Kaiser,  dessen  volle  Regierungszeit  Beda  nennt, 
Theodosius  III.,  in  den  Annalen  erst  acht  Jahre  später  erscheint,  gehört  zu 
den  vielen  Verwirrungen  in  diesen  Geschichtsquellen.  Vgl.  Teodorus  anno 
uno  AU  719  =  Tigern.,  Rev.  Celt.  17,  227. 


NOCHMALS    FLANN   MANISTRECHS  GEDICHT:    RÉDIG  DAM  USW.     397 

Ich  brauche  also  kaum  noch  zu  betonen,  dafs  wir  nicht 
mehr  von  einem  ^synchronism  dated  72V  sprechen  dürfen,  wie 
das  Mac  Neill  noch  oben  S.  96  tut,  und  dafs  wir  nicht  mehr 
annehmen  dürfen,  um  712  sei  eine  Redaktion  der  gemeinsamen 
Quelle  jener  Annalen  vorgenommen  worden  (Eriu  7,  1061);  es 
kann  dies  frühestens  nach  der  Vollendung  von  Bedas  Chronica 
(725)  geschehen  sein,  kann  aber  auch  viel  später  fallen. 

Bonn.  R.  Thurneysen. 


2G* 


MISCELLEN. 


1.  (^uaiititierender  Grleichklaug  in  der  dritten  Stroplienzeile 
irischer  Gediclite. 

In  seiner  Abhandlung  „Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und 
Literaturdenkmälern",  Ser.  II,  S.  24  gibt  Thurneysen  meine  Be- 
hauptung zu,  dafs  im  Ausgang  der  ersten  Verse  irischer  Ge- 
dichte, in  denen  die  Langzeilen  reimen,  quantitierender  Gleich- 
klang (Assonanz)  herrschen  mufsi),  will  aber  diese  Regel  für 
den  dritten  Vers  nicht  gelten  lassen.  Wenn  ich  ihn  recht  ver- 
stehe, so  verlangt  er  hier  durchaus  Konsonanz.  Nun  leugne  ich 
nicht,  dafs  dies  bei  besonders  künstlichen  Gedichten,  wie  z.  B, 
Félire  Óingusso  der  Fall  ist  2).  Aber  auch  da  genügt  Konsonanz 
allein  nicht;  das  Wort  muls  in  der  Quantität  beider  Silben  mit 
dem  Reimwort  übereinstimmen.  In  der  grofsen  Mehrzahl  der 
uns  erhaltenen  Gedichte  genügt  das  letztere;  dies  aber  ist  un- 
umgänglich notwendig.  Fehlt  es,  so  muis  es  durch  Reim  des 
Ausganges  mit  einem  Worte  im  Innern  des  vierten  Verses  er- 
setzt werden,  wie  das  ja  auch  im  Félire  der  Fall  ist. 

Um  jeden  Zweifel  an  der  Richtigkeit  dieser  Aufstellungen 
zu  bannen,  wird  es  angebracht  sein,  eine  gröfsere  Reihe  von 
Beispielen  anzuführen.  Das  Gesetz  ist  deshalb  so  wichtig,  weil 
es  uns  nicht  selten  in  den  Stand  setzt,  die  richtige  Lesart 
festzustellen. 


')  Fehlt  dieser,  wie  z.B.  Fei.  Prol.  329  und  333,  so  gilt  die  Strophe 
als  écubaid  „unharmoniscli".  Als  solche  (can  écuibdiiis)  wird  demgemäfs 
erstere  in  der  Liste  von  trefocuil  in  LL  37  b  angeführt. 

*)  Stokes  hat  dies  nicht  beachtet,  sonst  hätte  er  z.  B.  Apr.  10  statt 
subach  mit  R^BLF  subaid  gesetzt,  das  der  Dichter  hier  neben  subach  Prol.  100, 
Apr.  2  anwendet. 


MISCELLEN.  399 

In  Saltair  na  Bann  haben  wir  ein  in  rannaigecJit  dialtach 
abgefafstes  Gedicht  von  48  Strophen  (CLII),  von  denen  41 
durchaus  so^Yohl  im  Ausgang-  des  ersten  wie  des  dritten  Verses 
quantitierenden  Gleichklang  aufweisen,  was  doch  kein  blofser 
Zufall  sein  kann.  Das  Bestreben,  die  Zeilen  entweder  mit  lang- 
oder  mit  kurzsilbigen  Wörtern  zu  schlief  sen,  tritt  vielmehr 
deutlich  hervor.  Da  das  Gedicht  auch  sonst  mit  Binnenreimen 
durchsetzt  ist  (breccad),  so  spricht  es  nicht  gegen  unser  Gesetz, 
dafs  auch  das  Ausgangswort  des  dritten,  ja  häufig  auch  des 
ersten  Verses  auf  ein  Wort  in  dem  folgenden  reimt.  Als  Ver- 
besserungen ergeben  sich  7887/8  düih  :  guir  und  8014/5  ist 
zu  lesen: 

each  du  dia  duilib  atä        ös  hith  halcc  hladmar  frim  re. 

Ein  anderes  in  demselben  Metrum  abgefafstes  Gedicht,  welches 
LB  108  b  steht,  weist  in  18  Strophen  keine  einzige  Ausnahme 
auf.  Es  ist  eben  mit  strenger  Beobachtung  aller  metrischen 
Gesetze  gebaut,  wie  denn  auch  z.  B.  die  Bindung  der  einzelneu 
Strophen  miteinander  durchgeführt  ist. 

Die  von  J.  O'Neill  herausgegebene  Begula  Alhei  (Ériu 
III  96  ff.)  befolgt  das  Gesetz  in  38  Strophen.  In  Str.  4  ist  mit 
AI  dóini  zu  lesen;  Str.  7  dergnech  und  Str.  41  ossaic  ocus  indlat 
döib  I  la  dergud  cen  brön. 

Viele  gute  Beispiele  finden  sich  im  dritten  Bande  von 
E.  Gw\'nns  Ausgabe  des  „Metrical  Dindsenchas ",  so  z.  B.  ein 
Gedicht  von  Cinäed  üa  hArtacäin  auf  S.  104  ff.,  wo  von  21  Strophen 
der  Gleichklang  im  dritten  Verse  nur  in  vieren  fehlt,  die  ihn 
durch  Reim  ersetzen:  -peitted  : -eper  11/12,  lesi :  lesi  31/32,  tel- 
cJiaind  :  Cremthaind  39'40,  buada  :  rUada  63/64. 

Ein  Gedicht  in  18  Strophen  mit  nur  drei  Ausnahmen  (27/28, 
43/44,  47/48)  steht  auf  S.  120  ff.  Ein  anderes  von  ebenfalls 
18  Strophen  mit  sechs  Ausnahmen  auf  S.  216  ff.  Hier  ist  die 
zweite  Strophe  so  zu  lesen: 

Dagmacc  Neu  maicc  Indui        co  nglangart  ba  hAlldäi 
niaicc  Thait  as  mac  Tabuirn        co  ramuirn^  co  rabläi. 

Ein  Gedicht  von  11  Strophen  in  rannaigecJit,  welches  Mar- 
strander  in  Ériu  V  244  herausgegeben  hat,  weist  nur  zwei 
Ausnahmen  auf  (Str.  2  und  6).     An  Besserungen  ergeben  sich 


400  KUNO   MEYER, 

Z.  231  caem  a  chrutJi;  233  mar  tür\  244  mör  cell;  aufserdem 
236  d'Ultaib  und  245  ro-espa  a  did  ec  do  sand. 

Auf  S.  29Gff.  des  „Metrical  Dindseiichas"  haben  wir  ein  in 
rindard  verfafstes  Gedicht  von  17  Strophen  mit  nur  fünf  Aus- 
nahmen (11/12,  35/36,  39/40,  43/44,  47/48);  auf  S.  408  ein  anderes 
in  demselben  Metrum,  wo  sich  in  sechs  Strophen  nur  eine  Aus- 
nahme findet  (15/16). 

In  Ériu  V  232  hat  Marstrander  ein  Gedicht  in  rindard  ab- 
gedruckt (vgl.  CZ  YIII 108),  in  welchem  wir  durch  Beobachtung 
unseres  Gesetzes  wieder  mehrere  Lesarten  richtigstellen  können. 
In  Z.  16  ist  äige,  Z.  20  gräige,  Z.  24  äthnai  oder  näthe  und  in 
Z.  28  srötha  (nicht  fätha)  zu  lesen. 

Als  Beispiel  von  declinad  möge  ein  von  Bergin  in  Anec- 
dota  I  47  ff.  herausgegebenes,  Flann  mac  Lonäin  zugeschriebenes 
Gedicht  dienen,  welches  in  26  Strophen  keine  einzige  Ausnahme 
enthält.  Freilich  bedarf  es  mehrfacher  Verbesserungen.  So  müssen 
die  Ausgangsworte  der  ersten  Strophe  lauten  Enscaig  :  gleüd  : 
hiüd :  deiid,  und  der  Ausgang  des  ersten  Verses  in  Str.  6  (co  hie- 
acJita  Y,  comhJeSiChta  D)  ist  wohl  korrupt,  da  ferach  (sie  leg.) : 
cJwemna  :  -scerad  ein  Wort  mit  langer  Paenultima  erheischen. 

Diese  Beispiele  werden  genügen.  Ich  glaube  danach  wieder- 
holen zu  dürfen,  dafs  wer  Gedichte  in  den  angeführten  und  ihnen 
verwandten  Versmafsen  durchmustert,  bei  guten  Dichtern  das  Be- 
streben erkennen  Avird,  auch  im  dritten  Verse  quantitierenden 
Gleichklang  des  Ausganges  durchzuführen.  Das  beweist  auch 
die  oft  gesuchte  Wahl  des  Wortes  und  die  gekünstelte  Diktion 
(cheville)  gerade  an  dieser  Stelle. 


2.   Tätowieruug  bei  den  Iren. 

In  den  Mitteilungen  aus  Zimmers  Nachlafs  (Zeitschr.  IX) 
findet  sich  auf  S.  103  ein  Satz,  worin  der  verstorbene  Gelehrte 
die  Ansicht  ausspricht,  dafs  das  Bemalen  des  Körpers  bei  Britten 
und  Iren  auf  die  Sitte  des  Tätowieren s  bei  den  Urbewohnern 
zurückgeht.  Es  läfst  sich  nun  nachweisen,  dafs  wenigstens  die 
Iren  sich  gelegentlich  auch  noch  tätowierten,  und  zwar  noch  im 
9.  Jahrhundert. 

In  Cormacs  Glossar  heilst  es  zu  dem  Worte  ferenn  „Gürtel"  — 
ich  zitiere  nach  dem  Buch  der  Hüi  Maine,  dessen  Bedeutung  für  die 


MISCELLEN.  401 

Text  Überlieferung  Thurneysen  soeben  ins  rechte  Licht  gesetzt  hat^): 
Feirenn  .i.  id  hiis  im  colpdai  fir,  in  c[u\iiis  nice  crechtliir  id  crechtha 
im  cJiolbdu,  d.  h.  „ein  Band  um  das  Schienbein  eines  Mannes,  an 
dessen  Statt  ein  tätowiertes  Band  um  das  Schienbein  tätowiert 
wird".  Das  Verbum  crechaim  bedeutet  nach  den  einheimischen 
Glossaren  „stigmatize,  mark,  sear",  das  Nomen  crechaireclit  wird 
mit  „sculpture"  wiedergegeben.  Auf  den  menschlichen  Körper 
angewandt  wäre  das  „tätowieren";  an  bloises  Bemalen  ist  nicht 
zu  denken.  Es  handelt  sich  also  um  eine  Tätowierung  in  Ge- 
stalt eines  Bandes  oder  Gurtes  statt  eines  wirklichen  um  das 
Schienbein,  d.  h.  wohl  über  der  Wade  dicht  unter  dem  Knie,  da 
wo  heutzutage  der  Hosenbandorden  getragen  wird. 

Diese  Stelle  bei  Cormac  steht  nun  nicht  allein.  In  dem 
von  Frl.  A.  Power  in  Anecdota  Y  22  abgedruckten  Texte,  den 
sie  „The  Caldron  of  Poesy"  nennt,  werden  dem  Dichter  Amargen 
die  Epitheta  glungel,  gairglas,  grellath  (i.  e.  grenn-liath  „grau- 
bärtig")  beigelegt.  Hier  wird  gairglas  folgendermafsen  erklärt: 
colpa  larna  crechad  nö  icatä  in  colpa  glas  larna  crechad,  d.  h. 
„ein  tätowiertes  Schienbein  oder  einer,  der  ein  blau  tätowiertes 
Schienbein  hat".  Da  hier  die  blaue  Farbe '-^)  erwähnt  wird, 
handelt  es  sich  gewifs  um  Tätowierung  mit  Waid  (ir.  glaissin)  ^), 
das  ja  auch  die  Britten  zum  Bemalen  des  Körpers  benutzten. 


3.   Die  Leibeslänge  Cliristi. 

In  der  Handschrift  Eawl.  B  512  findet  sich  auf  fol.  52  b  2 
folgender  Eintrag: 

Is  he  so  tomus  cuirp  Christ  arna  gabä<7  ó  ChonsantTn 
impe/-  .i.  in  missür  so  this  do  t[h]omus  se  hüaire  dec  7  is  e  sin 
fad  cuirp  Christ.  An  lä  dochlfe  tu  in  tomhus  so  nl  fuige  tu 
bás  obann  7  blaid  Isu  subach  romat  7  ni  urc[h]öidighend  an 
diabaZ  duit  an  lá  sin  7  c. 


1)   S.  Festschrift  für  Windisch,  S.  9. 

-)  glas  könnte  freilich  auch  „grün"  oder  „grau"  bedeuten.  Ir.  T.  III  72,  23 
wird  ein  mit  Waid  gefärbter  Mantel  go^~tn  „dunkelblau"  genannt. 

')  Im  Glossar  zu  Betha  Colmdin  habe  ich  den  Nom.  glaissen  angesetzt, 
der  in  dem  dort  angeführten  Kompositum  glaisen-gort  vorzuliegen  scheint. 
Andererseits  reimt  Ir.  T.  III  72,  23  der  Mom.  glaissbi  auf  Caissil. 


^02  KUNO   MEYER,    MIgCELLEN. 

„Dies  ist  das  Körpermafs  Christi,  wie  es  von  Kaiser  Kon- 
stantin g-enommen  wurde:  nämlich  man  messe  das  hier  unten 
befindliche  Mafs  sechzehnmal,  dann  hat  man  die  Körperlänge 
Christi.  Am  Tage  wo  du  dies  Mafs  siehst  wirst  du  keines 
plötzlichen  Todes  sterben  und  an  dem  Tage  wird  Jesus  dir 
freundlich  sein  und  der  Teufel  dir  keinen  Schaden  tun." 

Es  ist  dann  eine  Linie  gezogen,  die  nicht  ganz  12  cm  lang 
ist,  so  dafs  danach  die  Leibeslänge  Christi  sich  auf  ungefähr 
1,90  m  belaufen  würde. 

^^rlin-  KuNo  Meyer. 


ZUR  IRISCHEN  ETYMOLOGIE  UND  WORl^KUNDE. 


l.    Ogom  CI  „hier". 

Neben  regelmäfsigem  COI  „hier",  das  Marstrander  selir 
einleuchtend  als  Ablautform  zum  altirischen  cé  „hier"  (aus  idg-. 
*Jcei)  erklärt  hat  (Eriu  V 144),  kommt  auch  gelegentlich  in 
derselben  Bedeutung  die  Form  CI  vor.  Marstrander  hält  CI  für 
eine  abgekürzte  Schreibung  von  COI,  was  an  und  für  sich  nicht 
recht  glaublich  erscheint,  umsomehr  als  dies  dem  allgemeinen 
Brauch  der  Ogomschrift  widersprechen  würde,  die  nur  die 
Schreibung  o  für  oi  kennt,  falls  es  sich  nicht  etwa  um  einen 
dialektischen  Unterschied  handelt.  Die  Deutung  scheint  mir 
aber  anderswo  zu  liegen.  Da  nämlich  auslautendes  unbetontes 
-ai,  -oi  im  Irischen  noch  vor  dem  Abfall  der  Endsilben  zu  -i 
geworden  sind,  darf  man  dies  auch  für  auslautendes  vortoniges 
■ai,  -oi  annehmen,  wie  das  Beispiel  dt  „zwei"  aus  idg.  *dvai 
zur  Genüge  zeigt.  Es  wird  somit  auch  CI  (geschrieben  XI)  die 
vortonige  Form  von  COI  (geschrieben  XOI)  darstellen.  Noch 
heute  kommen  im  Neuirischen  gewisse  Partikeln  in  vortoniger 
und  haupttoniger  Gestalt  nebeneinander  vor,  wie  z.  B.  ann, 
sin,  usw.  (s.  Henebry,  Sounds  of  Munster  Irish,  p.  9). 


2.   Altirisch  *fothae  „Grundlage,  Grundregel**. 

Form  und  Etymologie  dieses  Wortes  waren  bisher  zweifel- 
haft. Thurneysen  setzt  einen  Nominativ  foth  (Handbuch  II  77  b) 
„Regel,  Art,  Handlungsweise"  (?)  an,  ebenso  Hessen  (CZ  IX  51), 
Pedersen  dagegen  (Grammatik  I  34)  einen  Nominativ  fotha.   Ein 


404  JULIUS   POKORNY, 

männlicher  Nominativ  foth  wird  schon  durch  den  Dativ  don 
fothu  (Wb8cl8)  und  den  Nom.-Akk.  Plur.  fotJia  (Sg.  4b3, 
BCr.  33b4)  als  unmöglich  erwiesen.  Wir  haben  vielmehr  deut- 
lich einen  jo-  Stamm  vor  uns,  müssen  also  als  alten  Nominativ 
*fothae  ansetzen,  der  in  Sg.  und  BCr.  schon  zu  fotha  geworden  ist. 
Was  die  Etjanologie  anbelangt,  so  hilft  Pedersens  Zusammen- 
stellung mit  cymrisch  gtvadn  „Grundlage,  Fufssohle"  nicht 
viel  weiter  Wie  das  nicht -palatale  th  in  altir.  fotJia  beweist, 
mufs  dem  j  ein  dunkler  Vokal  vorhergegangen  sein.  Es 
ergibt  sich  so  ungezwungen  eine  Grundform  *upo  +  tä-jo-  zur 
Wurzel  {s)tä  „stehen",  also  wörtlich  „das  darunter  befindliche", 
daher  „Grundlage,  Grundregel".  Die  gleiche  Bildung  liegt  in 
ass{a)e  „leicht  (erreichbar)"  aus  *ad-{s)tä-jo-  vor. 


3.   Zur  Flexion  von  altiriscli  ßu  „Wert,  Qualität". 

Nach  Thurneysen  (Handbuch  I  182)  soll  ßu  der  Nominativ 
zum  Genitiv  fc(i)be  sein;  der  später  belegte  Nominativ  feb  sei 
eine  Neubildung  nach  den  übrigen  Kasusformen.  Dies  ist  schon 
deshalb  ausgeschlossen,  da,  wie  ich  an  andern  Orten  gezeigt 
habe,  der  Nominativ  ßu  auf  *resit-  zurückgeht,  während  feibe 
auf  *vesvjäs  mit  kurzem  e  zurückgehen  mufs.  Zu  den  dort 
angeführten  Gründen,  für  ßu  eine  Grundform  ^vcsm-  anzunehmen, 
kommt  noch  der  weitere  Grund,  dafs  nach  den  Kontraktions- 
regeln (Pokorny,  Grammar  §  126,  3)  ""vesu-  nur  zu  féu,  nie  aber 
zu  ßu  hätte  werden  können,  wie  altir.  éu  „Salm"  aus  esüss  < 
esölis,  béu  „ich  würde  sein"  aus  besu  <  *esö  hinlänglich  beweisen. 

Auch  glaube  ich,  dafs  es  mir  gelungen  ist,  den  altirischen 
Genetiv  zu  ßu  „Wert,  Qualität"  aufzufinden.  Aus  dem  idg. 
Genetiv  *vesous  müfste  über  *visös  >  *vi{j)ös  >  */eo  schlief slich 
lautgesetzlich  fio  werden. 

Dieses  fio  liegt  tatsächlich  in  dem  Personennamen  Fer 
Fio,  z.  B.  A.  U.  761,  842,  usw.  vor,  der  dann  regelmäfsig  zu  Fer 
Fia  geworden  ist.  Die  Richtigkeit  meiner  Annahme  erhellt 
ferner  aus  dem  Namen  Fer  Fe{i)be,  der  im  Genetiv  häufig  in 
der  Tain  Bó  Cúailnge  vorkommt,  so  dafs  wir  die  synonymen 
ßu  und  feb  in  derselben  Namenbildung  nebeneinander  finden. 
ßu  geht  somit  auf  dehnstufiges  "^vesu-,  fth  auf  normalstufiges 
^vesvä  zurück. 


ZUR   IRISCHEN   ETYMOLOGIE   UND   WORTKUNDE.  405 

4.    Ogom  NET(T)A(S),  NIOT(T)A(S). 

J.  Mac  Neil!  (Irish  Ogham  Inscriptions)  hat  diese  beiden 
Worte  als  ursprünglich  verschieden  behandelt.  Der  Genetiv 
NE(T)TA(S)  soll  zu  einem  Nominativ  *NETS  „Held",  NIOT(T)A(S) 
zu  einem  Nominativ  *NEUTS  (<  *nepots)  „Neffe"  gehören.  Dem 
gegenüber  hat  Thurueysen  (oben  Bd.  VIII,  185)  vermutet,  dafs 
beide  Worte  identisch  seien;  NET(T)A(S)  sei  vielleicht  nur  eine 
archaische  Form,  aus  *NE(P)OTOS  kontrahiert;  NIOT(T)A(S) 
sei  dann  eine  jüngere  Analogiebildung,  durch  Einfluls  des 
Nominativs  *NIÜS  (<  *nepöts  oder  NIOS  (<  *nepots)  ent- 
standen. Ihm  hat  sich  Marstrander  angeschlossen,  der  (Dictionary 
of  the  Irish  lang.  121,  43)  NETTA  mit  „nephetv''  übersetzt. 

Thurneysens  Ansicht  ist  aber  lautlich  ganz  und  gar  un- 
möglich. Es  ist  mir  nicht  verständlich,  wieso  zur  Zeit  der 
Ogom- Inschriften  eine  Kontraktion  von  *NEOTOS  zu  NET  AS 
hätte  stattfinden  können,  da  die  Kontraktion  verschiedener 
Vokale  bekanntlich  jünger  ist,  als  der  Schwund  der  Endsilben. 
*NEOTOS  hätte  somit  nach  Abfall  der  Endsilbe  im  jüngsten 
Ogom  nur  zu  *NEOT  werden  können,  woraus  dann  altirisch 
moth,  n'iath  wurde,  das  auch  tatsächlich  belegt  ist;  übrigens 
hätte  auch  eine  Kontraktion  in  jener  Zeit  nur  den  Diphthong 
éo,  nie  aber  blofses  e  ergeben  können. 

Die  wirklichen  Verhältnisse  sind  wie  folgt: 

NETAS  ist  wirklich  der  Genetiv  des  Dentalstammes  *net-s, 
das  auf  idg.  *neit-s  zurückgeführt  werden  mufs.  Aus  den  vor- 
handenen Belegen  geht  deutlich  die  Bedeutung  „Held"  hervor. 
Über  die  Etymologie  hatte  sich  bisher  nur  Macbain  (Etym. 
Dictionary  s.  v.  niata)  geäuisert,  der  Zusammenhang  mit  griechisch 
oveiöog  annimmt;  abgesehen  von  der  Bedeutung  ist  dies  schon 
lautlich  unmöglich,  weil  altkeltisch  *ned-odjo-  nur  neugälisch 
*niada,  nicht  aber  7iiata  ergeben  hätte.  Ich  vermute,  dafs  alt- 
keltisch net-s  bis  auf  die  Endung  genau  dem  altind.  netä  „Führer" 
entspricht,  wozu  mit  anderem  Ablaut  ndyati  (<  *neieti)  „führt", 
nUis  „Führung",  mittelpersisch  mtan  „führen",  gehören.  Die 
Grundbedeutung  von  keltisch  *nets  war  also  „Führer,  Heerführer", 
später  dann  „Held". 

Keltisch  *niéts  mufste  altirisch  zu  né  werden,  das  mittel- 
irisch nach  Mac  Neill  in  der  Form  né  und  nae  tatsächlich  in 
BB  222  ß  1  33    und    149  ß  '  35    überliefert    ist.     Sonst    erscheint 


406  JULIUS   POKORNY. 

mitteliriscli  der  Nominativ  fast  immer  in  der  Gestalt  nia,  oder 
natJi,  nad.  Die  Form  nia  verhält  sich  zu  né  ungefähr  wie  *cia 
„wer?"  zu  -té  „er  möge  gehen",  né  ist,  ebenso  wie  -té  die 
regelmäfsige  betonte  Form.  Trat  aber  archaisches  né,  wie  es 
meist  der  Fall  war,  namenbildend  auf,  etwa  in  der  gleichen 
Funktion,  wie  cú  „Schlachthund"  (vgl.  den  Namen  Cú  Chorhh 
neben  Nia  Corhh),  so  wurde  es  mit  dem  folgenden  Namen  als 
eine  Einheit  empfunden  und  das  é  wurde  nicht  wie  auslautendes, 
sondern  wie  inlautendes  é  behandelt  und  daher  zu  ia  diphthongiert, 
ebenso  wie  idg.  *Ä''ei  „wer?"  wegen  seines  engen  Anschlusses 
an  folgende  Worte  zu  da  wurde.  Gelegentlich  wird  auch  die 
Form  ni{a)e  überliefert,  die  in  altirischer  Zeit  durch  Anlehnung 
an  die  zahlreichen  Nominative  auf  -e  entstanden  ist.  Später 
mufste  daraus  wieder  nia  werden. 

Der  Nominativ  nath,  nad  ist  von  dem  bei  Namen  natur- 
gemäfs  sehr  häufigen  Genetiv  bezogen;  hier  ist,  wie  auch  sonst 
oft,  die  Geuetivform  zur  einzigen  Namensform  geworden.  Die 
m  Macc-nio,  Cath-mo  (A.  U.  708,  769)  vorliegende  Nominativform 
n'io  ist  dem  Paradigma  von  NIOT(T)A(S)  entlehnt. 

Der  altirische  Genetiv  von  né,  ni{a)e  der  dem  Ogom 
NET(T)A(S)  entspricht,  lautet  niath  archaisch  neth  (Thes.  II 273). 
Daneben  kommt  auch  der  dem  Paradigma  des  Wortes  „Schwester- 
sohn" entlehnte  Genetiv  n'ioth  (z.  B.  Nioth-fer)  vor,  der  dann  im 
Lauf  der  altirischen  Periode  mit  niath  zusammenfallen  mufste. 
Die  sehr  häufige  Form  naih  (vor  s :  nat),  nad  ist  in  proklitischer 
Stellung  aus  niath  hervorgegangen.  Auch  niath  trug  nicht  den 
Hauptakzent,  doch  wechselte  der  Grad  der  Betonung  je  nach 
der  Stellung  im  Satz,  so  dafs  dasselbe  Wort  oft  in  verschiedenen 
Formen  überliefert  ist  (s.  oben  1.). 

Nun  zum  Paradigma  von  NIOT(T)A(S).  Dieses  geht  auf 
vorkeltisches  *nepotos  zurück,  den  Genetiv  von  *nepöts,  das  im 
Altirischen  „Schwestersohn"  bedeutet,  nepöts,  nepotos  wurde 
urkeltisch  zu  *neüts,  *neotos.  Daraus  sollte  man  altirisch  neu, 
Gen.  niath,  n'iad  (archaisch  n'ioth)  erwarten.  Dieser  Genetiv  ist 
auch  tatsächlich  erhalten,  die  Form  n'ioth  jedoch  nur  im  Paradigma 
von  né,  ni{a)e  „Held",  wo  sie  schon  früher  eingedrungen  ist. 

Der  Nominativ  mufs  aber  altirisch  nio,  später  7üa  gelautet 
haben,  denn  diese  Form  im  Paradigma  von  né,  ni{a)e  ist  auch 
nur  als  Entlehnung  zu  erklären.  Altirisch  nio  an  Stelle  des 
berechtigten   *néu  erklärt  sich  sehr  einfach  durch  Entlehnung 


ZUR   IRISCHEN   ETYMOLOGIE   UND   WORTKUNDE,  407 

der  Vokale  aus  dem  Genetiv  nioth.  Der  Nominativ  ni{a)e  ist 
natürlich  dem  Paradigma  von  né  „Held"  entnommen.  Der 
archaisch  (A.  U.  692)  überlieferte  Genetiv  nieth  mufs  aus  der- 
selben Quelle  stammen.  Wir  haben  hier  nur  eine  ungenaue 
Schreibung  für  den  Diphthong  ia  vor  uns,  wie  in  Clied  {=  Cliath), 
Thes.  II  277.  tüath  mufste  in  der  Proklise  natürlich  auch  zu 
nath,  nad  werden. 

Wir  sehen  also,  dafs  die  Paradigmen  beider  Worte  schon 
früh  ineinandergeflossen  sind.  Die  Gründe  sind  ganz  klar.  Vor 
allem  konnte  leicht  eine  funktionelle  Verwechslung  der  namen- 
bildenden Elemente  stattfinden,  sobald  deren  ursprüngliche  Be- 
deutung verwischt  war.  Zur  Veranschaulichung  der  weiteren 
Gründe  stelle  ich  beide  Paradigmen  etwa  zur  Zeit  von  Wb.  im 
Nom.  und  Gen.  nebeneinander.  Formen,  die  eine  Veränderung 
durch  Analogiebildung  erlitten  haben,  stelle  ich  in  eckige 
Klammern. 

„  Held  "  „  Schwestersohn  " 

Nomin.  né,  nía,  [ní{á)e\  [*né,  n'io,  ma] 

Gen.      níath,  níad,  natQi),  nad      math  (arch,  nioth),  mad,  nath,  nad. 

Den  Nominativ  né  „Schwestersohn'*  habe  ich  angesetzt, 
weil  sich  so  die  Vermischung  in  archaischer  Zeit  noch  leichter 
erklärt.  Wenn  wir  nämlich  annehmen,  dafs  uririsch  *neuts 
schon  vorhistorisch  durch  Einflufs  der  Casus  obliqui  zu  neots 
geworden  sei,  so  würde  das  archaisch  die  angesetzte  Form  *né 
ergeben  haben,  die  mit  dem  lautgesetzlichen  né  „Held"  genau 
übereinstimmte,  und  dadurch  die  Vermischung  schon  in  archaischer 
Zeit  (die,  wie  erwähnt,  übrigens  auch  rein  funktionell  erklärt 
werden  könnte)  herbeigeführt  haben.  Altirisch  fielen  auch  die 
Genetivformen  lautgesetzlich  fast  gänzlich  zusammen,  so  dafs 
uns  schliefslich  nur  mehr  der  Name  der  eponymen  Ahnherren 
einen  Aufschlufs  darüber  zu  geben  vermag,  welches  der  beiden 
Worte  ursprünglich  dem  Namen  voranging. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokorny. 


EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAN -LEGENDE. 


In  seinen  Vitae  Sanctorum  Hiberniae  (1910),  S.  XLI,  bemerkt 
C.  Plummer,  dafs  sich  eine  irische  Brendan -Geschichte  in  vier 
Handschriften  findet,  in  Egerton  1781,  fo.  152  d,  im  Liber  Flaviis 
Fergusioriim  (II  fol,  50  v,  a  nach  Gwynn's  Bezeichnung)  und  in 
zwei  Hss.  zu  Brüssel:  5100  —  5104,  S.  13  und  2324—2340  fo.  70  b. 
Ohne  mich  dieser  Notiz  zu  erinnern,  habe  ich  1911  die  eine 
der  beiden  Brüsseler  Hss.  abgeschrieben  und  dann  Liber  Flaviis 
Fergusiorum  in  Dublin  damit  verglichen.  Michael  O'Clery,  der 
Schreiber  der  Brüsseler  Hs.  5100 — 5104,  macht  hinter  dem  nächst- 
folgenden Stück  eine  Angabe  über  seine  Quelle:  Asan  leabhar 
do  scriobh  Murchdidih.  o  Cuinnhs^)  i.  an  leabhiir  do  scriobsiáh.  gach 
a  bfuil  san  catternce  so  hi  cconueint  bratar  [innsi  no"^)]  chuinnclie 
hl  TtuadmumSim.    30  Junii  1634. 

Der  Text  enthält  —  abgesehen  von  einer  ihm  eigentümlichen 
Einleitung  —  nur  vier  Abenteuer  Brendans:  1.  die  Osterfeier 
auf  dem  grofsen  Fisch;  2.  die  Beruhigung  eines  Meeresstrudels; 
3.  der  Blick  durch  die  Türe  der  Hölle;  4.  Judas  Ischarioth.  Die 
Schilderung  der  Qualen  in  3.  und  4.  ist  offenbar  der  Hauptzweck 
des  Erzählers.  Er  vergifst  darüber,  dafs  er  anfangs  in  Aussicht 
gestellt  hat,  dafs  Brendan  das  Land  der  Verheifsung  aufsuchen 
wird,  und  bricht  nach  der  Judas-Episode  jählings  ab.  Ein  grofses 
Stück  der  Erzählung  findet  sich  nun  wörtlich  gleich  noch  einmal 
in  der  irischen  Literatur,  nämlich  in  dem  Brendan -Leben,  das 
in  mehreren  Hss.,  aber  überall  mit  fehlendem  Schlufs  auf  uns 
gekommen  ist,  und  das  Stokes  vornehmlich  nach  dem  Buch  von 
Lismore  herausgegeben  hat  3).    Es  entsprechen  sich  fast  genau 


1)  Kaum  -lis.  ^)  Diese  Wörter  sind  auspunktiert. 

3)  Lives  of  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Lismore  99  £f.,  Übersetzung  247  ff. 
Über  andere  Hss.  s.  ebenda  S.  349. 


EINE   VARIANTE   DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  409 

S.  411,4-414, 20  unseres  Textes  (also  Episode  1—3)  mit  Zeile  3589 
-3594,  3601-3608,  3615-3668  von  Betha  Brenainn.  Nicht  ganz 
leicht  ist  zu  sagen,  ob  dieser  Abschnitt  aus  Betha  entlehnt  ist. 
Dagegen  könnte  man  anführen,  dafs  die  Strophe  3611—3614  (nebst 
3608—3610)  über  die  siebenjährige  Reise  des  Heiligen,  die  mit 
dem  Vorhergehenden  im  Widerspruch  steht  und  offenbar  ein 
sekundärer  Einschub  ist,  in  unserem  Text  fehlt;  doch  kann  das 
selbständige  Kürzung  sein.  Dafs  umgekehrt  Betlia  aus  ihm  ge- 
flossen wäre,  ist  schon  dadurch  ausgeschlossen,  dafs  gerade  nur 
in  den  übereinstimmenden  x^bschnitten  unseres  Textes  die  Gedichte 
fehlen,  die  in  den  selbständigen,  der  Einleitung  und  der  Judas - 
Episode,  jeweils  der  Prosa  folgen;  für  jene  war  also  eine  andere 
Quelle  vorhanden.  Ferner  dadurch,  dafs  die  Warnung  des  Teufels 
in  Episode  3,  der  Blick  in  die  Hölle  ziehe  den  Tod  des  Betreffenden 
nach  sich,  nur  in  Betlia,  nicht  in  unserem  Text  sich  bewahrheitet; 
auch  durch  den  S.  418Anm.  1  erwähnten  Fehler,  der  in  Betha 
nicht  vorhanden  ist.  Höchstens  könnte  man  annehmen,  dafs  beide 
aus  einer  gemeinsamen  Quelle  schöpfen.  Das  wäre  bewiesen,  wenn 
unser  Text  auch  bessere  oder  altertümlichere  Lesarten  zeigte  als 
Betha.  Doch  habe  ich  fast  nichts  in  diese  Richtung  Weisendes 
gefunden.  Fethnaigis  S.  412, 5  ist  an  sich  wohl  altertümlicher  als 
ro-fethmiig  (Betha  3623),  aber  doch  auch  als  Neuerung  denkbar. 
So  bleibt  wohl  nur  die  Lesart  {Moighi  loma)  loiscthecha  'nackte 
brennende  Felder'  S.  414, 4,  die  besser  sein  dürfte  als  Joiscnecha 
'voll  Kröten'  (Betha  3662).  Daraufhin  wage  ich  aber  keine  Ent- 
scheidung. 

Im  Folgenden  gebe  ich  den  Text  der  Brüsseler  Handschrift 
(B);  die  unbezeichneten  Varianten  stammen  aus  dem  Liber  Flavus 
Fergusiorum  (F),  das  fehlerhafter  geschrieben  ist  und  namentlich 
in  der  Beschreibung  der  Hölle  stark  gekürzt  hat.  Die  Überschrift 
lautet  in  B:  Do  da  apstol  dég  Eirenn,  in  F:  eir(?)  Brenuinn 
Birre  antso. 


L  Bator  da  apstol  áecc  na  hEreww  hi  Ccluain  L'aird  ic  a 
foglaim  oc  Findian,  co'nderna  Findian  fleidh  dona  hapstolaibh 
et  do  nsemhaibh  Ereww  archena.  Amhail  rob  ainiu  doibh  ic 
comhól  na  fleidhe,  conus'aicet  in  scoith  ndifreccra  ndimoir  cuea 

1   Batur  tra      easbul      Idhaird  2  Finnen  3/".   robadar  an?» 

acomhonafleigbi  sin  4   cofacadur      ndicra 


410  RUDOLF  THURNEYSEN, 

dind  comart[h]a  tire  tarngire.  Is  ann  dl  ro'fas  bruth  7  comhaiiie 
acu  im  dol  d  i&rraidh  tire  na  scoithi.  Nochar-gabh  necli  do  laimh 
sech  a  chele  dibli  dul  ann,  co'ndernadh  crandchor  etorra  .i.  itir 
cech  ndis  dibh,  co'tarla  iarsin  donda  Brenainn  dol  ann.  Cuirit 
5  dl  anda  Brenainn  crannchor  eturra  fodein,  cip  e  dibli  dia-roisedh 
dul  d  mrraidh  tire  tairngire.  ßo'soich  di  do  Brenainn  Birrse  dol 
ann.  Is  annsin  dl  roxhuir  ngemhu  Er enn  uile  In  socht  7  a 
n-imsniomh  ar  a  doilghe  leo  a  roctain  don  tsenoir  .i,  do  sinnser 
nsemh  Erenn  7  do  súi  na  faitsiue  dul  i  crses  mara  7  morfairrge. 
10  Conadh  annsin  at-bert  Brenainn  mac  Findlogha:  'Meisi  an  sósar, 
is  me  raghas  arin  fairrge'. 

Conidh  do  ro'chan  in  laidh  si: 

Batar  ic  foghlaim  trein  treall.        da  apstoi!  dég  na  hErenn 

ac  Finnen  co  ficlitib  ceall.        cansat  co  léir  a  leiglienn^). 
15      Co'n-acaiset  cuca  in  scaith.        in  comunn  féta  firmaitli 

ota  tir  tliairngiVe  ndaitli.        0  rigli  na  righ  on  righflaith. 

Eo'raidhset  uile  malle.        ba  dia  ccomhairlibh  maithe 

CO  roctain  dal  diamhair  de,        d  mrraidh  tire  na  scoithe. 

Scartlius  dia  da  cech  dis  doib.       forba  saetliuir  na  sennseimh 
20      do  réir  cranncair  amra  uill.        co'tarla  donda  Bhrenuinn. 

Coros'bennach  dia  datha.        cona  lestraibh  lindbraclia. 

Brenainn  Birrse  buaidh  flat[h]a.       is  Brenainn  mac  Findlaclia. 

Cor'cuirset  crandcbor  caemh  nglan.        a  üsidnaise  na  n-apstoi 

Brenainn  Birra  gusin  mbladh.        is  do  do'rala  in  astar. 
25      Innsa  re  n-ás  cumtha  coir.        co  cornaibh  finda  fledhoil 

a  dál  ar  lui  mara  moir.        a  súi  slan  is  a  senoir. 

'Daigh  im  sósa[r]  sunn  cose'.        ar  Brenainn  oc  i  n-airde 

'gidh  bas  damh  inni  bias  de.        meisi  raghas  ar  fairrge.' 

1  diun  comurtha  brudh  2  aca  ß  3  f.  .i.  ca  dís  dibh  diaToiseadh 
dul  ann  codarla  4  /;  7  cuiridh  andis  sin  fein  crannchor  aturru  5  f.  cia 
daibli  do  •  rachadh  ann  6  Rosoith  doii.  7  docuiredh  nsemdhu  9  Eir-  dul 
ann  .i.  do  sai  na  faisdini  dul  11   rachas         12   Conadh  annsin  adbert 

na  briathra  so  ann  13  Badar  ac  foghnum  14  oc  Findean  in  leighinn 
15   Cufacadwr  qucu  16   0  tir       an  righfl-  18   dail  B       diaraidh 

19  Scarthais  B,  Scartwr  F  forla  B,  furba  F  ssetair  B  22  Finnloggha 
23  a  fiadhnuisi  na  n-easbbul  24  do  om.  25  cumta  B  26  ar  lai  mar 
27  mac  FlFinnlaighi  {statt  oc  i  n-a.)        28  badhas  (für  gidh  bas)  B      anni 


1)  In  B  sind  die  beiden  letzten  Halb  verse  umgestellt,  in  F  lautet  der 
Schlufs  in  beiden  Zeilen  aus  Versehen:  cansat  co  leir  in  leighinn.  In  B 
steht  neben  der  Strophe  am  Rande:  Brenainn  Ciuana  Ferta. 


EINE   VARIANTE   DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  411 

Is  annsin  dl  áo'ronadh  digrais  curaigh  la  Brenainn  .i.  ar 
met  7  luchtmaire  .i.  coiciur  ar  cethracha[i]t  7  tri  s€chtniogM[i]t, 
is  e  lin  do'coid  isin  curach. 

III).    Seolais  iarsin  Brenainn  mac  Findlogha  for  tonngar 
in  mara  mongruaidh  7  for  treathan  na  ttonn  ttaobhuaine  7  for   5 
cichanaigh  in  tsaili  sithguirm  7  i  mbeolu  in  aiccein  iongantat^/i 
ilphiastaigh  .i.  airm  i'fuaratar  ilar  mbleidhmil  muiridi.    Is  annsin 
dl  fo'gebdis  ailéna  aille  ingantacha,  7  ni'thairistis  inntib  sin  beos. 

Batar  dl  co  cenn  mbliadJma,  aran  imramh  sin.  Is  annsin 
ba  comhfoc[hJraibh  don  caiscc.  Batar  a  mhuinier  aca  radh  fri  10 
Brenainn  dula  for  tir  do  ceilebradh  na  cascc.  'Is  tualaing  dia' 
ol  Brenainn  'talamli  do  taba?rt  duinn  in  cech  inad  bus  ail  dó'. 
lar  tictain  na  cascc  trá  is  annsin  tóccbais  in  mil  mór  a  formna 
i  u-airde  osin  muir  suas,  corbo  talamh  comhard  cobhsaidh  coraighti 
comhlethan  comreidli  comhalainn.  Tiacchait  iarsin  forin  talum  15 
sin  et  ceilebhrait  in  caiscc  annsin  .i.  oenla  7  da  oidhclie  doibh 
isin  inad  sin,  co*tarnaca[i]r  leo  ord  cascc  do  denamh.  Tiagliait 
iarsin  ina  curach.  Sceinnidli  in  mil  mór  iarsin  fon  muir.  Cech 
uair  ba  comhfachraibh  in  caiscc  cecha  bliadhna,  no'tócbadh  in 
mil  mór  a  druim  osin  muir,  coma  talom  tirim  techtaidhe.  20 

III.  Fechtus  di  batar  forin  aiccen,  con*acatar  na  srotha  . .  .2) 
dermaire,  dosrengait^)  dl  an  t-anfad  dar  a  n-aindéoin  co  bord 
na  saebhcoire.    Is  annsin  ros'gabh  imeccla  mór  iat  fri  med  a 

1  ff.  caur-  B,  Is  annsin  doronadh  dighruis  curaidh  aird  Inchtmur»  cmgur 
ar  .xl.  7  tri  .uii.madad  robbe  a  lin  cuj«  in  curaidh  F  4   Soilus  6   a 

mbel  7   .i.  mwra  afuaradar  fiadhmila  8  dogeibdis  oilein      sin  om. 

10   comfochraibh  doibh  an  caisg       aga  radha  11    dul  fo  thir  12   is 

ail  leis  fein  13   tiac/ííuin       dotog  14   cosbhaidh       cor.  comhl.  om. 

15  coimreigh  doibsium  sin.    Tiaguid  forsan  tal-  sin  7  ceileabradsad  an«  caisc  .i. 

16  .i.  om.  B         17   ann  do  {so!)  cotarrnacair       na  case  18   7  sgeinueas 
fo  muir      gach  uair  di        19  doib  in  caisc        20   curba  tal-      tec/iiaidi  he 

21  Feacht  (dT  om.)  dobadar  forsan    cofacadur        22  dosragairb    darnaimdheoin 
23  dogob|b  aneagla  mor  iat  re  hainbini  an  anfaidh  dogob  au  t-aigen 


^)  Hier  beginnt  die  Übereinstimmung  mit  Betha  Brenainn  (ed.  Stokes), 
Zeile  8589. 

*)  B  läi'st  freien  Raum  für  ein  Wort.  F  hat:  na  srotha  diana  eanda; 
Beatha  Breu.  (Lism.):  srotha  doimne  dubha  in  mara  mongruaidh,  Pariser  Hs.: 
srotha  doimyie  acgarba  7  saobchoiredha  dermaire  dubha  in  mara  mongrimidh. 
Wohl  zu  lesen:  na  srotha  doinenda  dermaire. 

3)  Wohl  dos-rimairt  zu  lesen  (dorimartus  Betha  Br.). 

ZeitBohrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  X.  27 


412  RUDOLF  THÜRNEYSEN, 

ainbtliine.  Gabhais  each  dibh  acc  fecchadh  i  n-aghaidh  Brenainn, 
uair  roba  derraair  in  g&hudh  i'rabhaüir.  Toccbais  iarsin  Brenainn 
a  ghuth  CO  hard,  conidh  ann  as'bert:  'Is  lor  duit,  a  mhuir  mhor 
sa',  olse  'meisi  m  oenar  do  bhadhadh,  et  léicc  uait  in  luct  sa'. 
5  Is  ann  dl  fet[h]naigis  in  muir  focAe^oir,  7  toirnit  feicheda  na 
ssebhcoire  ó  sin  amach  riamh  7  nir'irchoitigset  do  neoch  eile. 

IV.  A  mbatar  ann  la  n-aile  [p.  14]  forin  muir,  tainic  diabul 
chuca  i  ndeilbh  sentu  aduathmaire  inglaine  ifernaidhe,  co'ndesidh 
for  seol  in  churaigh  i  fladhnaisi  Brenainn  a  ánur.    Ni'facaid  di 

10  nech  dib  siumh  é  acht  Brenainn  a  aenar.  larfaighis  Brenainn 
do  dhiabhal,  cid  ma'tánic  a  hifern  riana  aimsir  coir  .i.  ria  n-aimsir 
na  heiseirghe  moire.  'Is  aire  im  tanac'  or  diabAaZ,  'd  iarraidh 
mo  phianta  i  cliisalaibh  doimhnibh  in  mara  duibh  dorcha  sa'. 
larfaighis  Brenainn   dosomh:    'Cidh   on,    cait  itir  a-fuil  in  loc 

15  ifernaidhe  sin?'  —  'Triiagh  sin'  ar  diabaZ,  'ni'cumhaing  nech 
a  faicsin  et  se  beo  iarsin'.  Is  annsin  foillsighis  áisibal  dorus 
iiim  do  Brenainn.  Et  feghais  Brenainn  iarsin  in  carcair  ngairbh 
nguirm  sin  Ian  do  bréntaidh,  lán  do  lasair,  Ian  do  mhosair,  Ian 
do  longpwrtaib  na  ndemhnu  neimhnech,  Ian  do  ghol  7  do  eigim 

20  7  do  ercoid,  7  gaire  truagha  7  nuallguba  mora,  golfadach  7 
basgaire  na  tuath  peactach  7  bethu  diibach  bronach  hi  cridhe 
pheine,  i  carcraibh  teinntigibh,  i  sruamhaibh  na  sretha  sirteinedh, 
i  cailiuch  bithbroin  7  bais  cen  chrich  cen  forcenn,  i  lathachaibh 
dorchaibh,  i  cathairib  tromlasar,  i  n-imat  broin  7  bais  7  riagh  7 

25  cuimreach  7  tromtreas  ndichumhaing  co  mbloedhgail  adhuathmair 
na  ndemhna  neimhneac7i  i  n-aidhci  bithdorcha  bithuair  bithbréin 
bithsalaigh    bithchiamhair    bithghairbh    bithfoda    bithmuichnig 


1    7  gabtis      ag  fedadh  Brenuinn  ana  adhaidh  2   dobu  3   leor 

4  do  bat/md  am  senur  in  Incht  so  slau  gan  fritborchuin  5  annsin  feth- 
naigbeas       fethedha  6   -urcoidigb   doibb  tre  bithu.  7    Am-  robadar 

cotainic  B  8  seanta  condeisi  10  na  euar  11  doji  diabul  cid 
umtainig      bifnun  12   moiri  ar  in  diabul  d  iaraid  mo  pianta  a  cusalaib 

13   pbiautas  B         14   de  sin      inafuil  B         15   Truadb  amb  sin  ar  in  diabu 

•  comaigb  neacb  beo  a  baitble  na  piau  rembraiti  siu  dfaicsin  16  dfoillsigb 
an  diab-  17  ifrinn  ngairbb  oni.  18  brentus  moiudsair  19  demun 
(síaíí  na  d.)  20   7  gartba       nuallduba       golgaire   7  basgaire  21   a 

craidbuib  peini  22  sreatb  (statt  na  sr.)  23  broin  2-iff.  7  a  cairibb 
tromlasracba  teinntigbi,  a  n-imud  peiuid  eth  (lies  etir?)  cuimbrecba  coim- 
ceanguilti  aduatbmu»-  na  peinid  sutbaiue  bidbdorcba  bidfuar  27  f.  bidbfota 
gacba  builc  .i.  marbbtbaibb  malartaidb  na  n-anmand  n-eggraibeacb  a  sleibthibh 
sirtiueadh 


EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  413 

mliarbthaig  malartaigh  muchna  mliongteinntigh  iccair  imnair 
adlieitig  iUirn,  hi  slesaibh  sliabh  sirtheinedh  cen  anadh  cen 
airisemli,  acht  sluaig  demhna  ic  tarraing  na  pecthach  i  carcraib 
troma  tenna  tee  tenntighi,  dorcha  doimhne  diamhra  dimaine  dára 
dubha  deinmecha,  salcha  seda  senta  sirbrena  sirdebtach  sirtrodach  5 
sirscith  sirmarb  sirbeo.  Gol  ger  garcc  goethach  golfartach  gréchda 
geranach  gothach  goirt  gergairmnech  gubhudach. 

Cruma  cronia  cruaidhi  calma  cendmora. 

Piasta  buidhe  bana  belmora. 

Leomain  lonna  lanluatha  leidmeacha,  10 

Sebaic  roda  ruadha  roarda. 

Drecain  dercca  duba  dronnmora  deinmecha. 

Ticcri  trena  tuathbertaigli. 

Scoirpi  gorma  gimacha. 

Griba  garba  goibgera.  15 

Cuile  goirte  guilbnecha. 

Creabair  croma  cruadhghobacha. 

Farcha  troma  iarnaighe. 

Susta  senta  sen  garba. 

Claidlibe  gera.  Gai  ruadha.  Demna  dubha.  Teinnti  brena.  20 
Srotha  neime.  Cait  ac  sgribadh.  Coin  ag  leadradh.  Gaduir  ag 
tabann.  Demhuin  ag  blaeghaidh.  Essa  brena.  Lathacha  mora. 
Cuithe  dorcha.  Glenda  doimhne.  Sleibhti  arda.  Creaca  cruaidhe. 
Sluaigh  demhna.  Longport  salach.  Pian  cen  anadh.  Saithe 
sanntach.  Tochur  meinic.  Troid  cen  fuireach.  Demhna  acc  25 
pianadh.    Imad  riagha.    Betha  bronach. 

Airm  i'filet  srotha  secdha, 

serba  senta  sirbrena, 

lobhta  legtha  loisctecha, 

loma  luatha  lantei  lethna,  30 

cumga  cruaidhe  cairrgeacha, 

2  f.  can  tairisiumh  forro        3  do  derahnuimh  aca      na  p.  om.        3—6  a 
carrcaib  cumga  teinntiglii  7  gola  gera  goirti  gaibht/iec/ia.  8   7  cruma 

ceannreamra  9    7  piasta      bana  om.  10   lanl.  om.  11    7  seabuic 

roarda  om.         12   7  dreaguin  dearga  7  doela  duba  dronnmor  (deinm.  om.) 
13 — 15   om.  17   cruaidh-  18   Farchada  20   Demhna  diera  dublia 

Teinnti  br.  om.  21  f.    Cait  bis  blaeghaidh  om.  B         22   Locha  brena 

23   Cuirti  dorchad      Creacba         2é  Piana        25   Tech.  m.  om.        2G  rig-d 
27  f.  srotha  sirbrena  {dann  fehlt  alles  bis  S.  414,  6) 

27* 


il4  ÍÍÚDOLF  THURNEYSKN. 

foda  fuara  fodomna, 

beca  mora  feichtecha. 

Sirthe  sinte  súaiti  sothoirsecha. 

Moighi  loma  loisctheclia. 
5  Tulcha  corra  gimacha. 

Glenda  croma  crumhacha. 

Mointi  garbha  deilccneclia. 

Coillti  dubha  teinntiglii. 

Slighti  salcha  biastaighi. 
10  Mara  teclita  tulbréna.  , 

Cloithi  aidble  iarnaidÄe. 

Usee  duba  doimbillsi. 

Aiddi  im  da  examhla. 

Samhud  salach  sirlobtha. 
15  G?etha  goirti  geimhreta. 

Snechta  [15]  secda  sirsilte. 

Lanna  derga  teiimtidhe. 

Gnuse  dára  dubhaclia. 

Demhna  luatha  leidmecAa. 
20  Piana  aidble  eccsamlilai). 

V.  lar  faicsin  na  pian  sin  do  Bhrenainn  co'cualaidh  in 
nuallgubha  ndermair  ndofulaclita  n-etualaing  7  in  chúi  chiamair 
attruagb  et  in  golgaire  ndiclmmhaing  i  fudomain  iochtair  itirn. 
Is  annsin  roghabli  imeccla  in  clerech  in  adliiiath  na  troighi  sin. 

25  Conidh  annsin  at'connairc  Brenainn  in  carraic  ndermair,  is  fuirre 
sidhe  ro'biii  a  n-at*cualaidh.  7  ticedh  in  muir  ifernaiiZ/ie  da  cecli 
aird  darsin  carraicc  .i.  tonn  teinedh  dubhruaidhe  anair  thairsi 
7  tonn  uar  eighreta  aniar  cech  re  fecht.  Is  annsin  bui  oénduine 
truagli  ina  sesamli  forsin  carraic,    larfaigbis  Brenaind  de,  cuich  é. 

30  'Hiúdas  Scariotli  meisi'  olse.    'Et  is  me  do'rec  mo  thigerna  do 

7  7  mointi  dilgneacha  8  7  coillti  9  7«slithidh  salach  piasdaidhi 
10   tec/iiaidhi   tubrena  11 — 14   om.  15    7  gsetha  16—19   om. 

20   examhla  7  rl.  21  faicsin  trath  na  peini  do      dochualaid  a  nuallduba 

truadh  a  fodit»i/iuin  ifrinn.        24   dogabh  aneagla  ansemcleireach  fri  hadhuath- 
muracht  na  peinidh  nocual-        25   adcunnuirc      furri  (sidhe  om.)        26   robi 
an  troighi  romor  rocualaidh  7  dotigheadh      ifernntuidhisi  do         27  don  carraic 
dubhr.  om.      anoir  tairsibh  7  tonna  fuar        28   aniar  tairsibh  gach  re  feacÄi 
Is  anns.  bis  carraic  om.         29   ce  he  fein         30  iudas  sgario  misi      roreac 


^)  Damit  hört  die  Übereinstimmung  mit  Betha  Br.  (Z.  3668)  auf. 


EINE   VARIANTE    DER   BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  415 

cliinn  airccit  7  innmais  dhimiccn?^7i  dimaoin  in  tsaog«?7  .i.  Isu 
Crist  mac  de  bí.  Et  as  dermair'  olsé  'met  mo  phian  n-examliail. 
7  biat  Rmal  at'ci  siu  o'niu  coti  in  brath'.  Is  annsin  ro'chúi 
Brenam«  fri  met  na  troighi.  i'facaidh  lúdas  do  beith.  Conidli 
ann  dcrighne  na  runna  becca  sa  oc  taithmet  a  peini  do  Brenoind:   5 

ludas  Scarioth  me  indiu.        for  tonnaib  na  trenfairrgiu 
truagli  mo  betha  gaibthech  gorm.        icom  pianacZ/i  i  n-ifornd. 
0  tlmind  teinedh  for  tiiind  uair.      0  tliuind  iiair  for  cecli  tuinn  trein 
me  'com  pianrt(?/i  as  cech  aird.       truagh  in  gairm  mo  heth  i  pein. 
Maircc  damli  sa  treccadh  mo  righ.       olc  in  gnimli  fatuous  laimh  10 
beithir  de  tria  bitliu  sir.        cen  sidh  is  cen  ceannsa  saimli. 
Hichtar  if /rn  cech  re  n-uair.        truagh  in  grifing  bis  fúm  thaebh 
demhnu  dubha  bit  im  dháil.        uch  a  lágh  ni  cuma  ciemh. 
Maircc  doTÍghne  maircc  do'gni.        maircc  a  t[h]urus  for  bith  cé 
inti  do'ni  saint  tar  ró.        maircc  fa  do  7  maircc  a  dhé.  15 

Maircc  damh  sa  mo  saint  rom'baidh.        demhnu  ga[i]rcc  at'cim 

[arnuair 
maircc  mo  turus  a  de  dáibh.      maircc  do'raidh  mo  cubhus  criiaidh. 
Uch  a  Brenainn  tégaidh  me.        cech  a  n-dénaim  damh  is  mo 
ifern  dona  dar  dubh  dall.        uch  as  ann  atú  sa  béo.  20 

Uchán  uch  luach  braith  mo  righ.         co  sirsir  do'ghebh  a  olc 
trichsi  circull  airccit  bain.        is  e  sin  do'craidh  mo  chorp. 
i)Ar  innmhus  tucus  mo  righ.        uch  is  trid  as  olc  mo  dil 
ni'mair  in  t-ionnmus  dorn  réir.        mairim  si  i  pein  tria  bith  sir. 
Uch  nach  marbh  me  a  meic  mo  de.      uch  as  garb  do'geibhim  gleo  25 
uch  me  ar  lasadh  cuma  cet.        ni'faghaim  éc  acht  me  béo. 
Crumha  croma  bit  fom  t[h]aebh.       dubha  donna  truagh  in  baigh 
gair  tafaind  ann  cech  re  n-uair.        trua[i]gh  in  grafaing  bit 

im  dhail. 

1    7  innm.  bis  tsaogail  om.  2    olsé  om.      peini  examl  . .  si  . .  leith 

3    7  bed  mm-  docith  siu      annsin  tra  docbai  -4   na  peini      do   b.   om. 

5   na  roinn       ag  taitbmeach      a  p.  oiu.  B  6   Hiudas  sgario      indui  B, 

aniumh  F  7  gaifech  8  fuair  fuair  9  gum  airm  B  beitb  a 
10  treig-d     'tucas        11  bithiu  B     cen  annsa  B,  gan  ceannsu  f       12  ifrinn 

grifuing  13  deamna  ura  dbal  alá  1-1  ar  beitb  ceidb  16  demna 
garga  18  cubbais  19  fedbaidb  is  ro  20  ifn'nn  21  luatb  22  cercall 
23  tugus    trit  is        24  nir(?)roibb  in«mus    tre        25  m\\    is        26  goma  B 

nifadaiiu  eg  beitb  beo       27  an  biad       28  tabbuinn     an  grabaing  anam  gaid 


1)  Diese  Stropbe  stebt  in  F  erst  nach  S.  416,  2. 


416  RUDOLF   THÜRNEYSEN, 

Uch  a  aircit  raaircc  do'gni.        uch  do'airccis  me  fam  de 
uch  a  ionnmais  hhréccaigh  bain,        uch  is  plaigh  ro'imres  fein. 
Maille  re  demhnaibh  atu.        uch  rom*medhradh  olc  mo  gné 
do  "Glos  tre  diumus  mo  gnaoi.        is  ludas  Scarioth  me. 

ludas  Scarioth. 


1    floairgis     fände         2   bregaidh     plaidh     doimruis         3   deamnaim 
romeadhradh      gueith         4  guaidh      sgario         5   Scar.  om. 


I.  Die  zwölf  Apostel  Irlands  waren  in  Clonard  in  der  Lehre 
bei  Finden;  da  bereitete  Finden  den  Aposteln  und  den  übrigen 
Heiligen  Irlands  ein  Gelage.  Wie  sie  am  schönsten  beim  gemein- 
samen Trünke  des  Gelages  waren,  sahen  sie  eine  gewaltige  Blume 
ohnegleichen  als  (?)  Zeichen  i)  des  Landes  der  Verheifsung  zu 
ihnen  (kommen).  Da  wuchs  nun  in  ihnen  der  Drang  und  der 
Entschlufs  zu  gehen,  das  Land  der  Blume  zu  suchen.  Keiner 
erlangte  es  vor  dem  anderen  dahin  zu  gehen,  bis  das  Los  zwischen 
ihnen  geworfen  wurde,  nämlich  zwischen  jedem  Paar  von  ihnen, 
so  dafs  es  dann  die  zwei  Brenainn  traf,  hinzugehen.  Nun 
warfen  die  zwei  Brenainn  das  Los  zwischen  sich  selbst,  welchem 
von  ihnen  es  zukäme  zu  gehen,  das  Land  der  Verheifsung  zu 
suchen.  Nun  traf  es  Brenainn  von  Birr  dorthin  zu  gehen.  Da 
versanken  nun  alle  Heiligen  Irlands  in  Schweigen  und  Sorge, 
weil  es  sie  bekümmerte,  dafs  es  dem  Senior,  d.  h.  dem  Ältesten 
der  Heiligen  Irlands  und  dem  Weisen  der  Wahrsagung,  zufiel 
in  den  Schlund  des  Meeres  und  der  grofsen  See  zu  gehen.  Da 
sprach  Brenainn,  der  Sohn  Findlugs:  'Ich  bin  der  jüngere,  ich 
werde  auf  die  See  gehen'.    Und  dazu  sang  er  dieses  Lied: 

Es  waren  beim  heftigen  edlen  Lernen  die  zwölf  Apostel 
Irlands;  bei  Finden  mit  zwanzigen  von  Klöstern  sangen  sie  eifrig 
ihre  Lektion. 

Da  sahen  sie  die  Blume  zu  sich  (kommen),  die  wackere, 
wahrhaft  gute  Versammlung,  vom  glänzenden  Land  der  Ver- 
heifsung, vom  König  der  Könige,  vom  königlichen  Herrscher. 

Sie  sagten  alle  miteinander  —  es  gehörte  zu  ihren  guten 
Beschlüssen  — ,  sie  wollten  bis  zum  Zusammentreffen  mit  Gottes 
Geheimnissen  das  Land  der  Blume  suchen. 


^)  Eher  'das  hervorragende  Zeichen'. 


EINE   VARIANTE   DEB   BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  417 

Gott  benahm  jedem  Paar  von  ilinen,  den  alten  Heiligen i), 
die  Vollendung  der  Mühsal  zugunsten  eines  herrlichen,  grofsen 
Loswurfs,  so  dafs  es  den  zwei  Brenainn  zufiel. 

Da  segnete  sie  der  Gott  des  Glanzes  nebst  ihren  Gefäfsen  mit 
Biermalz,  den  Brenainn  von  Birr,  die  Siegeskraft  des  Herrschertums, 
und  Brenainn  den  Sohn  Findlugs. 

Da  warfen  sie  das  liebliche,  lautere  Los  in  Gegenwart  der 
Apostel;  Brenainn  von  Birr  mit  dem  Euhm  —  ihm  fiel  die  Reise  zu. 

Schwer  war  für  die  Leute  der  würdigen  Versammlung  mit 
den  schönen  Trinkhörnern  des  Festtrunks  das  Zusammentreffen 
ihres  heilen  Weisen  und  ihres  Seniors  mit  dem  Tritt 2)  des 
grofsen  Meeres. 

'Weil  ich  hier  bis  jetzt  der  jüngste  bin',  sagte  Brenainn 
der  Junge  in  Erhabenheit,  'mag  mir  auch  werden,  was  daraus 
werden  wird  —  ich  werde  auf  die  See  gehen'. 

Da  wurde  durch  Brenainn  ein  treffliches  Boot  bereitet  nach 
Gröise  und  Bemannung,  nämlich  45  und  dreimal  siebzig,  das 
war  die  Zahl,  die  ins  Boot  stieg. 

IL  Darauf  segelte  Brenainn,  der  Sohn  Findlugs,  auf  dem 
Wogengetöse  des  rotmähnigen  Meeres  und  auf  der  See  der  grün- 
seitigen  Wogen  und  auf  dem  Geheul  der  tiefblauen  Salzflut  und 
in  den  Schlund  des  wunderbaren  bestienreichen  Ozeans,  da  wo 
sie  eine  Menge  von  Meeresungetümen  fanden.  Dort  fanden  sie 
auch  schöne,  wunderbare  Inseln,  und  sie  hielten  sich  nicht  weiter 
auf  ihnen  auf. 

Nun  waren  sie  bis  zum  Ende  eines  Jahres  auf  dieser  Fahrt. 
Da  war  Ostern  nahe.  Sein  Gefolge  sagte  zu  Brenainn,  sie  wollten 
an  Land  gehen,  um  Ostern  zu  feiern.  'Gott  vermag'  sagte 
Brenainn  'uns  ein  Land  zu  geben  an  jedem  Ort,  wo  es  ihm 
beliebt'.  Als  dann  Ostern  gekommen  war,  da  hob  das  grofse 
Tier  seinen  Rücken  in  die  Höhe  über  das  Meer  hinauf,  so  dafs 
er  hohes,  festes,  ordentliches,  breites,  ebenes,  schönes  Land  Avar. 
Darauf  gingen  sie  auf  dieses  Land  und  feierten  dort  Ostern. 
Nämlich  einen  Tag  und  zwei  Nächte  waren  sie  an  diesem  Ort,  bis 
sie  das  Oster -Ritual  vollendet  hatten.  Darauf  gingen  sie  in  ihr 
Boot.   Dann  verschwand  das  grofse  Tier  unters  Meer.   Jedesmal 


')  Der  Nom.  PI.  na  sennceimh  nimmt  doib  wieder  axif. 
"^)  Kaum  'Steuerruder'. 


418  RUDOLF   THURNEYSEN, 

wenn  Ostern  jedes  Jahr  nahe  war,  hob  das  grofse  Tier  seinen 
Rücken  über  das  Meer,  so  dafs  er  trockenes,  gehöriges  Land  war. 

III.  Einst  nun  waren  sie  auf  dem  Ozean,  als  sie  stürmische, 
gewaltige  Strömungen  sahen.  Der  Sturm  drängte  sie  gegen  ihren 
Willen  zum  Rand  des  Strudels.  Da  ergriff  sie  gewaltige  Furcht 
bei  der  Gröfse  seines  Stürmens.  Jeder  von  ihnen  begann  auf 
Brenainn  zu  blicken;  denn  die  Gefahr,  in  der  sie  waren,  war 
gewaltig.  Darauf  erhob  Brenainn  laut  seine  Stimme  und  sprach : 
'Es  genügt  dir,  grofses  Meer',  sagte  er  'mich  allein  zu  ertränken, 
und  lafs  diese  Leute  los!'  Da  glättete  sich  nun  das  Meer  sofort, 
und  die  Wallungen  des  Strudels  senkten  sich  von  da  an  auf 
immer  und  haben  keinem  anderen  mehr  geschadet. 

IV.  Als  sie  sich  eines  Tages  auf  dem  Meer  befanden,  kam 
der  Teufel  zu  ihnen  in  einer  greisenhaften  i),  schrecklichen,  un- 
reinen, höllischen  Gestalt  und  setzte  sich  auf  das  Segel  des  Bootes 
vor  Brenainn  allein.  Keiner  von  ihnen  sah  ihn  da  aufser  Brenainn 
allein.  Brenainn  fragte  den  Teufel,  weshalb  er  aus  der  Hölle 
gekommen  sei  vor  der  richtigen  Zeit,  d.  h.  vor  der  Zeit  der  grofsen 
Auferstehung.  'Darum  bin  ich  doch  gekommen'  sagte  der  Teufel, 
'um  meine  Peinigung  zu  suchen  in  den  tiefen  Verschlüssen  dieses 
schwarzen,  düsteren  Meeres'.  Brenainn  fragte  ihn:  'Wohlan,  wo 
ist  denn  dieser  höllische  Ort?'  —  '0  Jammer'  sagte  der  Teufel, 
'niemand  kann  ihn  sehen  und  darnach  leben'.  Da  zeigte  der 
Teufel  Brenainn  die  Türe  der  Hölle.  Und  Brenainn  sah  darauf 
diesen  rauhen,  dunkeln  Kerker  voll  von  Gestank,  voll  von  Flamme 2) 

gewaltige,  mannigfaltige  Qualen. 

V.  Nachdem  Brenainn  diese  Qualen  gesehen  hatte,  hörte  er 
gewaltiges,  unerträgliches,  nicht  auszuhaltendes  Wehgeschrei  und 
trauriges,  jämmerliches  Weinen  und  unausstehlichen  Klageruf  in 
der  Tiefe  des  unteren  Teiles  der  Hölle.  Da  ergriff  den  Kleriker 
Angst  bei  der  Furchtbarkeit  dieses  Elends.  Da  sah  Brenainn  einen 
grofsen  Fels;  auf  diesem  war,  was  er  hörte.    Und  das  höllische 


^)  Das  Ajektiv  senta  (sentu),  das  im  folgenden  noch  mehrfach  Avieder- 
kehrt,  und  das  Stokes  mit  'inveterate'  übersetzt,  war  unserem  Verfasser 
offenbar  unbekannt;  er  fafst  es  als  Genetiv  eines  Substantivs  und  ändert 
danach  die  Form  der  folgenden  Adjektive. 

-)  Die  Übersetzung  dieser  langen  Schilderungen  der  Hölle  s.  bei  Stokes, 
S.254f. 


EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDE.  419 

Meer  kam  von  jeder  Seite  über  den  Felsen,  nämlich  eine  Welle 
von  scliwarzrotem  Feuer  von  vorn  über  ihn  und  das  andere  Mal 
eine  kalte  eisige  Welle  von  hinten.  Dort  stand  ein  einzelner 
elender  Mann  auf  dem  Felsen.  Brenainn  fragte  ihn,  wer  er  sei. 
'Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich'  sagte  er,  'und  ich  bin  es,  der  seinen 
Herrn  verkauft  hat  für  Silber  und  für  verächtlichen,  wertlosen 
Reichtum  der  Welt,  d.  i.  Jesum  Christum,  den  Sohn  des  lebendigen 
Gottes.  Und  gewaltig'  sagte  er,  'ist  die  Menge  meiner  mannig- 
faltigen Qualen.  Und  wie  du  mich  siehst,  werd  ich  sein  von 
heute  bis  zum  jüngsten  Gericht'.  Da  weinte  Brenainn  bei  der 
Gröfse  des  Elends,  in  dem  er  Judas  sah.  Da  machte  der  dieses 
kurze  Gedicht,  indem  er  Brenainn  seine  Pein  erwähnte: 

„Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich  heute  auf  den  Wogeu  der 
mächtigen  See.  Elend  ist  mein  gefahrvolles,  düsteres  Leben, 
da  ich  in  der  Hölle  gepeinigt  werde. 

Von  der  Feuerwoge  auf  die  kalte  Woge,  von  der  kalten 
Woge  auf  jede  mächtige  Woge,  gepeinigt  von  jeder  Seite:  ein 
elender  Ruf  ist,  dafs  ich  in  der  Pein  bin. 

Weh  mir,  dafs  ich  meinen  König  verlassen  habe!  Schlimm 
war  die  Tat,  an  die  ich  Hand  legte.  So  wird  man  darum  in 
Ewigkeit  ohne  Frieden  und  ohne  die  Milde  der  Ruhe  sein. 

Je  zur  einen  Stunde  der  untere  Teil  der  Hölle;  elend  ist 
der  . .  .^),  der  an  meiner  Seite  ist.  Schwarze  Teufel  sind  in 
meiner  Gesellschaft;  ach  über  ihr  Gesetz 2),  keine  liebliche 
Bildung! 

Weh  dem,  der  es  getan  hat,  weh  dem,  der  es  tut,  weh 
seiner  Wanderung  in  dieser  Welt!  Der  habsüchtig  ist  über 
das  Glück  hinaus,  zweimal  weh  ihm  und  wehe,  0  Gott! 

Weh  mir!  meine  Habsucht  hat  mich  ertränkt;  rohe  Teufel 
seh  ich  je  nach  der  Stunde.  Weh  um  meine  Fahrt  zu  ihnen, 
0  Gott!    Weh  dem,  was  in  mein  hartes  Gewissen  kam! 

Ach  Brenainn,  seht  mich  an!  Alles,  was  ich  tue,  bringt 
mir  nur  mehr.  Die  unselige,  gemeine,  schwarze,  blinde  Hölle, 
ach  darin  leb  ich! 

Ach,  ach!  der  Lohn  für  den  Verrat  an  meinem  König, 
lange,  lange  werd  ich  seine  bösen  Folgen  tragen.  DreiXsig 
Reifen  von  weifsem  Silber,  das  hat  meinen  Leib  verunglimpft. 


>)  grifing,  im  Reim  mit  ifirn;  'der  Greif? 
'^)  Der  Reim  verlaugt  freilich  Idigh. 


420      R,  THURNEYSEN,  EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDE. 

Für  Eeichtum  liab  ich  meinen  König  hingegeben;  ach, 
dadurch  ist  mein  Geschick  schlimm.  Der  Reichtum  bleibt  nicht 
zu  meiner  Verfügung:  ich  bleibe  in  der  Pein  in  Ewigkeit. 

Ach,  dafs  ich  nicht  tot  bin,  o  Sohn  meines  Gottes!  Ach, 
dafs  ich  in  rauher  Weise  Kampf  finde.  Ach,  dafs  ich  in 
Flammen  stehend  nicht  wie  Hunderte  (?)  i)  den  Tod  finde, 
sondern  lebe. 

Krumme  Würmer  sind  an  meinem  Leibe,  schwarze,  braune; 
elend  ist  der  Kampf!  Jagdgeschrei  je  zur  anderen  Stunde; 
elend  sind  die  Hetzen,  die  mich  treffen. 

Ach,  Silber!  wehe  deiner  Tat!  Ach,  du  brachtest  mich 
unter  mein  . .  .'■^)  Ach,  lügnerischer  bleicher  Reichtum,  ach, 
Plage  hast  du  bewirkt. 

Zusammen  mit  Teufeln  bin  icli,  ach!  .  .  .3)  schlimm  ist 
meine  Art.  Durch  Übermut  habe  ich  meine  Schönheit  ver- 
wandelt: Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich." 


^)  Eher  ist  Avohl  co  fachet  zu  lesen  'iudem  ich  bis  zu  hundertmal 
aufflamme'. 

2)  de  (im  Eeim  zu  fein)  kann  nicht  richtig  sein.  Vermutlich  péin 
'unter  meine  Pein'  und  Torher  äo  gnim  statt  dogni  mit  regelrechter  Konsonanz. 

ä)  Der  Reim  mit  demhnaibh  verlangt  niedhraidh,  das  ich  nicht  verstehe. 

Bonn.  Rudolf  Thurneysen. 


ALLERLEI  IRISCHES. 


L   Bec  mac  De. 

K.  Meyer  hat  in  dieser  Zs.  IX,  169  die  grolse  Prophezeiung 
von  Bec  mac  De  nach  drei  von  den  fünf  bekannten  Handschriften 
herausgeg-eben.  Er  verweist  auch  auf  Leabhar  Breac,  S.  260  a 
(lies  b),  wo  sich  unter  anderen  auf  Bec  bezüglichen  Anekdoten 
eine  kürzere  und  verständlichere  Prophezeiung  über  den  Zustand 
Irlands  am  Ende  der  Welt  findet.  Sie  kehrt  in  der  Brüsseler 
Handschrift  5100 — 5104,  fol.  7v,  wieder,  und  die  zwei  Abschriften 
lassen  gegenseitig  ihre  Fehler  verbessern.  Der  Text  mufs  aus 
der  Zeit  stammen,  wo  das  Hochkönigtum  bei  den  Mac  Néill  in 
Ailech  war,  da  dieser  Ort  vorangestellt  wird. 


Cetbriathra  Bic  maic  De  inso  Tarna  ghein  fo'cÄe^oir.  Dia'mbói 
each  oca  rada:  'is  bec  in  nóidiu',  as'bert  somh  bei  immarcraid 
na  ndaoine  mór  aice  do  scélaib  derid  domain.  Conid  and 
at'bert  sum: 

Ailech  cen  glall.        Temair  hi  tráig.  5 

Daurlus  (.i.  Guaire)  cen  biad.        Line  cen  lüad. 

Lüachair  i-llén.        Emain  co  hüar. 

Maisten  cen  mlad.        Carman  cen  riad. 

Bladma  cen  bláth.        Äine  cen  hol. 

Echtge  cen  ág.        Laigin  hi  ngáir.  10 

Laigis  ÓS  chach.        Eli  (.i.  Descirt)  do  meth. 

Ere  cen  maith    ó  sin  himmach    coti  in  bráth. 


1    inso    om.    B        gbeiu    {no    breit)    B,    genemain   L(eabhar  Breac) 
.i.  diambói  B  2   atbert  Bec  L      imacr-  B      .    3   na  uoidine  moire  L 

i   sum  om.  B  5   Ailiuch  B  6   Durlus  B  9    eol  £  10   i  -B 

12  amach  B      yrl.  add.  L 


422  RUDOLF   THURNEYSEN, 

Dieses  sind  die  ersten  Worte  von  Bec  mac  De  sofort  nach 
seiner  Geburt.  Als  alle  sagten:  'Das  ist  ein  kleines  Kind!', 
sagte  er,  er  habe  mehr  als  die  grofsen  Menschen  an  Berichten 
über  das  Ende  der  Welt.    Und  da  sprach  er: 

„Ailech  ohne  Geisel.        Temair  am  Strande, 

Durlus  (Guaire)  ohne  Speise.        Line  ohne  Ruhm. 

Luachair  in  Trübsal.        Emain  kalt. 

Maisten  ohne  Ehre.        Carman  ohne  Wagenfahren, 

Bladma  ohne  Blüte.        Aine  ohne  Trunk. 

Echtge  ohne  Kampf.        Leinster  im  Gespött. 

Leix  über  allen.        Eli  (Descirt)  im  Verfall. 

Irland  ohne  Gutes  von  da  bis  zum  jüngsten  Gericht." 


II.   Scela  geine  Cormaic. 

Die  so  betitelte  Erzählung  findet  sich,  wie  d'Arbois  de  Jubain- 
ville,  Essai  d'un  catalogue  S.  196,  anmerkt,  in  der  Handschrift 
des  Trinity  College  zu  Dublin,  H.  3. 17,  Col.  782— 784.  Dieser 
Text  ist  aber  wörtlich  identisch  mit  einem  Abschnitt,  den  K.  Mej'er, 
ZCP  VIII  310, 30— 312,  9  aus  den  Laud -Genealogien  abgedruckt 
hat.    Ich  gebe  die  bedeutsameren  Varianten  aus  H.  3.17: 

Titel:  Sgela  geine  Cormaic  andso  sis.  /S.  310, 30  Anfang: 
Intan  im  robdar  lana  —  31.  Aithe  —  32.  do  om.  asrobart 
doirgeba    amac    co    remi    Cormac    —    33.    Maidean    rogenair 

Corm.  om.  01c  —  34.  Aithai  .u.creasa  imdeaglaith  ar  teine 
ar  (35)  agdaire  ar  each  nolc  ar  conaib  Nibo  cian  iar  sin  (36)  ina 
collud  isin  aidce  tolluid  —  37.  uaidchi  finebolg  inbolg  intsod  — 
38.  arluaith  robai  aircise  and  —  39,  do  aircis  —  40.  fiadruad 
focuaird      in  mac 

311, 1.  ose  cowraithit  Luigne  fotri  —  2,  rofiwd  athair  a 
mathar  son  anisin  —  3,  Luigthige  —  4,  Do  deart  fri  — 
5.  folait  Con  om.  —  6,  Cachtan  —  7.  Fiacha  Casan  — 
8.  amedon  aithe  dosnacadar     do  breith   —   9.  uáti     ual  uiwjpe 

dosnacad  —  11.  Sliab  Conachlad  inairt 12.  tiprait  indlaith  .. 

trog  CO?»  comaid  —  13.  Ainmni  únmm  andso  Atfet  (14) 
scela  caiid  ior  in  —  15.  fliuch  muide  —  16.  in  muide  lama 
daine  arnaco?«ad  (17)  bas  de  auíísin  trea  (18)  treagasc  7 
ire  draigeac/íí  co  Team-  diluad  sobais  7  dobreath  —  19.  ornasc 
oir  7  timteact  —  20.  Fomaisi     gus  mor  direach  (hisen  om)  — 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  423 

21.  7se  —  22.  Conacaid  —  23.  Doluig  seom  —  24.  dotuaslaig  in 
claidiw  nob-t  —  25.  tuaslaici  claidiw  osome  ractaire  —  26.  Xo 
indrosc  dob-t  (27)  ar  in  rachtaire  biaid  mo  meamaisneis 
iwillis  Robia  —  28.  rachtaire  .i.  bean  rue  an  rig  cid  cias  a 
bean  ol  Cit  —  29.  ol  in  rachaire  .i.  ben  ruc  an  rig  dinimaithle ') 
.i.  a  cairid  —  30.  do  disli  illomrad  glais  in  guirt  —  31.  lomrad 
eis  a  ceile  nirug  hi  2)  ol  —  32.  Corm-c  ferne  Forruisistar  in 
rachtaire  —  34.  im  diaig  sea  maiwitfuil  do  claiwd  in  nEiriu 
is  in  (35)  fer  sin  Taet  tor  einech  sa  co  fear  gabsa  ni  otn.  — 
36.  lium  rucais  in  breath  tr/chat  —  38.  Nito  olse  nimdarrig 
ceinba  hand. 

312, 1.  Togaib  in  mac  a  glun  im  om.  —  2.  cein  Congairt- 
ceüe  7  a  amais  co  7  fororcongrad  (3)  forro  Taet  am  dar 
feinechus  tain  is  caith  uair  —  4.  annroso  Docowiliüd  Mac  Con 
7  Lugaid  mac  Macniad  —  5.  Die  Glosse  fehlt  side  7  tr/thean  7 
Eocho  —  6.  Cindas  on  ol  forfagaib  in  faithe  form  ba  breith  — 
7.  Nito  beir  sin  uair  is  tosach  —  8.  duit  acht  roba  toil  duit 
sin      lium   —   9.  adbert. 


III.   Alrd  Echdi. 

K.  Meyer,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde  III  Nr.  41,  hat  gesehen, 
dals  mit  diesem  auf  der  Halbinsel  Cantire  befindlichen  Wohnsitz 
von  Echde  Echbél  in  der  CuRoi-Sage  das  Vorgebirge  gemeint 
ist,  das  Ptolemäus  3, 1  u.  8  'E:riöiov  äy.Qov  nennt,  heute  'Mull  of 
Cantire'.  Er  fafst  den  ersten  Bestandteil  als  ard  'Höhe'.  Aber 
im  Text  (Eriu  II 32)  heilst  es  i  n-aird  ecdcei  und  a  h-airt  ede, 
während  ard  'Höhe'  neutraler  0- Stamm  ist.  Darum  scheint  mir 
nicht  zweifelhaft,  dafs  wii-  das  irische  Femininum  aird  vor  uns 
haben,  das  schon  längst  Stokes  (Kuhns  Beitr.  8,  351)  mit  gr.  ägöig 
f.  'Pfeilspitze,  Stachel'  identifiziert  hat.  Das  Wort  hat  sich 
besonders  in  gewissen  Ausdrücken  am  Leben  erhalten  wie  as  cech 
aird  'von  aUen  Seiten',  quadrati  mundi,  Glosse:  ceth[ar]aird 
Tur.  138,  und  man  setzt  gewifs  mit  Recht  als  Grundbedeutung: 
'Endpunkt,  Ecke'  an.  Somit  entspricht  Aird  {Echde)  dem 
gr.  {'Ejtiöiov)  äxQov  ganz  genau.  Mej-er  wii'd  Recht  haben  mit 
der  Annahme,  dafs  das  Mifsverständnis  von  Echdi  als  Genetiv 


^)  Das  zweite  i  scheint  auspunktiert. 
^)  oder  lii. 


424  RUDOLF  THURNETSEN, 

vom  Dativ  i  n-Äird  Echdi  ausgeg-angen  ist.  Also  wieder  eine 
der  irischen  Sagengestalten,  die  aus  einem  Ortsnamen  heraus- 
gewachsen ist,  wie  namentlich  so  zahlreiche  in  der  Tain  Bo 
Cuailnge.  Dafs  dieses  Verfahren  schon  den  allerältesten  auf  uns 
gekommenen  Sagen  eignete,  zeigt  ja  deutlich  König  Bran  im 
alten  Imram  Brain,  der  dem  Vorgebirge  Srub  Brain  'Raben- 
schnauze' sein  Dasein  verdankt  (ed.  K.Meyer,  §64)i). 

Da  ich  eben  die  CuEoi-Sage  berühre,  möchte  ich  zu  meinem 
Wiederherstellungsversuch  von  Aided  ConEoi  I  (ZOP  VIII 190  ff.) 
ein  paar  Besserungen  vorschlagen: 

Da  §  4  wohl  sicher  no  =  dano  steht,  ergänze  ich  auch  in 
§  G  das  l  am  Ende  der  Zeile  zu  l-  =  no  (dano)  und  lese:  fo'cairt 
side  dano  dar  drolam  in  cJioiri  'dieser  sprang  nun  über  den 
Henkel  des  Kessels'. 

Zu  tohhie  §  9,  das  mir  do'hi  zu  lesen  scheint,  vgl.  Tain 
B.  C.  2614  (ed.  O'Keeffe):  da  mheith  ainib  had  mo  for  ChoinCulaind, 
is  ed  ro'thuibehad  fris  'wenn  C.  C.  einen  gröfseren  Fehler 
gehabt  hätte,  so  hätte  er  (FerDiad)  ihn  ihm  vorgeworfen'  oder 
'auf  gerupf  f. 

In  §  10  liegt  der  handschriftlichen  Lesung  näher:  teinm  ind 
uhuill  sin  als  mein  etwas  gewaltsames:  no'ieinfide  a  n-iihall  sin; 
der  Sinn  bleibt  ungefähr  derselbe. 

In  §  11  ist  vielleicht  zu  lesen:  cona' toracJitatar  do.  Gaiti 
CúChulmn  in  claideb  'so  dafs  sie  nicht  bis  zu  ihm  gelangen 
konnten.  C.  C.  stiehlt  das  Schwert'.  Dafs  er  damit  den  Salm 
umbrachte,  wäre  dann  in  Gedanken  zu  ergänzen. 

Dafs  die  Deutung  der  fir  Ochaine  (S.  211.  214)  als  Vögel, 
die  auf  den  Ohren  der  Kühe  singen,  eine  etymologisierende  ist 
(von  Ó  'Ohr'  und  canid  'singt'),  habe  ich  damals  nicht  gesehen. 
Sie  kann  also  beliebig  spät  sein. 

Die  Verwandlung  von  Bldthnat  ingen  Mind  in  B.  ingen 
Caithmind  (S.  222)  hängt  wohl  mit  dem  König  von  Britannien 


1)  Dafs  man  kein  zweites  Srúh  Brain  anzunehmen  hat,  obschon  in 
Aided  ConBoi  (Ériu  II 22  §  4)  ein  solcher  Ort  auch  in  der  Nähe  von  Caher 
Conree  zu  liegen  scheint,  ergibt  sich  daraus,  dafs  diese  Episode  erst  von  dem 
Bearbeiter  der  Sage  aus  dem  Dindsenchas  von  Srub  Brain  geschöpft  worden 
ist  (ZOP  IX  217)  und  dieses  von  dem  gewöhnlichen  Vorgebirge  in  Donegal 
handelt.  Doch  hat  jene  Verschmelzung  bewirkt,  dafs  der  Ordner  des  jüngeren 
Dindsenchas  Srub  Brain  unmittelbar  hinter  Findglais  in  Munster  einreiht 
(Rev.  Celt.  XV  450). 


ALLERLEI    IRISCHES.  425 

Caithmend  zusammen,  der  in  der  Einleitung  des  Prosa-Dindsenclias 
(Rev.  Celt.  XV  277  §  2)  erwähnt  wird. 

S.  336  Zeile  9  ist  der  Druckfehler  'die  packte' . . .  statt  'Sie 
packte'  stehen  geblieben. 

IT.    Comrac  Fir  Diad. 

Von  dem  Kampf  des  Fer  Diad  mit  CuChulainn  ist  in  unserer 
Überlieferung  der  LU- Version  der  Tain  Bo  Cuailnge  bekanntlich 
nur  der  Anfang  bewahrt,  und  ob  die  paar  Notizen,  die  eine 
spätere  Hand  YBL  39  b  7 — 43 1)  beigefügt  hat,  derselben  Version 
entspringen,  mufs  vorerst  als  unsicher  gelten.  Gibt  es  Mittel, 
die  Lücke,  die  die  direkte  Überlieferung  läfst,  zu  ergänzen? 

Mit  dieser  Frage  hat  sich  schon  Nettlau  in  seiner  Arbeit 
über  diese  Episode  in  Rev.  Celt.  X  und  XI  beschäftigt.  Namentlich 
hatte  er  in  der  Hs.  H.  2. 12  (Trinity  Coll.,  Dublin)  ein  Fragment 
der  Erzählung  gefunden,  das  in  seiner  Fassung  von  allen  anderen 
Quellen,  die  im  wesentlichen  die  LL -Version  wiedergeben,  be- 
deutend abweicht 2).  Beruhen  diese  Abweichungen  etwa  darauf, 
dafs  der  Redaktor  eine  vollständige  Handschrift  der  LU- Version 
benutzt  hat?  Nettlau  konnte  darauf  keine  sichere  Antwort 
finden,  weil  H.  2. 12  erst  kurz  vor  dem  Punkte  einsetzt,  wo  YBL 
abbricht.  Er  war  aber  eher  geneigt  daran  zu  zweifeln  3)  und 
hoffte  auf  eine  Entscheidung  durch  die  Hs.  H.  2. 17,  falls  sie  diese 
Episode  enthielte.  Diese  Hoffnung  hat  sich  nun  zwar  nicht 
erfüllt,  da  diese  Handschrift,  ebenso  wie  die  Parallelhandschrift 
Egerton  93  (die  e/i- Version),  lange  vor  der  Fer -Diad -Episode 
abbricht'*).  Dagegen  ist  ein  anderes  Manuskript  geeignet,  diesen 
Dienst  zu  leisten,  von  dem  sich  Nettlau  nur  Anfang  und  Ende 
notiert  hatte  ^),  Es  ist  die  des  Franziskaner  Klosters  in  Dublin, 
die  mit  Nr.  16  bezeichnet  ist,  und  deren  Abdruck  wir  jetzt  Best 
(oben  S,  276  ff,)  verdanken. 

Es  hat  sich  nämlich  ergeben,  dafs  die  Franziskaner  Hs.  (F) 
dieselbe  Fassung  enthält  wie  H.  2. 12  (H),  aber  glücklicherweise 
vollständig.    Freilich  wörtlich  entsprechen  sich  die  beiden  nicht. 


0  ed.  Strachan-O'Keeffe  2678—2733. 

2)  Es  ist  jetzt  von  Best  oben  S.  298  ff.  sorgfältig  im  Zusamraeubaug 
abgedruckt. 

ä)  S.  besonders  Rev.  Celt.  XI 342 1. 
*)  Vgl.  ZCP  Vm526. 
6)  Eev.  Celt.  XI 326  f. 


426 


RUDOLF  THURNETSEN, 


Jede  von  ihnen  hat  gelegentlich  gekürzt,  vielleicht  auch  manchmal 
auf  eigene  Hand  erweitert,  und  sie  behandeln  auch  sonst  den 
Text  sehr  frei.  Aber  im  allgemeinen  stimmen  sie  doch  so  nahe 
überein,  dafs  ein  gemeinsames  Original  unzweifelhaft  ist.  Dieses 
scheint  eine  ziemlich  späte  Bearbeitung  des  Fer-Diad- Kampfes 
gewesen  zu  sein. 

Da  F  den  Anfang  der  Episode  enthält,  der  ja  auch  in  YBL 
bewahrt  ist,  so  sind  wir  nun  in  der  Lage,  für  diesen  Teil  genau 
zu  bestimmen,  wie  sich  diese  Modernisierung  zur  LL -Version  und 
zur  LU-Yersion  verhält.  Es  ergibt  sich,  dafs  sie  eine  vollendete 
Mischung  beider  darstellt,  indem  sie  abwechselnd  bald  dieser, 
bald  jener  folgt  oder  beide  vereinigt.  Aber  wie  schon  Best 
gesehen  hat,  es  ist  sogar  noch  die  dritte  Version  benutzt,  die 
ich  eh  genannt  habe.  Freilich  enthält  diese  ja,  wäe  schon  berührt, 
den  Fer-Diad -Kampf  nicht.  Aber  sie  beschreibt  zwei  frühere 
Zusammenkünfte  von  Fergus  mit  CuChulainn  (Wind.  1809  ff.  und 
2863  ff.),  und  diese  Schilderungen  hat  unser  Redaktor  benutzt, 
um  Fergus'  Kommen  in  der  Fer-Diad -Episode  auszuschmücken. 
Sein  Verfahren  im  einzelnen  wird  am  besten  zu  Tage  treten, 
wenn  ich  die  paar  ersten  Sätze  seines  Textes  neben  den  der 
Versionen  LU  (YBL)  und  LL  setze;  die  Stücke,  die  er  ver- 
wendet hat,  sind  gesperrt  gedruckt: 


F  §2—3. 

As  andsin  do  hiom- 
raidheadh  ag  feroibh 
Eirionn  cia  budh  coir 
do  chathughadh  7  do 
chruadhchomhrag  re  Coin 
ccathbhuaghach  cCulainn 
a  mocha  na  maidne  arna- 
maroch.  Adubradar  each 
uile  gurab  é  an  feidhm 
nach  fuloingther  7  an 
boirbfreagartach  biodh- 
badh  7  an  trénmhílidh 
trasgartha  tromehomh- 
loinn  7  an  coghainchnea- 
sach  a  hiorrus  Domhnan 
.i.  dile  7  dearbchomhalta 
Con  cCulaiun  budhein  7 
a  cheile  comhghaisgidh 
7  comfoghlama  .1.  Fer 
Diadh  mac  Damhain  mic 


YBL  2201—2216. 
Is  andsin  rohim- 
r aided  leosom  iarum 
cia  fer  bad  tuaiaing 
dingbail  ConCulaind 
dib.  Ad  •  bertsadar  7 
ro-nertsadar  7  ro-naid- 
setar  ceithri  coicid 
Herenn  cia  bad  choir 
do  thabairt  for  ath 
inn  aigid  ConCulaind. 
AtTubartadar  uili 
corb  e  in  congen- 
chnesach  a  hirrus 
Domnand,  in  feidm 
nach-fiiilingther  7 
in  bairindlecc  bratha, 
a  derbchomalta 
dil  dichra  fodeisin. 
Ni'bai  ic  CoinCu- 
laind    cles    na-beth 


LL  3001—3024. 

Is  andsin  ra"im- 
raided  oc  feraib 
Herend  cia  bad  choir 
do  chomlond  7  do 
chomrac  ra  CoinCu- 
laind  ra  húair  na 
maitni  muchi  arna- 
bárach.  Issed  ra-raid- 
setar  uile  combad  é 
FerDiad  macDamain 
meic  Dare,  in  milid 
morchalma  d' feraib 
Domnand.  Daig  bha 
cosmail  7  bha  comadas 
a  comlond  7  a  comrac. 
Ac  oenmummib  daTonsat 
ceirdgnimrada  gaile  7 
gascid  dfoglaim  (St),  ac 
Scáthaig  7  ac  Uathaig 
7  ac  Aife.     Ocua  ní'bái 


ALLERLEI  IRISCHES. 


42? 


Daire  Domnandoigh  .i.  an 
milidh  ar  morchalmacht 
OS  feroib  Domnanu  uile, 
or  Di  raibhe  cleas  goile 
no  gaiscidh  ag  Coin 
cCulainn  nach  raibhe  ag 
Fior  Dhiadh  acht  cleas 
an  gháoi  bhulga  nama. 
Gidheadh  dar  leosan  do 
bhi  iongabháil  an  chleasa 
sin  fein  ag  Fior  Dhiadh, 
doigh  as  eneas  coghna  7 
cnamha  baoi  uime,  gonach 
gondaois  airm  naid  iol- 
fsebhoir  a  n-am  chatha 
no  comhlainn  é. 

Ar  sin  faoigheas 
Meadhbh  feasa  7  teachda 
ar  ceand  Fir  Dhiadh. 
Ro  er  7  ro  aither  Fear 
Diadh  na  teachta  sin,  or 
do  aithín  an  t-adhbhar 
fá  raibhe  Meadhbh  dia 
thochuiredh  .i.  do  cathu- 
ghadh  7  do  chomhrag  re 
charoid  7  re  cumpanach 
fein  re  Coin  cCulainn. 
lar  sin  fseigheas  Meadhbh 
a  draoithi  7  a  deighiilidh 
ar  ceand  Fir  Dhiadh  dia 
seir  7  dia  egnach  'na 
fiaghnoisi,  go  tturthog- 
badseis  teora  bolg  fora 
ghnuis  0  ainimh  7  0 
easbuidh,  muna  tairisedh 
leo.  Do  eiridh  Fer  Diadh 
leo  iar  sin,  uair  ba  husa 
lais  gsei  ghaiscidh  dfu- 
lang  naid  gsei  aoire  7 
aithisi. 


aice,  acht  mad  in 
gai  bulgai  namma, 
7  cid  indar  leosom 
bai  aiciseom  a 
sechna  7  a  imde- 
gail  fair  daig  coú- 
gnaidhi  imbi,  no- 
conis'gebdis  airm 
na  ilfsebair. 


Do'bretha  Medb 
techta  for  cend 
FirDiad.  Nocho'tanic 
Fer  Diad  risna  techtaib 
hisin.  Do'bretha  Medb 
filid  7  aes  dana  7  ses 
glamtha  gruaidi  ara 
chend,  co'nderntais  a 
?erad  7  a  aithised 
7  a  ainfialad,  cona* 
fagad  iuad  a  chind  for 
bith,  co'tisad  í  pupall 
Medba  7  Aililla  for 
Tana.  Tainic  Fer  Diad 
leisna  techtaib  hisin 
[ar]  uamuu  a  imderctha 
doib. 


immarcraid  neich  dib  ac 
áraile,  acht  cless  in 
gee  bulga  ac  Coin- 
culaind.  Cid  ed  on  ba 
conganchnessach  Fer  Diad 
ac  comlund  7  ac  comrac 
ra  láech  ar  áth  na  agid 
side. 


Is  andsin  ra'fáittea 
fessa  7  techtaireda 
ar  cend  Fir  Diad. 
Ra'érastar  7  ra^eitt- 
chestar  7  ra'repestar 
Fer  Diad  na  techta 
sin  ocus  ní'thánic  leo, 
daig  ra'fitir  ani 
ma-ra'batar  do,  do 
chomlond  7  do  chom- 
rac  re  charait,  re 
chocle  7  re  chomalta 
[fri  CoinCulaind  Si]. 
Is  andsin  fáitte  Medb 
na  drúith  7  na  glámma 
7  na  crúadgressa  ar  cend 
FirDiad,  arcon'derntáis 
téora  íéra  fossaigthe  do 
7  teora  glamma  dicend, 
go'tócbaitís  teora 
bolga  bar  a  agid,  ail 
7  anim  7  athis,  munu- 
thised^).  Tanic  Fer 
Diad  leo  dar  cend  a 
enig,  daig  ba  hussu 
lessium  a  thuttim 
do  gaib  gaile  7  gascid 
7  engnama  na  a  thut- 
tim de  gaaib  aire  7 
écnaig  7  imdergtha. 


*)  .i.  on  7  ainimh  7  easbuidh,  muna'dtisedh  leo  (Si  usw.). 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  X.  28 


428  HtJDOLF  THÜRNEYSEN, 

Im  einzelnen  verhält  sich  unsere  Fassung  (f)  folgendermafsen 
zur  LU- Version  (Y)  und  zur  LL -Version  (L).  Ich  bezeichne  f 
mit  den  Paragraphen  von  Best,  der  darin  Nettlau  folgt,  und 
zähle  innerhalb  der  Paragraphen  die  Zeilen: 

§2,  1—3  =:  L  30011);  3—7  =  Y  2204;  8—9  =  L  3004; 
9—14  =  Y  2207. 

§  3  wesentlich  =  L  3012. 

§4,  1—4  =  Y  2216;  4—8  =  Y  2221;  die  Ausdrucksweise 
10—11  aus  eh  (ZCP  VIII  553  f.);  13—23  =  L  3027  und 
Y  2225  (gemischt). 

§  5  =  Y  2233  (vgl.  St,  Windisch  3112). 

§  7,  1—12  =  Y  2237  und  St  (Windisch  3153). 

§9  steht  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y2251,  L  3035,  entspricht 
ihm  aber  inhaltlich  nicht. 

§  11  =  L  3163. 

§12,  1—17  =  Y  2312;  18—19  =  eh  (Egerton  93)  §207; 
20  — 31  =  eh  (ZCP  VIII  549);  31—38  =  Y  2330;  38—42 
=  eh  (ZCP  VIII  549—550);  42— 46=  Y  2339;  46—47 
=  eh  (S.  550);  48—50  =  Y  2345;  50—58  =  L  2867 
(besonders  St);  58—61  =  eh  (Eg.  93)  §210;  61—64 
=  ib.  §  208;  64—71  =  eh  (ZCP  VIII  550);  71—75 
=  Y2353;  76—77  =  eh  (wie  oben);  77—84  =  Y  2359 
und  L  3175  gemischt. 

§  132)  =  Y  2364. 

§  14,  1—4  =  Y  2366;  4—7  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2371 
(L  3190). 

§  16  =  L  3182. 

§  19,  1—3  =  eh  (ZCP  VIII  550). 

§  18  =  Y  2416. 

§  21  =  Y  2421. 

§23  =  Y2431.  Dann  §23.24,1-6  wesentlich  =  L  3235 
(sehr  gekürzt);  6— 8  =  L  3295. 

§  25.  26.  27  stehen  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2448,  L  3258. 

§  30  vgl.  Y  2472  und  L  3282. 

§  31  =  Y  2473. 

§  32  =  Y  2505  und  L  3284. 


1)  Es  sind  immer  auch  die  nächstfolgenden  Zeilen  gemeint. 
')  Die  Paragraphen  13.  14.  16. 19.  (aber  nicht  18)  21  kehren  fast  wörtlich 
gleich  in  Egerton  106  wieder  (s.  Rev.  Celt.  X  341  ff.). 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  429 

§  34,  1  und  6  vgl.  L  3290. 

§  37  =  Y  2517. 

§  38  =  Y  2518  oder  L  3306. 

§  39,  1—2  vgl.  L  3315. 

§  42 1)  vgl.  Y  2545  und  L  3374. 

§  43  (diese  Zahl  ist  bei  Best  in   §  42  Z.  11  vor  ^Loim  chro' 

einzusetzen).    Zu  Z.  1  vgl.  Mesca  Ulad  (ed.  Hennessy)  S.  20 

(LL264b,  Z.  9v.  u.);   zur  letzten  Zeile  den  Anfang  des 

Gedichts  Y2521  (L  3319). 
§  44   steht  (nach  dem  in  H,  2. 12  bewahrten  Anfangssatz)  an 

Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2583  (L-3349),  dem  er  aber  inhaltlich 

nicht  entspricht. 
§  45,  1— 2  =  Y  2578  (L  3345);  10—14  =  Y  2579. 
§  47  =  Y  2609  oder  L  3386. 
§  49  =  Y  2610. 
§  51,  1—15  steht  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2617  (L  3409).   Hier 

bricht  Y  ab. 

Ich  habe  die  Stücke,  die  der  LL -Version  entsprechen,  oben 
meist  einfach  mit  L  bezeichnet.  Aber  bekanntlich  besitzen  wir 
die  LL-Yersion  in  doppelter  Gestalt,  in  der  älteren,  die  uns  nur 
im  Buch  von  Leinster  erhalten  ist  —  ich  will  sie  l  nennen  — 
und  in  der  jüngeren,  durch  verschiedene  Handschriften  ver- 
tretenen, die  ich  in  meinem  Stammbaum  (ZCPIX441)  unter  s 
zusammengefafst  habe.  Aus  welcher  hat  unser  f  geschöpft?  Die 
Beantwortung  der  Frage  ist  auch  für  den  Endteil  von  einiger 
Bedeutung,  wie  wir  sehen  werden.  Sie  ist  aber  bei  der  Art  des 
Textes  nicht  ganz  leicht  und  komplizierter,  als  man  zunächst  ver- 
muten könnte.  Es  scheint  nämlich,  dafs  im  Anfang  (§  3  und  7 
und  in  dem  aus  einem  früheren  Abschnitt  herübergenommenen 
Teil  von  §  12)  die  jüngere  Version  5  sei  es  ausschliefslich,  sei 
es  vorwiegend  benutzt  worden  ist,  während  in  §  11  und  in  den 
späteren  Partien  nur  das  ältere  l  zugrunde  gelegt  worden  ist. 
Warum  der  Eedaktor  so  verfahren  ist,  können  wir  nicht  wissen; 
vielleicht  hatte  er  eine  unvollständige  Handschrift  von  s  vor 
sich,  die  bald  nach  §  7  abbrach.    Die  beweisenden  Stellen  sind: 


^)  In  der  Mitte  dieses  Paragraphen  setzt  H.  2. 12  ein ,  das  hier  aus- 
führlicher ist  und  dem  ursprünglichen  Wortlaut  von  f  näher  zu  stehen 
scheint  als  F. 

28* 


430  RUDOLF   THURNEYSEN, 

§  3,  8  go  tturfhogbadceis  teora  holg  fora  ghnuis  o  aininili 
7  0  eashuidh,  muna  tairisedh  leo  gegen  LL3019:  go  tócbaitís 
teora  holga  hara  agid,  ail  7  anim  7  athis^),  munu  thised  und 
s  (St  usw.):  CO  tturghaitis  . . .  A.  on  7  ainimh  7  eashuidh,  muna 
d-tisedh  leo.  Die  Wörter  eashuidh  und  leo  finden  sich  also 
nur  in  s  und  f\  tturtlioghadms  sieht  fast  aus,  als  ob  es  beide 
anderen  Lesarten  vereinigen  sollte,  doch  könnte  es  wohl  auch 
Verderbnis  von  s  sein.  In  demselben  Paragraph,  Z.  2,  liest 
LL3013:  Ea  érastar  7  ra  eittchestar  7  ra  repestar,  F:  Ro  er 
7  ro  aither,  St  nur:  Ro  érusdair.  Die  zwei  Verben  in  F 
könnten  hier  eher  auf  l  als  auf  5  weisen;  doch  ist  das  unsicher. 
Also  in  diesem  Paragraph  sicher  EinÜufs  von  5,  vielleicht  von  l. 

§  5,  dessen  Inhalt  in  LL  fehlt,  aber  in  5  vorhanden  ist 
(Windisch  3112),  folgt  im  wesentlichen  Y  2233;  nur  das 
Schlufswort  re  Coin  cCulainn  könnte  nach  s  hinzugefügt  sein. 
Wichtiger  ist: 

§  7.  Auch  er  fehlt  in  LL  und  steht,  aufser  in  Y  2236, 
in  s  (Windisch  3153).  Im  wesentlichen  folgt  f  wieder  Y; 
aber  der  Eiuflufs  von  s  ist  deutlich  in  F,  Z.  5:  doigh  amh  ni 
meatachd  no  niilaocJms  ro  fidir  siomh  form  sa  riamh  gegen  Y: 
daig  ni  he  mo  triamnass  na  mo  midlocJios  riam  a-llo  nach  i 
nn-aichdi  ro-fidir  orm  und  St:  uair  ni  he  mo  metacht  so  no 
mo  milaochd(acht)  ro  fitir  siom  form  sa  riamh.  Auch  Zeile  8 
in  F  milaochus,  in  St  milaochas  gegen  Y  midlochos.  Man 
könnte  sich  ja  allerdings  fragen,  ob  der  Abschnitt  (Windisch 
3112—3162)  in  l  immer  gefehlt  hat,  ob  er  nicht  etwa  nur  in 
der  Hs.  LL  übersprungen  worden  ist.  Das  ist  aber  bei  seinem 
Umfang  unwahrscheinlich.  Auch  die  Frage  könnte  man  auf- 
werfen, ob  er  in  s  wirklich  aus  einer  Hs.  der  LU- Version 
nachgetragen  worden  ist  und  nicht  etwa  aus  unserer  Version  f. 
Da  aber  die  Beeinflussung  in  §  5  ganz  unzweifelhaft  in  der 
umgekehrten  Richtung  stattgefunden  hat,  indem  dort  s  dem 
Wortlaut  Y  viel  näher  steht  als  f,  wird  es  sich  auch  hier  so 
verhalten  und  das  ganze  5  älter  als  f  sein. 

§  11  zeigt  dagegen  deutlich  Übereinstimmung  mit  l. 
Vgl.  Z.  1:  Is  andsin  tarroidh  Meadbh  modh  n-aroidh  ar  Fer 
n-Diag  uman  comhrag  do  dhénam  re  seisi[r]  ccmaoisi  c{urad) 


')  Den  Zwischensatz  lasse  ich  mit  "Windisch  aus. 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  431 

mit  LL  3163:  Is  andsain  ra  siacht  Medh  máih  n-áraig  bar 
Fer  n-Diad  im  cJiomlond  7  im  clwmrac  ra  sessiur  ciirad  gegen  s : 
Is  ann  sin  ro  gabh  Medlibli  ratha  7  urradha  ar  Fear  n-Biadli 
fd  comlonn  do  denamh  re  seiser  curadh  do  trenferaibh  h-fer 
n-Erenn  (die  Übereinstimmung  von  f  und  s  in  do  dliénamh 
kann  leicht  zufällig  sein).  Ebenso  Z.  5  cor  seisir  wie  LL  3167: 
im  chur  in  tsessir  chétna  {s  ganz  abweichend)  und  Z.  6  dia 
ttaothsad  wie  LL  3168:  mad  da  toetsad  gegen  St:  dia  d-tuitedh. 

§  12  stimmt  in  dem  aus  einem  früheren  Teil  der  Tain 
(Windisch  2867  ff.)  entlehnten  Abschnitt  zu  s  gegen  LL.  Vgl. 
Z. 54  (S. 279  unten):  a  truaill  Fergusa  7  cuirios  ...  'na  ionadh 
7  tue  da  bhreithir  naeh  ttlobradh  dFergus  e,  nogo  ttiosad  Id 
an  morchatJia,  airm  a  ttioefadaois  ceithre  hoJlclwigidh  Brenn 
a  n-dit  n-aonbhaile  ar  Ghdirigh  7  ar  lolghdirigh  a  ccath  mhor 
thana  bo  Cuailgne 

mit  St:  asa  truaill  thaisgetha  7  cuiris  . . .  'na  ionadh  7  tug 
dd  breithir  nach  ttiobhradh  dFearghus  é  go  Id  an  mliórchatha, 
dit  a  ccomhrtiicfitis  fir  Eirenn  a  g-cath  mór  tdna  bó  Cúailghné 
ar  Gdiridhe  7  lolghdiridhe, 

während  LL  2870  nur  hat:  assa  intig  7  do'bretha  ...  dia 
inud  7  do'bert  a  brethir  na  tibred  do,  co  tucad  Id  in  cJiatha  móir. 

Aber  am  Ende  des  Paragraphen  (S.  280),  wo  f  zum 
späteren  Text  zurückgekehrt  ist,  liest  es:  fer  comgaisgidh  7 
comhgniomha  ähnlich  wie  LL  3178:  th'fer  comchliss  7  comgascid 
7  comgnima,  während  in  St  7  comgnima  fehlt. 

§  16  F  ni  mar  coch  wie  LL  3182:  ni  mar  chach  gegen  s: 
ni  mar  cech  nech  oile. 

§  32  F  scaroidh  feirstte  wie  LL  3285 :  scar  dam  fortcha 
gegen  St:  sguir  na  heocha  duinn,  ar  sé,  et  cuir  fortci  (wofür 
in  H.  1.13  und  Eg.  106,  Windisch  S.  1110:  .  .  .  et  cuir  feirsde. 
Die  Lesart  feirste  stammt  aus  der  LU-Yersion  2506:  Cid  nach 
srengai  feirtsi  in  charpait). 

Ich  möchte  gleich  hinzufügen,  dafs  diese  Übereinstimmung 
mit  l  gegen  s  auch  im  Folgenden  zu  Tage  tritt,  wo  Y  nicht 
mehr  vorliegt,  mit  Ausnahme  von  §80—85,  worüber  unten. 
Man  vergleiche : 

§51,  Z.  16  F  achmhusain  wie  LL3406:  athcossan;  die 
ganze  Stelle  fehlt  in  5.  —  Z.  17  F  Eccoir  amh  doitsi  wie 
LL  3527:  is  aire  sin  na  rachóir  duitsiu  {s  ganz  anders). 


432  RUDOLF  THURNEYSEN, 


In  §  55,  Z.  8  könnte  man  eine  Übereinstimmung  mit  s 
•  sehen  in  F  Tiagliam  orra  (H.  2.  12,  S.  302  Tiagam  orta  sin) 
wie  St  tiegani  forra,  während  LL  3554  nur  tecam  (ohne 
forru)  liest;  aber  das  kann  leicht  nur  eine  Änderung-  der 
Hs.  LL  sein.  Gewichtiger  ist  Z.  21:  F  gana  suainedhaihh 
lin  lanchadoigh  (H.  2.  12  go  suaighnQdhaihh  lancaäaith)  wie 
LL  3574:  go  suanemnaib  Im  lanchotut,  während  diese  Aus- 
drücke in  s  ganz  fehlen. 

§  59,  Z.  2  F  Leatsa  do  rogha  gaisgidh  anú,  uliar  Fer  D., 
doigh  as  misi  rug  rogha  isa  laithe  do  luidh. 

H.  2. 12  Letsa  do  rogha  gaisgid,  ar  Fer  D.,  oir  is  misi  do 
rug  roga  ane. 

LL  3604  Lettsu  do  roga  n-gascid  chaidchi,  bar  Fer  D., 
daig  is  missi  har'roega  mo  roga  n-gascid  isind  latlii  luid. 

Aber  St  .  .  .  aniú  .  .  .  uair  is  agamsa  hói  mo  rogha  ane. 
In  anü  (F)  und  ane  (H.  2. 12)  ist  keine  Beeinflussung  durch  5 
zu  sehen;  die  Adverbien  sind  durch  das  Vorausgehende  gegeben. 

§  61,  Z.  2  F  d'imraohadh  wie  LL  3607  in  t-imrubad,  aber 
St  in  commbualadh. 

§  71,  Z.  3  F  ni  rabha  ag  biathad  Con  CC.  achd  tuatha 
Breth  nama  (H.  2. 12  ni  raibhi  ag  biata  C.  C.  acht  tuathad  Breag 
amain)  wohl  aus  den  früheren  Stellen  in  LL  3599  und  3647 
geschöpft:  Raptar  biat{t)aig  Brega  dana  (no)  do  Choin  Chulaind; 
beide  Stellen  fehlen  in  s. 

§  85,  Z.  6 1).  Nur  scheinbar  ist  hier  eine  Übereinstimmung 
von  f  und  s  vorhanden  in  do  lar  a  bhoisi  (boisi)  in  F  und  St 
gegen  LL  3938 :  do  Idr  a  dernainni.  Denn  die  anderen  Hss. 
von  5,  Eg.  209  und  H.  1. 13  (Windisch,  S.  1111)  haben  gleich- 
falls do  lar  a  dernoinne.  St  und  f  haben  offenbar  jedes  für 
sich  im  Anschlufs  an  das  unmittelbar  vorhergehende  do  lar  a 
bhoisi  (3934)  geändert. 

Wir  sehen  also  namentlich  aus  dem  ersten  Teil,  dafs  der 
Eedaktor  von  f  mit  mindestens  vier  Handschriften  gearbeitet 
hat,  mit  einer  der  LU- Version,  einer  der  älteren  LL- Version  (Z), 
einer  vielleicht  unvollständigen  der  modernisierten  LL -Version  {s) 
und  einer  der  e/i -Version.  Dagegen  beruht  die  Übereinstimmung 
in  §  13.  14. 16.  19.  21  mit  Egerton  106  (oben  S.  428  Anm.  2)  nicht 


1)  Zeile  6  und  7  sollten  richtiger  zu  §  86  gestellt  sein. 


ALLERLEI  IRISCHES.  433 

darauf,  dafs  er  auch  noch  eine  solche  Handsclirift  beigezogen 
hat,  sondern  gewifs  hat  vielmehr  umgekehrt  die  Vorlage  dieser 
Mischhandschrift  aus  unserer  Version  f  geschöpft.  Da  diese 
jünger  ist  als  Version  s,  aber  eine  ihrer  Handschriften  (H.  2. 12) 
auf  Pergament  geschrieben  ist,  fällt  meine  ZCPIX443  aus- 
gesprochene Vermutung  dahin,  schon  die  Urhandschrift  von  s 
sei  Papier  gewesen;  man  darf  sie  also  etwas  früher  ansetzen, 
als  ich  getan  habe. 

Die  obige  genaue  Analyse  von  f  nach  seinen  Quellen  hat 
nun  das  wichtige  Resultat  ergeben,  dafs  der  Verfasser  diese 
zwar  beliebig  mischt  und  kürzt  (namentlich  die  Gedichte  läfst 
er  weg),  dafs  er  aber  so  gut  wie  nichts  Neues  hinzufügt.  Denn 
die  paar  Zeilen,  die  keine  Entsprechung  haben,  namentlich  die 
Gespräche,  die  er  an  Stelle  der  ausgelassenen  Gedichte  setzt, 
sind  ziemlich  leer  und  der  Gesamtsituation  entnommen.  Gewifs 
hat  er  auch  da,  wo  für  uns  zufällig  eine  seiner  Hauptquellen, 
die  LU- Version,  abbricht,  sein  Verfahren  nicht  geändert.  Wir 
können  somit  sicher  sein,  dafs  die  Teile,  die  /'  mehr  hat  als  die 
LL -Version,  solche  sind,  die  die  LU- Version  enthielt,  die  aber 
vom  LL -Verfasser  w^eggelassen  worden  sind.  Um  sie  hervor- 
zuheben, diene  die  folgende  Analyse. 

§  51,  15—19  entspricht  LL  3406  und  3527  f.  Der  Schlufs 
des  Paragraphen  steht  nicht  in  LL;  aber  das  Gespräch  kann 
leicht  Erfindung  des  Redaktors  sein,  um  die  ausgelassenen 
Gedichte  zu  ersetzen. 

§  55  entspricht  bis  Z.  34  der  LL -Version;  vgl.  mit  dem 
Anfang  LL  3550  ff.,  Z.  20  mit  3573,  Z.  29  mit  3584.  Aber 
nun  setzt  offenbar  die  LU- Quelle  ein: 

§  55,  34 — 36.  Die  Heilkräuter,  die  CuChulainn  dem 
Fer  Diad  mitteilt,  hat  er  von  den  Elfen  {a  sioghaihli  F,  a 
sigbrugaihh  H.  2. 12).  Z.  36—39:  Das  erste  Drittel  der  Nacht 
stöhnen  sie,  das  zweite  plaudern  sie,  das  dritte  schlafen  sie. 

§  56—58  (H.  2. 12  ist  am  Anfang  besser  als  F):  Fer  Diad 
sendet  Botschaft  an  Ailill  und  Medb,  die  Iren  sollen  mit 
dem  Stier  nach  Hause  ziehen,  während  er  kämpfe.  Aber  die 
Vornehmen  weigern  sich  abzuziehen,  sondern  wollen  dem 
Zweikampf  zusehen;  und  Fergus  sagt,  wenn  CuChulainn  den 
Stier  wegtreiben  höre,  werde  er  nicht  zu  halten  sein.  So 
geschieht  nichts.  (57)  Cuch.  ist  am  andern  Morgen  früher  an  der 


434  RUDOLF   THÜRNEYSEN, 

Furt  als  Fer  Diad.  Dieser  wird  von  Laeg-  bei  seinem  Nahen 
beschrieben.  (58)  Gespräch  zwischen  Cuch.  und  Fer  D.,  dessen 
Anfang  an  das  Gedicht  LL  3533  erinnert,  worin  Fer  D.  aber 
weiter  behauptet,  Cuch.  sei  früher  sein  Diener  {ara  oder  güla) 
gewesen,  während  Cuch.  die  Gerechtigkeit  seines  Kampfes  darlegt. 

§  59,  1—3.  Waffenwahl  wie  LL  3602.  Aber  Z.  3—7 
(in  F)  und  §  60  erzählen,  wie  sie  auch  am  zweiten  Tag  bis 
zum  Mittag  nur  clessa  vollführen. 

§  61.  Der  ernste  Kampf  zuerst  mit  Lanzen,  dann  mit 
Schwertern  entspricht  teilweise  LL  3605 — 3633;  aber  grofse 
Abweichungen  im  einzelnen  weisen  auf  die  andere  Quelle. 

§  62.  Am  Abend  erinnert  Cuch.  im  Gespräch  abermals  an 
ihre  frühere  Genossenschaft.  Der  Ausdruck  do  thiaghmhaois 
ar  ar  fiogh  foirceadoil  le  Sgathaigh  (F,  Z.  7)  stimmt  mit  dem 
oben  angezogenen  Gedicht  LL  3540  überein:  im'iheigmis  each 
fid  forcetul  fri  Scathaig.  Aber  dafs  das  ganze  Gespräch  von 
unserem  Redaktor  eingeschoben  sei,  macht  die  alte  Verbalform 
do  faothsatt  (F,  Z.  3)  unwahrscheinlich  (in  H.  2. 12  durch  da 
tuitfedh  ersetzt), 

§  63.  66 1).  67.  Am  nächsten  Tag  steht  Fer  Diad  früher 
auf  als  Cuchulainn.  Dieser  ist  sorgenvoll  und  erklärt  dies 
daraus,  dafs  es  ihn  bekümmere  mit  seinem  Genossen  kämpfen 
zu  müssen,  da  er  doch  seine  Landsleute,  die  Ulter,  nicht  im 
Stich  lassen  könne.  Als  Waffen  wählt  er  airigthi  gaile  7 
gaisgid,  und  so  kämpfen  sie  bis  Mittag, 

§  68.  69.  70  (bis  Z.  2).  Der  Schwertkampf,  der  sich  daran 
anschliefst,  entspricht  einigermafsen  LL  3698,  weicht  aber 
stark  ab.  Die  Zeugen  des  Kampfes  beklagen,  dafs  durch  Medbs 
Aufreizung  die  Freundschaft  der  beiden  sich  in  Feindschaft 
verwandelt  habe. 

§  70,  2 — 9.  Die  Worte  des  Fer  Diad  entsprechen,  mit- 
samt der  angehängten  Strophe,  denen  Cuchulainns  LL  3621 
und  3624,  die  dort  aber  an  einem  früheren  Tage  (dem  zweiten) 
gesprochen  werden. 

§  70,  9 — 19  und  §  71.  Die  feindselige  Trennung  der  Helden 
am  Abend  entspricht  inhaltlich,  aber  nicht  in  der  Ausführung 


1)  Zeile  1  von  §  67  sollte  auch  bei  F  als  §  66  bezeichnet  sein ,  wie 
bei  H.  2. 12. 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  435 

LL  3711.  Die  Notiz,  dafs  die  tuatha  Breg  CuChulainn  Nahrung 
liefern,  fehlt  hier  in  LL;  aber  sie  ist  gewifs  aus  den  früheren 
Stellen  LL  3596  und  3645  herübergeholt.  Aus  der  LU- Version 
kann  sie  nicht  stammen,  da  nach  Y  2350  ff.  CuChulainn  keine 
solche  Speise  hat. 

§  72.  73.  Fer  Diad  geht  zu  seinen  Leuten  südlich  der 
Furt  und  wird  von  Medb  die  ganze  Nacht  unterhalten  und 
aufgeheitert.  Cuchulainn  nördlich  der  Furt  ist  schwer  bedrückt 
und  befürchtet,  besiegt  zu  werden.  Er  will  daher  Laeg  mit 
Warnung  zu  den  Ultern  senden,  damit  sie  auf  der  Hut  sind. 
Das  betrübt  Laeg  sehr,  und  er  pflegt  die  Wunden  seines  Herrn 
so  gut,  dafs  dieser  den  Eest  der  Nacht  schläft. 

§  741)  hat  nur  schwache  Anklänge  an  LL  3717  und  3740. 
Fer  Diad  kommt  zuerst  zur  Furt,  fragt  vergeblich  nach 
CuChulainn  und  macht  (als  Triumphzeichen)  ein  lärmendes 
cless  mit  seinem  Schild,  dafs  man  es  im  ganzen  Lager  hört. 
Da  spannt  Laeg  den  Wagen  an  und  weckt  seinen  Herrn,  der 
darüber  so  zornig  wird,  dafs  seine  Wunden  wieder  bluten. 
Doch  fühlt  er  sich  durch  Laegs  Pflege  so  gekräftigt,  dafs  er 
sich  tagsüber  jedem  gewachsen  dünkt. 

§  76.  CuChulainn  fordert  Laeg  auf,  ihn  zu  loben,  wenn 
er  ihn  stark  sehe,  und  ihn  zu  reizen,  wenn  er  unterliege. 
Diese  Aufforderung  findet  sich  sowohl  in  LL  3750  als  in  den 
angehängten  Notizen  in  Y  2678. 

§  78.  79.  Cuchulainn  kommt  zur  Furt  und  verweist 
Fer  Diad  seine  Prahlerei,  da  er  doch  am  Leben  sei.  Er  bietet 
ihm  an,  von  den  6  Kriegern,  mit  denen  Fer  D.  nach  der  Ver- 
abredung mit  IVIedb  kämpfen  mufs,  falls  er  den  Kampf  mit 
ihm  verweigert,  drei  auf  sich  zu  nehmen 2).  Doch  Fer  Diad 
weist  das  ab  und  waffnet  sich  zum  Kampf.  Die  Kampf- 
beschreibung zeigt  viele  Anklänge  an  LL  3807  ff.,  wie  das  Best 
angemerkt  hat;  aber  die  Anordnung  ist  verschieden,  und  die 
Form  gur  meadhhaidhior  §  79,8  (d.i.  ein  verderbtes  •mebdatar) 
gegen  goro-maidset  LL  3824  weist  auf  eine  ältere  Fassung. 


Í)  Im  Anfang  dieses  Paragraphen  bricht  H.  2. 12  ab. 

»)  Ob  dieser  Teil  des  Gesprächs  aus  der  LU -Version  stammt,  ist 
zweifelhaft,  da  von  diesen  6  curaid  vorher  wohl  in  LL,  aber  nicht  in  Y  die 
Kede  ist.    Er  möchte  vom  Redaktor  erfunden  sein. 


436  RUDOLF  THÜRNETSEN, 

§  80.  81.  83.  85  (bis  Z.  6).  Das  sind  die  Teile,  die  in  LL 
fehlen,  sich  aber  in  s  finden,  nnd  die  Windisch  3835 — 3871, 
3877 — 3935  abgedruckt  hat.  Sie  handeln  von  den  beiden  Elfen 
Dolb  und  Indolb,  die  zur  Eechten  und  zur  Linken  CuChulainns 
streiten,  aber  von  Fer  Diad  getötet  werden  i).  Ferner  von  dem 
dreimaligen  Streit  von  Laeg  mit  seinem  Bruder  Id,  dem  "Wagen- 
lenker Fer  Diads,  der  ihn  hindert,  den  Flufs  zu  stauen,  um 
den  gae  hulga  gebrauchen  zu  können;  vom  dreimaligen  Sprung 
CuChulainns  auf  Fer  Diads  Schild  und  von  dem  fast  gleich- 
zeitigen Abschief  sen  des  gae  hulga  unten  im  Wasser  und  eines 
anderen  Speeres  oberhalb  durch  CuChulainn.  Im  Wortlaut 
stimmen  s  und  F  mehrfach  überein,  doch  ist  F  kürzer.  Es 
fragt  sich  nun,  stammt  auch  diese  Erzählung  aus  der  LU- 
Version,  oder  ist  sie  in  F  aus  5  aufgenommen,  wobei  ihr 
Ursprung  zunächst  fraglich  bliebe.  Gegen  die  zweite  Möglich- 
keit spricht  aber  zweierlei.  Erstens  ist  5,  wie  oben  nach- 
gewiesen, in  diesem  Teil  von  F  sonst  überhaupt  nicht  mehr 
benutzt  worden.  Zweitens  hat  s  mitten  in  die  Erzählung 
einen  Abschnitt  von  l  (LL  3872  —  3876)  aufgenommen,  während 
er  in  F  fehlt.  Zur  Not  könnte  man  das  freilich  als  Kürzung 
von  F  erklären,  da  anch  die  vorhergehenden  Zeilen  von  s 
(3866 — 3871)  in  F  ausgelassen  sind.  Dazu  kommt  aber,  was 
man  längst  bemerkt  hat,  dafs  dieses  Stück  in  der  ungekürzten 
Fassung  5  mehrfach  Anklänge  an  die  nachträglichen  Notizen  in 
Y  enthält,  vgl.  Windisch  3866  ff.  und  3926  f.  mit  Y  2686 2)  und 
26883).  Dafs  diese  Notizen  aus  dem  jungen  s  geschöpft  sind, 
ist  durch  mehrere  altertümliche  Verbalformen  ausgeschlossen. 
Es  bleiben  also  nur  zwei  Möglichkeiten.  Die  Y-Notizen.  sowie  5 
und  f  gehen  hier  auf  eine  andere,  uns  völlig  unbekannte  Quelle 
zurück,  oder  alle  drei  stellen  die  ursprüngliche  LU- Fassung 
dar.  Die  erstere  ist,  da  wir  sonst  alle  Quellen  von  f  kennen, 
ganz  unwahrscheinlich.    Und  da  s  in  der  Fer- Diad -Episode 


')  Daher  stammt  Dolb  mac  Becaltaig  als  Bruder  CuCluilaiuns  in  'Tidings 
of  Conchobar'  (Erin  IV  28,  §  20). 

2)  Für  das  baudscLriftliclie  riatiad  möchte  ich  einfach  ria  linad  lesen. 
Einen  Satz  wie  forhrid  a  med  usw.  hat  wohl  auch  der  Verfasser  von  Brinna 
Ferchertne  vorgefunden,  vgl.  cessa  fri  fiansa  forbair  Str.  3G  (ZCP  III 46 
und  IX  203). 

3)  Beide  Stellen  sind  in  f.  wenigstens  in  unserer  einzigen  Handschrift 
F  übersprungen. 


ALLEBLEI   IRISCHES.  437 

auch  sonst  aus  der  LU- Version  geschöpft  hat  nach  dem  oben 
S.  430  zu  §  7  Bemerkten,  so  liegt  diese  ohne  Zweifel  auch 
hier  unseren  drei  voneinander  unabhängigen  Fassungen  zu- 
grunde. Das  ist  nun  wichtig.  Denn  wenn  wir  sonst  die  von 
LL  beiseite  gelassenen  und  in  Y  nicht  erhaltenen  Teile  der 
LU- Version  nach  f  nur  ungefähr,  dem  Inhalt  nach  ergänzen 
können,  haben  wir  hier  überall  da,  wo  s  und  F  genau  überein- 
stimmen, offenbar  sogar  ihren  Wortlaut  vor  Augen.  Allerdings 
ist  auch  jetzt  nicht  sicher  zu  bestimmen,  wann  ursprünglich 
die  zwei  Anreizungen  Cuchulainns  durch  Laeg  stattgefunden 
haben.  LL  3787  (und  die  entsprechende  Stelle  in  s)  läfst  die 
erste  vor  sich  gehen,  nachdem  ihn  Fer  Diad  zum  erstenmal 
vom  Schild  abgeschüttelt  hat;  die  zweite  wird  nicht  erwähnt, 
aber  ihre  Folge,  das  'Aufblasen'  CuChulaiuns  (3802  und  s), 
nach  dem  dritten  Mal  (vgl.  in  trcsfecht  3797).  Doch  behandelt 
LL  diese  Partie  überaus  frei.  In  Y  2686  steht  die  zweite 
gleichfalls  nach  dem  dreimaligen  Abschütteln;  aber  die  erste 
(2680)  steht  viel  früher,  anscheinend  vor  dem  Kampf:  allerdings 
brauchen  diese  kurzen  Notizen  die  ursprüngliche  Eeihenfolge 
der  Ereignisse  nicht  genau  einzuhalten.  In  der  sonst  aus  der 
LU- Version  geschöpften  Stelle  in  s  (Windisch  3866  ff.)  wird  nur 
die  zweite  erwähnt  und  zwar  unmittelbar  nachdem  Fer  Diad 
die  zwei  Elfen  umgebracht  hat,  vor  dem  ersten  Sprung  auf 
den  Schild.  F  hat  leider  beide  ausgelassen  und  gibt  also 
keine  Entscheidung.  Vielleicht  hat  s  die  zweite  an  die  Stelle 
der  ersten  gesetzt. 

§  861)  — 88.  Z.9.  Die  Wirkung  der  zwei  tötlichen  Würfe 
CuChulainns  wird  zum  Teil  mit  deutlicher  Anlehnung  an 
LL  3938  ff.,  aber  offenbar  mit  Einmischung  von  LU  erzählt. 
Dadurch  ist  die  Schilderung  unklar  geworden. 

§  88,  Z.  10  und  §  89.  Der  schon  von  Todesnebeln  um- 
schattete Fer  Diad  schleudert  noch  einen  Wurfspeer  in  die  Brust 
CuChulainns,  so  dafs  auch  dieser  auf  der  anderen  Seite  der  Furt 
niederstürzt.  Laeg  mahnt  ihn  aber  aufzustehen  —  hier  sind  An- 
klänge an  LL  3969  ä\  zu  spüren  — ;  er  tut  es  und  will  Fer  Diad 
den  Kopf  abschlagen,  unterläfst  es  aber  auf  des  Sterbenden 
Bitte,  nimmt  vielmehr  dessen  Haupt  auf  seinen  Schols.  Auf 
CuChulainn  senken  sich  Todesahnungen,  und  Fer  Diad  stii"bt. 


')  der  tatsächlich  schon  §  85,  Z.  7  beginnt. 


438  RUDOLF  THURNEYSEN, 

§  91.  CuChulainn  erhebt  sich  wieder  und  klagt  um 
Fer  Diad  ähnlich  wie  LL  4007  und  4035. 

§  96  und  92.  Er  befiehlt  Laeg,  Fer  Diad  auszuziehen 
und  den  gae  hulga  herauszuschneiden  (vgl.  LL  4060  und  4092); 
die  von  Laeg  herausgezogene  Mantelspange  bestimmt  ihn  zu 
einer  Klage,  die  dem  Gedicht  LL  4066  =  Y  2699  entspricht. 
Daran  schliefsen  sich  (§  92)  Betrachtungen  über  die  Folgen 
von  Fer  Diads  Tod,  die  an  eine  frühere  Stelle  in  LL  (4015) 
anklingen. 

§  98,  1 — 2.  Laeg  schneidet  den  gae  hulga  heraus  (= 
LL  4094).  Wie  er  hinter  CuChulainn  herkommt,  erschrickt 
dieser,  weil  er  immer  noch  meint,  Fer  Diad  haue  auf  ihn  ein. 
(Das  mag  Phantasie  des  Redaktors  sein  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts 
LL  4098).  Mit  dem  Ausspruch,  im  Vergleich  mit  diesem  Kampf 
sei  jeder  andere  nur  ein  Spiel  gewesen  (=  LL  4160),  schliefst 
das  Stück. 

Es  ist  möglich  und  zu  hoffen,  dafs  unter  den  vielen  Hand- 
schriften, die  Comhrac  Fir  Bead  enthalten  (d' Arbois  de  Jubainville, 
Essai  d'un  catalogue,  S.  96),  sich  noch  weitere  und  bessere  der 
Redaktion  f  finden  als  unser  F  und  H.  2. 12.  Aber  wie  sie  sind, 
genügen  sie  zum  Beweis,  dafs  auch  für  diese  Episode  offenbar 
die  LU- Version  die  einzige  Quelle  war,  auf  die  alle,  die  sich 
nicht  mit  der  Bearbeitung  l  (LL -Version)  begnügten,  zurück- 
griffen.  Die  Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse  der  Handschriften  sind 
allerdings  für  diesen  Teil  der  Tain  etwas  verwickelter,  als  für  die 
anderen,  indem  hier  6-,  das  sonst  fast  ausschliefslich  auf  l  beruht, 
zweimal  direkt  aus  der  LU-Version  geschöpft  hat,  was  es  sonst 
nur  noch  einmal  (Windisch  5357 — 5366)  getan  zu  haben  scheint. 
Aber  davon  abgesehen  bleibt  mein  Stammbaum  ZCP  IX  441  auch 
für  diese  Episode  in  Gültigkeit,  was  ich  damals  (S.  437)  noch 
nicht  zu  versichern  wagte. 


V.    Eine  Fälscliung  auf  den  Namen  Cinaed  ua  h-ArtacAin. 

Es  ist  in  der  irischen  Literatur  nichts  Ungewöhnliches, 
dafs  ein  Gedicht  einem  Heiligen  oder  Dichter  der  Vorzeit  in 
den  Mund  gelegt  wird.  Aber  selten  ist  es  —  aufser  durch 
Versehen  — ,  dafs  einem  vollkommen  bekannten  Dichter  ein  Werk 
untergeschoben  wird.    Wenn  das  Buch  von  Hy-Maine  die  irische 


ALLERLEI  IRISCHES.  439 

Übersetzung  der  Historia  Britommi  (Nennius)  dem  Gilla  Coemain 
zuschreibt  1),  so  ist  das  eine  einfache  Verwechslung,  da  viele 
lateinische  Nenniushandschriften  Gildas  als  Verfasser  nennen. 

Etwas  anderes  liegt  im  Buch  von  Leinster  vor.  Hier  ist 
208b — 209b  ein  längeres  Gedicht  eingetragen,  dessen  Anfang 
aus  Versehen  erst  am  Ende  (209  b  25)  nachgeholt  ist.  Es  steht 
gegen  Schlufs  des  poetischen  Dindsenchas  und  handelt  von  der 
Sage  der  Boand,  wie  sie  mit  dem  Dagda  den  Sohn  Oengus  Mac  Oc 
gezeugt  und  wie  sie  durch  ihren  Tod  dem  Flusse  Boyne  den 
Namen  gegeben  hat.  Nicht  nur  wird  hier  209  b  24  am  Rande 
Cinced  h{iid)  Artacain  als  Verfasser  angegeben,  sondern  die  letzte 
Strofe  des  Gedichts  (209  b  22)  scheint  das  zu  bestätigen : 

Scegul  mnd  Nechtain  co-nnirt        Cinced  ro'chertaig  co  cert 
es  na  mnd  cialla  co'tacht.       coic  hl{iadnä)  dt  i  curp  cóic  secht 

'Das  Lebensalter  von  Nechtans  Frau  mit  Kraft,  Cinaed  hat  es 
richtig  festgelegt,  das  Alter  der  Frau,  bis  sie  die  Besinnung 
verlor  (eigentlich  'erwürgte'):  fünf  und  fünfmal  sieben  Jahre 
war  sie  im  Leibe  (am  Leben).' 

Die  Verfasserschaft  scheint  also  gut  verbürgt.  Lesen  wir 
aber  das  Gedicht  durch,  so  stofsen  wir  fortwährend  auf  Formen, 
die  wir  diesem  schon  975  gestorbenen  Dichter  unmöglich  zutrauen 
können,  wenn  wir  nicht  unsere  Ansichten  über  die  irische  Sprach- 
entwicklung völlig  umgestalten  woollen,  und  die  sich  denn  auch 
in  seinen  zahlreichen  anderen  Gedichten  nicht  finden.  Vgl.  das 
Objektspronomen  in  fdcbait  é  209  a  5,  co'farghur  tu  209  a  27  (auch 
die  L  Sg.  des  Subjunktivs  auf  -íír!),  die  Konstruktion:  mac  ro'ail 
sinni  'nar  sid  'der  Knabe,  den  wir  in  unserem  Sid  aufgezogen 
haben'  209 a 39,  Verbalformen  wie  at-rubratar  209  a  13,  con'ebratar 
208b  14,  die  n»-Formen:  risa-mhenand  209b  38,  as-mherand  36; 
auch  das  Adverbium  sút  208  b  55,  209  b  30  dürfte  kaum  so  alt  sein. 
Diese  sprachlichen  Anzeichen  einer  späteren  Entstehung 
werden  nun  durch  den  Inhalt  bestätigt.  In  ZOP  VIII 518  f.  ist 
darauf  aufmerksam  gemacht  worden,  dals  die  Angabe  des  Prosa - 
Dinnsenchas,  Boand  habe  der  Quelle  ihre  linke  Seite  zugewendet 
{invsói  tuaithhel  in  tohuir  fo  thri  Eev.  Celt.  XV  315'^)),  auf  dem 
Milsverständnis  des  Ausdrucks  co  n-étuachli  beruht,  der  sich  in 


^)  Zimmer,  Nennius  Yindicatus,  S.  13. 

2)  dosaig  for  ttiaithfiul  in  topuir  fo  tri  Folk-Lore  HI 500.    Ähnlich 
Tochmarc  Emire,  ZCP  III 242,  §  41. 


440  RUDOLF  THURNEYSEN, 

dem  wahrscheinlich  von  Cúán  ua  Lothcháin  (f  1024)  verfafsten 
Gedicht  über  die  Boand  findet  i).  Dasselbe  Mifsverständnis  kehrt 
in  unserm  Gedicht  209  b  15  wieder:  ticub  'na  tJmathhel  fó  thrí, 
so  dafs  also  dem  Verfasser  die  Prosaauflösung  bereits  bekannt 
gewesen  sein  mufs. 

Aus  alldem  geht  hervor,  dafs  das  Gedicht  kaum  yor  dem 
12.  Jahrhundert  entstanden  sein  kann;  um  ihm  mehr  Gewicht 
zu  geben,  hat  der  Verfasser  die  Maske  des  zweihundert  Jahre 
älteren  Cinaed  ua  h-Artacáin  vorgenommen.  Das  spricht  für 
das  Ansehen  dieses  Dichters  bei  der  Nachwelt. 


Tl.   Die  Interpolation  von  Fled  Bricrend  iu  LU. 

Mit  der  Zusammensetzung  des  Textes  von  Fled  Bricrend 
hat  man  sich  vielfach  beschäftigt,  namentlich  Windisch  in  der 
Einleitung  (IT,  1245),  Zimmer  KZ.  28,  623,  Henderson  in  seiner 
Ausgabe  (Ir.TextsSoc.il)  und  ich  in  den  'Sagen  aus  dem  alten 
Irland'  und  ZCP  IV 193,  besonders  199  ff.  Die  Entscheidung 
bringt  jetzt  Bests  Nachweis  (Eriu  VI  169  f.),  dafs  in  LU  manche 
Teile  erst  nachträglich  durch  die  Hand  H  eingetragen  worden 
sind.  Es  zeigt  sich,  dafs  mein  erster  Versuch  einer  Trennung 
der  Bestandteile  das  Richtige  getroffen  hatte. 

Freilich  sind  die  Resultate  hier  nicht  ganz  so  einfach  ab- 
zulesen wie  in  der  Tain  Bö  Cúailnge,  wo  der  ältere  Text  in  YBL 
zur  Kontrolle  vorliegt.  Die  zwei  Einträge  von  H  erstrecken 
sich  von  §  24  Ende  (von  -rechtaib  ho  an)  bis  §  42  Mitte  (Schluls: 
a  cesta  co  tech)  und  von  §  62  gegen  Ende  (von  ocus  luid  iar  sin  an) 
bis  §  79  Mitte  (Schlufs:  cein  ro-mhói  ina  hethaid).  Der  erste  füllt 
nicht  nur  das  eingeheftete  Blatt  S.  103 — 104  vollständig,  sondern 
auch  die  ganze  erste  Kolumne  von  105,  wo  der  ursprüngliche  Text 
ausradiert  worden  ist.  Was  hat  hier  einst  gestanden,  d.  h.  welche 
Bestandteile  des  Eintrags  sind  aus  dem  älteren  Text  übernommen? 
Dafs  §29  —  32  (der  zweite  Wortstreit  der  Frauen)  und  §33  —  41 
(die  erste  CuRoi- Episode)  zur  Interpolation  gehören,  ist  immer 
erkannt  worden.  Anderseits  müssen  —  wenigstens  dem  Sinne 
nach  —  aus  dem  alten  Text  stammen  die  vier  letzten  Zeilen 
von  105  a,  da  sie  die  Einleitung  zum  Folgenden  bilden,  und  der 
Schlufs  des  ersten  Wortstreits  der  Frauen  (103  a  oben);  und  das 


1)  Edw.  Gwynn,  Metrical  Dindsbenchas  III,  30,  Vers  58. 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  441 

unmittelbar  Ansclilief sende,  die  Art  wie  jeder  der  Helden  seine 
Frau  ins  Haus  eintreten  läfst  und  wie  CuChulainn  das  Haus 
wieder  aufrichtet,  hängt  so  eng  mit  dem  Vorhergehenden  zusammen, 
däfs  es  gleichfalls  ursprünglich  sein  muls.  Nicht  so  der  Frauen- 
katalog (§  28  von  Ociis  hd  sam  doih  an).  In  der  Tat  ist  es  dem 
Eaum  nach  ganz  unmöglich,  dafs  auch  er  noch  auf  der  später 
ausradierten  Kolumne  gestanden  hat.  Er  ist  also  sicher  ein 
sekundärer  Einschub,  wenn  er  auch  wohl  nicht  der  anderen  Version, 
die  der  Interpolator  benutzte,  angehört  hat.  Aber  auch  wenn 
wir  von  ihm  absehen,  füllen  die  Teile,  die  wir  als  alt  erkannt 
haben,  in  LU  jetzt  fast  59  Zeilen,  während  die  Kolumne  105  a, 
auf  der  sie  gestanden  haben  müssen,  nur  47  Zeilen  hat.  Doch 
mufs  man  in  Anschlag  bringen,  dafs  die  alte  Hand  M  auf  jede 
Zeile  ca.  5  — 6  Buchstaben  mehr  zu  schreiben  pflegt  als  H  hier  tut; 
sie  konnte  so  mit  etwa  8 — 9  Zeilen  weniger  auskommen  für 
denselben  Inhalt.  Immerhin  fehlt  scheinbar  noch  der  Eaum  für 
mindestens  drei  Zeilen  Text.  Nun  sehen  wir  aber  anderwärts, 
dafs  der  Schreiber  H  den  ihm  vorliegenden  Text  zu  strecken 
pflegt,  wenn  er  zu  viel  Raum  hat.  Das  zeigt  sich  namentlich 
LU  76  a,  wo  der  alte  Text  der  Tain  (YBL  1709  ff.)  etwas  erweitert 
worden  ist,  um  die  Kolumne  genau  zu  füllen.  Dafs  dies  auch 
hier  der  Fall  gewesen  ist,  läfst  sich  an  einer  Stelle  wohl  noch 
zeigen.  Die  Worte  im  Anfang  von  §  28:  Tancatar  a  es  cumachta 
ocus  a  lacht  adariha  na  dochum  7,  die  gut  eine  Zeile  füllen, 
stehen  nur  in  LU,  nicht  in  den  sonst  hier  genau  übereinstimmenden 
Handschriften  Egerton  93  und  Codex  Vossianus  (ZCP  IV  159);  er 
dürfte  also  eine  eigene  Zugabe  von  H  sein.  Ebenso  sind  von  den 
vier  untersten  Zeilen  von  105  a  (§  42  Anfang)  vielleicht  nur  die 
zwei  letzten  alt  (die  anderen  Hss.  haben  hier  geändert),  so  dafs 
also  der  ursprüngliche  Text  im  ganzen  um  drei  Zeilen  kürzer 
gewesen  wäre.  Jedenfalls  scheint  mir  klar,  dafs  die  kleine 
Zeilendifferenz  nicht  genügt,  die  Sicherheit  der  Zuteilung  der 
verschiedenen  Stücke  aufzuheben. 

Noch  einfacher  liegt  es  beim  zweiten  Eintrag.  Hier  sind 
vor  dem  neu  eingehefteten  Blatt  109 — 110  die  41/2  letzten  Zeilen 
von  Kolumne  108  a  und  die  ganze  Kolumne  108  b  durch  H  an 
Stelle  des  ursprünglichen  Textes  gesetzt  worden,  der  somit 
51 — 52  Zeilen  zählte.  Er  mufs  enthalten  haben  den  Schlufs 
der  Geschichte  mit  den  drei  Trinkschalen  und  den  Anfang  der 
zweiten    CuRoi- Episode.      Die    Einleitungssätze    der    einzelnen 


442  RUDOLF  THÜRNEY8EN, 

Abschnitte  sind  vom  Interpolator  etwas  geändert  worden  i);  aber 
wohl  sicher  alt  sind  §  72  (etwa  von  iss  e  Sualdaim  an)  bis 
§  74  (mindestens  bis  aisna  claidbib  nochtaib),  d.  h.  37  Zeilen  auf 
S.  109b — 110  a;  ferner  der  Anfang  von'  §  79,  die  12  letzten 
Zeilen  von  110  b,  Das  wären  rund  49  Zeilen.  Dabei  fehlt  ein 
Satz,  der  die  Rückkehr  der  drei  Helden  von  Medb  berichtete, 
und  mindestens  einer,  der  ihre  Fahrt  zu  CuRoi  einleitete.  Es 
füllten  also  diese  Stücke  die  51— 52  Zeilen  108  a — b  voll  aus, 
und  alles  andere  (§  62  Schlufs  bis  §  72  Anfang  und  §  74  Schlufs 
bis  §  78)  erweist  sich  schon  durch  diese  einfache  Rechnung  als 
Interpolation. 

Wichtig  ist  nun  vor  allem  die  Tatsache,  dafs  von  den  drei 
CuRoi- Episoden  die  erste  (§  33 — 41)  dem  Interpolator,  die  zwei 
letzten  (§  78  Ende  bis  90  und  §  91 — 102)  dem  ursprünglichen 
Text  angehören,  so  wie  ich  es  in  den  'Sagen  aus  dem  alten 
Irland'  angenommen  hatte.  Später  habe  ich  mich  irrigerweise 
zur  Ansicht  meiner  Vorgänger  bekehrt,  die  die  drei  Episoden 
einer  einzigen  Redaktion  zurechneten,  obschon  ich  ausdrücklich 
den  verschiedenen  Sprachcharakter  von  I  und  II — III  als  un- 
erklärt hervorhob,  und  habe  dann  darauf  die  falsche  Rekon- 
struktion von  ZCP IV  202  ff.  gegründet.  Auffällig  bleibt  auch  jetzt 
noch  innerhalb  der  Interpolation  der  Widerspruch  von  §  32  und 
33  (a.a.O.  204);  man  mufs  wohl  annehmen,  dals  der  Interpolator 
verbindende  Zwischenglieder  der  Redaktion,  die  er  exzerpierte, 
ausgelassen  hat. 

Dagegen  bestätigt  sich  erfreulicherweise  durchaus,  was  ich 
a.  a.  0.  195  ff.  über  die  Gestaltung  der  Sage  in  den  anderen 
Handschriften  und  über  ihr  Verhältnis  zu  LU  gesagt  habe.  Sie 
gehen  alle  auf  die  interpolierte  Version  zurück,  die  ebenso  aussah 
wie  LU  nach  den  Einträgen.  Auch  die  FassuDg,  die  am  meisten 
gekürzt  hat,  H.  3. 17,  hat  noch  den  Einschub  §  29 — 32  und  den 
Anfang  des  interpolierten  Abschnitts  §  33  ff.  bewahrt.  Besonders 
wird  bestätigt,  dafs  §  57  (das  Katzenabenteuer)  wirklich  schon 
im  alten  Text  zwischen  §  56  und  58  stand,  da  das  in  Eg.  93 
und  Voss,  an  seiner  Stelle  sich  findende  Stück  63 — 65  aus  der 
Interpolation  stammt.  Hat  hier  diese  jüngere  Redaktion  deutlich 
umgestellt,  so  bleibt  nun  auch  kein  Zweifel,  dafs  die  Vereinigung 


*)  Vgl.  den  Anklang   des  Anfangs  von   §  72:   Ro' ansät  ind  óic  día 
n-imratib  7  dia  radsechaib  an  §  29:  Do-rala  in  tech  ina  rdithsechaib  briathar. 


ALLERLEI   IRISCHES.  443 

der  ersten  CuEoi- Episode  mit  den  beiden  anderen  das  "Werk 
dieses  Redaktors  ist,  nicht  etwa  auf  einem  Muster  beruht,  wo 
genau  die  gleichen  Interpolationen,  wie  in  LU,  von  Anfang  an 
an  einer  anderen  Stelle  eingeschoben  worden  waren.  Die  Quelle 
für  die  Einschübe  war  für  LU  vermutlich  das  'gelbe  Buch  von 
Slane',  das  im  Titel  des  gleichfalls  interpolierten  Anfangs  von 
Serglige  ConCulainn  (LU  43  a)  genannt  ist. 

VII.   Irisch  ciirg  *oder'. 

In  den  St.  Galler  Glossen  188  a  12  findet  sich  zu  dem  Text: 
Omnis  enim  pars  orationis  quocunque  modo  diriuata  uel  in  eandem 
notüionem  sine  definitionein  primitiui  siii  accipitur  . . .  uel  in  aliud 
qiiod  iam  ante  erat  supposituni  in  propria  naturali  positione  und 
zwar  zum  zweiten  Teil  die  Glosse:  aire  manip  hinunn  etargnae 
don  diruidigthiu  frisa  cétnide,  fedir  am-  sodin  a  ndirui-  dochuni 
nacha  rainne  aile,  ut  hene  7  male.  Da  ich  aire  nicht  verstand, 
habe  ich  Handbuch  II,  31  air  'denn'  dafür  eingesetzt.  Aber 
seine  Bedeutung  wird  unzweifelhaft  durch  eine  zweite  Beleg- 
stelle, Tain  Bó  Cúailnge  (ed.  Strachan-O'Keeffe)  1105.  Von  Ailill 
werden  CuChulainn  folgende  Bedingungen  vorgeschlagen:  Ra-mhia 
comméite  Maige  Muirthemne  di  Maig  Aii  7  carpat  has  deck  hess 
i  nAii  7  timthacht  da  fer  deac.  Airgg  (Airg  LU)  mad  ferr  laiss, 
a-mmag  sa  inro'alt  7  tri  .uii.  cumal  'Er  wird  ein  so  grofses 
Stück  wie  Mag  Muirthemne  von  Mag  Ai  erhalten  und  den  besten 
Wagen,  der  in  Ai  sein  wird,  und  Kleidung  für  zwölf  Mann; 
oder,  wenn  er  lieber  will,  diese  Ebene,  in  der  er  aufgezogen 
worden  ist,  und  sieben  Cumal'.  So  entspricht  aire  auch  in  der 
St.  Galler  Glosse  dem  lat.  uel:  'Oder,  wenn  das  Abgeleitete  nicht 
von  derselben  Klasse  ist  wie  das  Primitivum,  so  wird  das  Ab- 
geleitete in  einen  anderen  Redeteil  übergeführt,  wie  bene  und  male\ 

Es  wird  dasselbe  Wort  sein  wie  aire  A.  docamhal  'schwierig* 
O'Clery,  das  auch  als  Substantiv  vorkommt  (Meyer,  Contrib.  s.v.; 
Windisch,  Tain  B.  C,  S.  419),  wenn  Meyer  mit  Recht  i  n-argg 
(LL  47  b  7,  Rev.  Celt.  XX  10,  5)  in  -airgg  emendiert,  also  auch 
dieses  Wort  auf  g  endet.  Entweder  wäre  die  Bedeutung  'oder' 
die  ältere,  wie  im  Bretonischen  sich  mar  'wenn'  nach  Zimmer 
zu  mar  'Zweifel'  verschoben  hat;  oder  umgekehrt  hat  sich  airg 
'schwieriger  Fall,  Dilemma'  zur  Konjunktion  entwickelt. 

Bonn.  Rudolf  Thürneysen. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  .\.  29 


444  NACHTRAG.   —   BERICHTIGUNGEN. 


NACHTRAG  ZU   OCHTFOCLACH  COLUIM  CILLE. 


Durch  ein  Versehen  ist  oben  S.  39  hei  Mitteilung  der  Les- 
arten des  Buchs  von  Lecan  eine  in  Laud  nicht  enthaltene  Strophe, 
die  auf  die  44.  folgt,  ausgefallen.    Sie  lautet : 

44  a  Na  drochrig  dlbecha 
üaibrecha  dimsaclia 
nä  damaid  comairli 
nä  cert  nä  cöir, 
natescta  in  trenlasair, 
nastollfa  in  trenoigread, 
nistä  mäin  measraidthi 
isin  mördä[i]l  möir. 

Charlottenburg.  Küno  Meyer, 


BERICHTIGUNGEN. 


Seite  206,  Zeile  22 


statt  bezieht  lies  beziehen. 


208,      „      10:      „     Nemain  „    Morrigan. 

269,      „       6:      „     das  die   „     die  die. 

271,  Anmerkung  2.    Für  d  ro'chloi  clalla  „nachdem  er  gestorben  war" 

macht   mich   K.  Meyer   ai;f  LL  137  b  G   aufmerksam,    wo    cialln 

ros'clái  ebenfalls  „er  starb"  bedeutet. 
394  u.  Anm.  1.    Van  Hamel  belehrt  mich,   dafs  sich  der  Einschub  aus 

Lebor  Dromma  Snechta  in  der  Tat   im   Book  of  Fermoy  findet, 

nur  ohne  die  Quellenangabe. 

R.  Th. 


ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 


Kiino  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung'.  I.  Ehj'thmische 
alliterierende  Reimstrophen  (Abhandlungen  der  K.  Preufs. 
Akademie  der  Wissensch.,  1913,  Phil. -Hist.  Cl.,  Nr.  6). 
Berlin  1913.   4  o.   61  S. 

Als  ich  bei  der  Herausgabe  der  Mitieliriscben  Verslehren  ihren  Inhalt 
zu  analj-sieren  suchte,  raufste  ich  S.  161ß'.  den  genauen  Bau  gewisser, 
vom  gewöhnlichen  Habitus  abweichender  Strofen  unbestimmt  lassen, 
weil  die  Beispiele  in  ihrer  Vereinzelung  die  Eigenart  der  Metren  nicht 
deutlich  genug  erkennen  liefsen.  Sie  gehören  dem  ältesten  Teil  von 
Verslehre  11  an,  der  wohl  noch  gegen  Ende  des  8.  Jahrhunderts  verfafst 
ist.  Jetzt  bietet  sich  Hoffnung,  dafs  in  dieses  dunkle  Gebiet  Licht 
falle,  indem  es  K.  Meyer  gelungen  ist,  eine  ganze  Reihe  solcher  alter- 
tümlichen Poesien  aufzufinden.  In  der  vorliegenden  Abhandlung  ver- 
öffentlicht er  vier  Gedichte,  von  denen  mindestens  das  erste,  wenn  nicht 
alle,  der  Klasse  angehören,  die  in  Verslehre  11  §  28  als  nath  cethorbrechta 
bezeichnet  ist.  Es  sind  gereimte  Stammbäi;me  irischer  Fürsten,  die  zum 
Teil  bis  auf  Adam  hinaufgeführt  Averden,  indem  die  genealogische  Reihe 
von  Japhet  bis  Fetebir  oder  Feteuir,  die  im  ältesten  Teil  der  Historia 
Brittonum  (§17)  den  angeblichen  Stammvater  der  Britten  Alan(i)us 
mit  den  biblischen  Genealogien  verbindet,  auf  den  goidelisehen  Urvater 
Mil  mac  Bill  und  seine  Vorfahren  übertragen  worden  ist.  Die  als  Xr.  IV 
und  als  Anhang  abgedruckten  Gedichte  zeigen  dann,  wie  Spätere  solche 
genealogischen  Gedichte  kurzweg  adoptiert  haben,  indem  sie  nur  für 
die  unteren  Generationen  neue  Strofen  au  Stelle  der  ursprünglichen 
setzten  und  irgend  einen  Dichter  der  Vorzeit  als  Verfasser  nannten. 
Es  ist  sehr  dankenswert,  dafs  M.  vor  einer  Übersetzung  der  Stücke 
nicht  zurückgeschreckt  ist.  Mag  auch  noch  so  vieles  \insicher  bleiben, 
da  es  sich  meist  um  blofse  Epitheta  handelt,  deren  Sinn  aus  dem  Zu- 
sammenhang nicht  erschlossen  werden  kann,  die  Übersetzung  gibt  doch 
einen  guten  Eindruck  von  dem  Stil  dieser  alten  Dichtungsweise,  der 
dem  der  altkymrischen  Poesie  aufserordentlich  nahe  steht.  Die  ^'om- 
bithi  II  45  =  Numia  Numin  IV  27  sind  vielleicht  die  Numidae;  III  5 
übersetze  ich:  'Wie  die  Woge  nicht  Zutritt  zum  Lande  gewährt';  mit 
tuim  III  35  darf  nicht  Í7i  tuirnd  Fei.*  XXV  verglichen  werden 
(S.  50),  da  dieses  ein  Fehler  für  in  téumi  ist  (Zu  ir.  Hss.,  2.  Serie,  S.  *2ü). 

29* 


446  ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 

Wichtig  ist  nun  namentlich,  dafs  M.  diesen  strofenreichen  Ge- 
dichten die  Gesetze  ihres  Baues  hat  entnehmen  können.  Freilich  wird 
man  hier  zunächst  sehr  vorsichtig  vorgehen  müssen,  da  die  Üherlieferuug 
der  Gedichte,  wie  einige  anderweitige  Zitate  zeigen,  offenbar  sehr  ge- 
schwankt hat  und  man  daher  Gefahr  läuft,  Fehler  oder  ausnahmsweise 
Abweichungen  mit  unter  die  Regeln  zu  bringen.  Auf  Silbenzahl  beruhen 
diese  Gedichte  nicht;  aber  II  (und  seine  Nachahmung  IV  usw.)  ist 
rhythmisch  gebaut,  indem  jedes  Strofenviertel  zwei  haupttonige  Silben 
enthält.  Dafs  gelegentlich  mehrsilbige  Komposita  wie  Arggat-lmn  II 12 
und  ardos-brui  119  für  zwei  Hebungen  zählen,  versteht  man;  ebenso 
dafs  ein  schwerer  fremder  Name  Avie  Mathusäl  einer  Wortreihe  wie 
elg  for  lár  (so  zu  lesen  II  52  =  IV  33)  gleich  gerechnet  wird,  und  dafs 
umgekehrt  die  drei  Einsilber  ßodb,  Sem,  Mdir  einmal  (11 37)  ein  einziges 
Viertel  füllen.  Unsicherer  ist,  ob  auch  Versglieder  wie  Liiirecdai :  Indecdai 
II  50  als  alt  anzuerkennen  sind,  da  die  Strofe  in  IV  fehlt.  Wenn  nun 
aber  andere  Gedichte,  wie  namentlich  TU,  beliebig  Langzeileu  mit  4,  5, 
6  haupttonigen  Silben,  also  Viertel  von  2  oder  3  Hebungen  bilden,  kann 
man  nicht  mehr  von  einem  Rhythmus  im  gewöhnlichen  Sinn  sprechen, 
es  ist  nur  ein  gewisses  Zuviel  oder  Zuwenig  ausgeschlossen.  Auch  ein 
regelmäfsiger  Wechsel  von  Hoch-  und  Tief  ton  herrscht  nicht,  wie  mau 
M.  (S.  5)  mifsverstehen  könnte. 

Fest  ist  dagegen  in  dieser  Gattung  die  Silbenzahl  des  reimenden 
Schlufsworts  jeder  Langzeile.  Zwar  will  M.  (S.  12)  auch  hier  Aus- 
nahmen gelten  lassen.  Aber  aufser  Brecc :  Fobrecc,  Glass :  Foglass,  II 9. 10, 
wo  eine  Art  Wortspiel  vorliegt,  kann  ich  seine  Beispiele  nicht  anerkennen. 
Dafs  II  22  der  Nominativ,  den  er  Dui  schreibt  (Hs.  Dau,  so  auch  IV  7) 
zweisilbig  sei  (S.  12),  —  es  wäre  die  einzige  Ausnahme  in  diesem 
Gedicht  —  scheint  mir  unerwiesen,  ist  jedenfalls  dem  zweisilbigen 
Gen.  Diiach  nicht  zu  entnehmen.  Das  Reimwort  könnte  ati  'Ohr'  sein 
(/i.  L,  sluaigR),  anklingend  an  das  folgende  ^ttí/eráe:  *  dreifachen  hohen 
Blick,  erhabenstes  Ohr  (hatte)  Augeine'.  Oder  eher  ist  einsilbiges  aid: 
Daui  zu  lesen,  jenes  die  ältere  Form  des  späteren  ai,  Gen.  uath,  uad 
„Wissenschaft,  Dichtkunst"  (Verslehren,  S.  127  f.). 

In  den  Gedichten  I  und  III  mit  zweisilbigem  Schlufs  gibt  es 
aufser  Cotriche :  cocriche ,  das  erst  M.  gegen  die  Hs.  hineinkonjiziert 
hat,  nur  je  eine  scheinbare  Ausnahme.  Die  Strofe  III 14  lautet  in  der 
Hs. :  Drohgaib  maraib  niandrais  iath  niathomum  \  ella  oircne  oldomun 
crich  Crothomuin,  1 3  in  derselben  einzigen  Handschrift  eine  Seite  weiter 
hinten:  Coinmilid  Ailill  fri  agu  fri  cricha  Crothomu[i]n  \  crothois 
Abratchain  airbe  iath  Ethomuin.  Man  sieht,  die  beiden  Ausnahmen 
bilden  nur  eine  einzige.  Da  nun  ein  Ortsname  Ethonm{i)n  sonst  un- 
bekannt ist,  aber  Edmuinn  in  Compert  CouCulainn  §  2  —  allerdings 
als  Ackusativ^)  —  bezeugt  ist  (Nom.  Eithmann,  Eathmahm  Metr. 
Dinds.  140,  29),  so  liegt  es  gar  zu  nahe,  diese  zweisilbige  Form  auch 


')   Hier  liest  DIVl,  fol.  48a2   dar  Muirthemne  7  dar  Edmund  7  dar 
Breghmagh.    K.  M.  [ebenso  Egerton  1782  dar  Edmann.    R.  Tb.]. 


ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN.  447 

hier  einzusetzen.  Ein  Schreiber  wird  HI  14,  veranlafst  durch  das  voraus- 
gehende ollomun,  das  dreisilbige  Crothomuin  eingeführt  haben,  das 
dann  die  Umbildung  des  Reimworts  Ethmuinn  nach  sich  zog.  Was 
an  jeuer  Stelle  gestanden  hatte,  weifs  ich  freilich  nicht  zu  sagen ;  etwa 
crich  Crentthainn  ?  Der  Reim  wurde  dann  auch  in  das  folgende  Gedicht  I 
verschleppt.*)  —  Reime  wie  Fergus  :  Oingus  III  33  (S.  12)  lassen  sich  wohl 
entschuldigen ;  ob  auch  coscrach  :  fechtnacli  III 17,  ist  zweifelhaft. 

Neben  dem  rhythmischen  Reim  ist  die  Bindung  der  einzelnen  Vers- 
glieder durch  Alliteration  das  wichtigste  Kunstmittel.  Sie  wird  von 
M.,  S.  8 ff.,  genau  untersucht.  Auch  hier  scheint  mir  einiges,  wie  die 
Bindung  2.  e-  :  g-,  t- :  d-  und  das  in  §  5  Bemerkte  noch  nicht  als  ge- 
sichert anzusehen.  Auch  nach  der  späteren  Lehre  können  zwar  schwach- 
betonte Wörter  von  1 — 2  Silben  die  Alliterationswörter  (com-uaim) 
trennen;  mau  nannte  sie  je  nach  der  Silbenzahl  (nicht  Wortzahl,  wie 
M.,  S.  10,  sagt)  dialt  n-etarUme  und  lorga  fuach  (Rev.  Celt.  13,  271  f.). 
Aber  M.  glaubt  auch  Beispiele  zu  haben,  wo  vollbetonte  Wörter  da- 
zwischentreten. Besonderer  Art  und  nicht  zu  beanstanden  ist  III  38  —  39 
hreth  irgnad  :  hriathrach  EthcreL  eine  Doppelalliteration.  Aber  von  den 
anderen  drei  Belegen  haben  zwei  keine  Beweiskraft.  Die  Strofe  II  6 
ist  ganz  unsicher  überliefert,  wie  M.,  S.  11,  selber  ausführt;  und  III 19 
steht  die  merkwürdig  junge  Form  ivtbris  (oder  vmbris  .  .  bresgail  zu 
lesen?),  und  die  leichte  Änderung  von  tesga[i]l  in  es^raíí  macht  überdies 
die  Bindung  regelraäfsig.  So  bleibt  nur  III 18  als  ein  nicht  von  vorn- 
herein verdächtiger  Zeuge;  mau  wird  also  weitere  Belege  abwarten 
müssen.  Auch  ob  in  jeder  Langzeile  eine  Zäsur  anzusetzen  ist,  kann 
fraglich  erscheinen. 

M.  setzt  die  älteren  dieser  Gedichte  ins  7.  Jahrhundert.  Auch 
das  8.  schiene  mir  möglich,  wenn  auch  nicht  zu  leugnen  ist,  dafs 
manche  Ausdrücke  wie  mercair  III  23  für  'Mittwoch'  (M.  druckt  aus 
'  Versehen  '  Dienstag ')  sehr  altertümlich  klingen.  In  beiden  Fällen  muss 
man  aber  goet  III  1  passivisch  fassen,  nicht  aktivisch  mit  M.  und  im 
Einzelnen  manche  Veränderung  durch  die  Tradition  annehmen.  Wenn 
aber  M.  gar  in  lairmech  legion  III  28  eine  Erinnerung  au  den  Schuppen- 
panzer der  Römer  sehen  will  (S.  39),  so  kann  ich  ihm  darin  nicht  folgen. 
Zu  lann  kann  in   altirischer  Zeit  das  Adjektiv  nur  lannach  lauten; 


')  [Korrekturnote:  In  der  inzwischen  erschieneueu  Fortsetzung 
(Über  die  älteste  ir.  Dichtung  II.  Rhythmische  alliterierende  reimlose  Strophen, 
ebend.  Nr.  10)  hat  Meyer  mehrere  meiner  obigen  Besserungsvorschläge  an- 
genommen, behält  jedoch  die  dreisilbigen  Ausgänge  Ethomuin:  Crothomuin 
bei  und  eutschuldigt  sie  durch  die  Freiheit,  die  sich  die  Dichter  bei  Eigen- 
namen zu  gestatten  pflegen  (S.  3).  Diese  leugne  ich  natürlich  im  Allgemeinen 
nicht;  aber  gerade  in  den  betreffenden  Gedichten,  die  fast  ganz  aus  Eigen- 
namen bestehen,  ist  sie  in  ihrer  völligen  Vereinzelung  wenig  wahrscheinlich. 
Die  übrigen  Beispiele,  die  Meyer  zitiert,  finden  sich  in  viel  weniger  streng 
gebauten  Gedichten;  und  das  Beispiel  Luirecdai :  Indecdai  11,50,  wo  die 
dreisilbigen  Wörter  das  ganze  Strophenviertel  füllen  und  für  zwei  Hebungen 
zählen,  ist  natürlich  anderer  .\vt  (s.  o.)J. 


448  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

hnvvech  gehört  zu  lainne  '  Gier' :  "zwanzig  Schiffe  stark  warf  er  (fdlaig) 
die  Scharen  der  gierigen  Legionen  nieder'.  Zur  Endsilbe  -ton  in  Elp'wn. 
Faireon  III  28,  29  vgl.  -ién  in  den  Glossen  (Handb.  §  908)  und  fírión 
neben  firién. 

Man  darf  den  Aufschlüssen,  die  die  Fortsetzung  der  Serie  bringen 
wird,  mit  Spannung  entgegensehen.  Auch  die  Frage  wird  aufzuwerfeu 
sein,  ob  diese  Poesie  nun  ganz  bodenständig  ist  oder  doch  schon  mit 
den  rhythmischen  Satzschlüssen  der  Spätlateiner  zusammenhängt. 

R.  T  h  u  r  n  e  j'  s  e  n. 

Festskrift  Alf  Torp,  Kristiania  1913. 

This  volume  contains  an  interesting  paper  (pp.  239  —  252)  by 
Professor  Carl  Marstrauder,  entitled  Kleine  Irische  Beiträge.  It  consists 
of  miscellaneous  etymological  and  grammatical  notes  dealing  with  various 
periods  of  the  language.  There  is  a  good  explanation  of  the  origin  of 
dochnm  n-  (p.  243)  agreeing  with  the  suggestion  thrown  out  simultaneous- 
ly by  Pedersen,  Vgl.  Gr.  II  492.  In  the  following  note  on  indas 
(p.  244)  it  was  a  pity  to  include  the  example  cia  dune  ind  innis  seo 
from  Ml  85  c  33,  for,  in  the  face  of  the  examples  of  inni  brought  together 
fourteen  years  ago  by  Sarauw,  Irske  St.  p.  138,  it  had  been  generally 
recognized  that  iiidiiinissco  does  not  contain  the  gen.  of  Í7idas.  The 
next  article  is  an  ingenious,  but  quite  unconvincing,  identification  of 
the  modern  faic,  faice,  with  Mid.  Ir.  aicc,  aicce,  0.  Ir.  naicc,  naicce. 
The  examples  given  leave  something  to  be  desired :  bhfuil  puinn  eolais 
agat  ar  ghramadaigh  na  Gaedhilge  ?  faic  ar  sise  is  said  to  be  'aus 
der  Umgangssprache  im  westlichen  Keriy',  but  the  use  of  the  book-AVord 
gramadach,  indeed  the  subject  matter,  suggests  that  the  phrase  was 
made  up  for  the  occasion.  P.  245  1.  11,  in  quoting  from  Munst.  Poets  II 
160.  9  gan  faic'  san  t-saoigheal,  the  last  word  has,  in  defiance  of  the 
assonance,  been  silently  altered  to  tsaoghal.  A  couple  of  lines  below 
is  a  quotation  referred  Avrougly  to  Munst.  Poets  I  202.  It  is  really  from 
Eoghan  Ruadh's  poems,  and  will  be  found,  with  slightly  different  spelling, 
in  Dinneen's  edition  of  the  latter,  1.  531.  Throughout  the  paper  in- 
accuracies or  misprints  such  as  Maige  Brega  p.  243.  32,  in  for  ind  ib.  34, 
faich-.gnath  for  fiaig :  gndth  p.  248.  9,  are  only  too  common. 

On  p.  250  there  is  an  attempted  restoration  of  a  supposed  Ogam 
inscription  referred  to  in  LU :  R^ACATTOS  ARGENTAGI  QOI  MAQI . . . 
The  second  word  is  given  in  the  Old-Celtic  form,  for  -nt-  had  become 
■dd-  before  the  Ogam  period.  And  the  initial  of  the  word  here  spelled 
QOI  is  not  the  same  as  the  Q  of  MAQI.  Professor  Marstrander  refers 
to  his  article  on  QOI  in  Ériu  V  144,  but  on  turning  up  the  passage 
we  find  that  he  had  written,  more  wisely,  on  'Ogham  XOI.' 

On  p.  251  there  is  a  very  satisfactory  explanation  of  the  plural 
ending  -datar  in  -ddmdatar  and  the  like.  It  is  treated  as  an  analogical 
formation  modelled  on  -memdatar  &c.  Unfortunately,  in  support  of  the 
argument,  which  is  really  excellent  in  itself,  we  find  the  following: 
'In  den  Präteriten  tnebaid,  tdrraid  wurde  schon  im  Frühmittelirischen 
der  Stamm  als  meb-,  tdrr-  empfunden,   wie  aus   solchen  Formen  wie 


EBSCHIENENE    SCHEIETEN.  449 

3.  sg.  memais  SR  4705,  LU  81b  36,  mebais  SR  8320,  LL  174  a  1,  -memsat 
LU  74b2,  -mebsat  7ia42,  Lism.  Lives  3493,  tarras  LU41a34,  LL  147a49, 
rafdrsed  LL89a27,  dafcirsed  89 a 38  usw.  deutlich  hervorgeht'.  If  there 
is  one  thing  which  'deutlich  hervorgeht',  it  is  that  the  writer  has  not 
taken  the  precaution  to  check  his  references.  Of  eleven  examples  taken 
as  preterites,  six  are  s- futures  and  two  are  s- subjunctives. 

P.  252.  'Sg.  4b  10.  Das  aidlignitir  der  HS.  mit  Ascoli  in  aidlig- 
nigitir  zu  ändern  ist  nicht  erlaubt,  vgl.  Rawl.  B  512,  111  al:  cachoen 
adilcnes  sämugud  sund'.  Permission  to  emend  the  text,  here  refused 
by  Professor  Marstraudar,  would  have  been  readily  granted  by  the 
scribe  of  Sg. :  cf.  -aidlicnigetar ,  Sg.  200a2,  and  Wb.  15a2,  &c.  The 
occurrence  of  a  Mid.  Ir.  active  does  not  necessarily  establish  the  existence 
of  an  0.  Ir.  deponent  from  the  same  stem.  Osborn  Bergin. 

F.  "W.  0' Conn  ell,  A  Grammar    of  Old  Irish.    Belfast,   Mayne 
&  Boyd;  London,  David  Nutt.     8o  (XII  +  191  pp).    6s. 

Wir  glauben  es  dem  Verfasser  gern,  dafs  er  sich  mit  seinem  Buch 
redliche  Mühe  gegeben  hat,  aber  es  zeigt  sich  dabei  deutlich,  dafs  eine 
noch  so  gute  Kenntnis  des  Neuirischen  nicht  hinreicht,  um  allein  auf 
Grund  der  bisher  vorliegenden  Arbeiten  eine  kurze  altirische  Grammatik 
zustande  zu  bringen.  Ohne  vorherige  selbständige  Betätigung  auf 
grammatischem  Gebiete  darf  man  sich  an  eine  solche  Aufgabe  nicht 
heranwagen;  ein  blofses  Durchstudieren  der  von  den  Vorgängern  ge- 
leisteten Arbeit  genügt  bei  einer  so  schwierigen  Sprache,  wie  es  das 
Altirische  ist,  noch  nicht,  da  die  bisher  erschienenen  Werke,  wie  es  eben 
bei  grundlegenden  Pionierarbeiten  nicht  anders  möglich  ist,  zu  einem 
Teil  nur  Materialsammlungen  darstellen,  aus  denen  sich  erst  nach  und 
nach  alle  Einzelheiten  herauskristallisieren  lassen  werden. 

Den  Zweck,  den  irischen  Studierenden  einen  Ersatz  für  Thurneysens 
Handbuch  zu  bieten,  erfüllt  das  Buch  nur  schlecht.  Es  wäre  gut  möglich 
gewesen,  in  190  Seiten  das  Wichtigste  zusammenzutragen ,  doch  hat  es 
der  Verfasser  nicht  verstanden,  eine  richtige  Auswahl  zu  treffen.  Das 
Wichtigste  und  zum  Verständnis  der  Flexion  und  Wortbildung  Un- 
crläi'slichste  ist  doch  die  Lautlehre ,  und  diese  ist  auf  nur  22  Seiten 
beschränkt,  während  alles  Übrige  mit  ganz  überflüssiger  Umständlichkeit 
dargestellt  wird.  Dinge,  wie  die  Bedeutungsschattierungen  der  Prä- 
positionen oder  Konjunktionen  sind  in  einer  kurzen  Grammatik  nicht 
am  Platze,  sondern  gehören  in  das  Textbuch;  findet  sich  doch  die  Lehre 
von  der  Bedeutung  der  Präpositionen  weder  bei  Thurneysen  noch  bei 
Pedersen.  Der  ersparte  Platz  hätte  mit  viel  mehr  Nutzen  für  die  Laut- 
lehre verwendet  werden  müssen.  Hier  fehlt  es  oft  am  Nötigsten.  So  ist 
gar  nichts  über  die  Depalatalisation  nach  Dentalen  gesagt  (vgl.  Pokorny, 
Old  Ir.  Grammar,  §  65,  4),  ebenso  über  die  Qualität  der  epeuthetischen 
Vokale  (1.  c.  §§  60,  66  —  71),  usw. 

Im  Einzelnen  wimmelt  das  Buch  von  Fehlern,  deren  vollständige 
Aufzählung  zu  viel  Raum  in  Anspruch  nehmen  würde.  Zur  Illustration 
sei  nur  einig-es  angeführt: 


450  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN, 

S.  8  Z.  7:  Die  Grundform  von  suide  (neutrum!)  ist  *sodjon,  idg.  *sodjom, 
uud  nicht  *sodjos. 

S.  11  §  18:  Der  Wandel  von  nd  zu  wn  erfolgte  in  vortonigen  Worten 
schon  am  Anfang  der  altir.  Periode;  die  Artikelform  inna  für 
älteres  mda  ist  daher  nicht  'late  Old  Irish'. 

S.  12  §  20:  aingliu  entsteht  nicht  aus  *angiln,  sondern  ans  ^'angeln,  da 
die  Hebung  von  e  zu  i  jünger  ist,  als  die  Synkope,  foigde  kann 
nicht  aus  *fo-gude  entstanden  sein,  da  dies  ^fuigde  ergeben 
haben  würde;  zulässig  ist  nur  eine  Grundform  '"^fo-gede  aus  idg. 
*upo-gvhedhjä,  im  Ablautverhältuis  zu  guide  'Bitte'  aus  idg. 
^gvhodhjä. 

S.  14  §  25 :  céimm  kann  nicht  auf  *  cingsmen  zurückgehen,  das  vielmehr 
altir.  cimm  ergeben  hätte.  Idg.  *kh)jg-smn  ist  über  khi/k-smu 
{g  ist  vor  s  zu  k  geworden),  kenksmen  regelmäfsig  zu  céimm 
geworden. 

S.  15  §28:  Die  altir.  Form  lautet  find  und  nicht  ßm. 

S.  15  §29:  Anstatt  k^emii,  nirii  lies  k^ennt,  uirii. 

S.  15  §  30 :  liar  geht  nicht  auf  ogr-,  sondern  auf  ögr- ,  älter  *ougr- 
zurück  und  ist  daher  unter  a)  zu  stellen. 

S.  16  Z.  16:  mug  geht  nicht  auf  mogu,  sondern  über  maug  auf  magu- 
zurück  (Pokorny,  K.  Z.  XLV,  S.  72  ff.). 

S.  17  Z.  17:  goi  ist  nicht  mit  Thurneyseu  auf  gänin,  sondern  auf  gnnin 
zurückzuführen,  wie  die  Formen  mit  gYi-  zeigen,  da  altes  äv 
niemals  als  ú  erscheint  (Pokorny,  0.  Ir.  Grammar  §  112,3  a). 

S.  18  §  35:  Anstatt  ^gneiö  lies  *gnPAö. 

S.  19  §  37:  do-rochair  kann  nicht  aus  *to-ro-cer  entstanden  sein,  sondern 
ist  erst  analogisch  aus  lautgesetzlichem  do-rochar  (idg.  *to-pro-ker9t) 
umgestaltet  worden. 

S.  20  §  38 :  Anstatt  *  isarnon  lies  isarnon. 

naidni  geht  nicht  auf  *nadmn-  sondern  auf  *nad-men  zurück. 

S.  24  §  42 :  Der  Ansatz  einer  Grundform  sen  +  tos  für  den  Artikel  ist 
ganz  falsch;  sen  +  tos  hätte  über  sen  +  dos  nur  zu* end,  niemals 
aber  zu  ind  werden  können,  da  altes  i  zwar  vor  7hI  in  jedem 
Fall  erhalten  bleibt,  aber  altes  e  nicht  vor  nd  +  o  zu  i  werden 
kann.  Man  kann  also  nur  eine  Grundform  '^sin  +  tos  oder  *sind{h)os 
ansetzen. 

Ein  urkeltischer  Dat.  Sing.  fem.  sen-tä  ist  undenkbar,  der- 
selbe hatte  vielmehr  die  Endung  -äi ;  hier  ist  das  i  nämlich  nicht, 
wie  im  raasc.  und  neutr.  verloren  gegangen,  sondern  -äi  ist  über 
äi  zu  -l  geworden. 

S.  27  §  48:  Die  idg.  Endung  im  Acc.  Plur.  masc.  ist  -öns  und  nicht 
-ons.  So  hätte  z.  B.  *virons  zu  air.  fero  (vgl.  fiado  'Herr'  aus 
*veidonts)  führen  müssen. 

Wie  kommt  der  Verfasser  dazu,  als  'Prehistoric  Irish'  im 
Gen.  Dual    eine    Endung   -ii    anzusetzen?      Der   Gen.  Dual   fer 


ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN.  451 

erklärt   sich  doch  gut   aus   älterem   *virö,   idg.  *vir-ou!  *iirii 
müfste  ja  fiur  ergeben. 

S.  28  §  49 :  Die  Regel ,  dafs  das  Ersatzdehnungs  -  é  im  Genetiv  zu  éiii, 
usw.  wird,  gilt  doch  nicht  blofs  vor  aui?lautendem  l,  sondern 
ebenso  bei  r,  n,  z.B.  én  'Vogel',  Gen.  éuin,  fér  'Gras',  Gen.  féuir. 

S.  29  §  51 :  Der  Gen.  Sing,  auf  -l  ist  doch  kein  idg.  Lokativ,  der  vielmehr 
kurzes  i  aufwies!  Es  kann  sich  hier  nur  um  ein  altes  idg.  -7 
handeln. 

S.  32:  guth  kann  nicht  auf  *gothus  zurückgehen  (dies  ergäbe  air.  goth), 

sondern  nur  auf  *g\(.thus. 

mind  geht  nicht  auf  *men(lu,  sondern  auf  ^'mindu  zurück, 

das  sich  direkt  aus  idg.  'nnndu  entwickelt  hat. 
S.  39  §  65:  Das  Suffix  -txit-  mit  langem  U. 
S.  40  Z.  1 — 7:  Die  Suffixe  *->-eio»i  (ueut.)  und  *-reidhä  (fem.)  sind  hier 

zusammengeworfen. 
S.  40  Z.  24 — 28:  Die  Suffixe  -an  und  -e'n  können  keineswegs  auf  -akno 

und  -ikno  zurückgehen;  -akno  hätte  z.  B.  -én.  niemals  aber  -du 

ergeben  können.    Als  Grundformen  sind  -agno,  -igvo  anzusetzen. 
S.  41  Z.  11:    Uir  ingnu   heilst   nicht  'with  diligent  science',   sondern 

'diligent  in  science'. 
S.  68  Z.  6:   léicid  kann  keinesfalls  aiif  *lwk"i-ti  zurückgehen,  da  dies 

nur  *licid  ergeben  hätte.     Man  mufs  notgedrungen  von  einer 

Form  '^leivk"l-ti  ausgehen. 
S.  68  Z.  18:  Eine  Grundform  *pre-na-ti  ist  unmöglich,  da  vi  erst  zu  re 

wurde,   nachdem    das  p   längst  abgefallen   war;   es  mufs  daher 

*pri-7ia-ti  heifsen  (idg.  '^pr-). 
Si  68  Z.  25:  Wie  stellt  sich  der  Verfasser  die  Enstehung  des  air.  -gnin 

aus  *gn-7i-i  (sie!)  vor? 
S.  69  Z.  22 :  tiagii  kann  unmöglich  direkt  auf  *steighu  zurückgehen,  das 

vielmehr  -tiag  ergeben  hat. 
S.  77  Z.  8:  lies  g^hodh-,  g"hedh-. 
S.  95 :  Die  unkomponierten  Präteritalformeu   sind   vielfach  ganz  falsch 

rekonstruiert.    So  ist  die  rel.  1.  Plur.  als  "^  bertammnr  und  nicht 

als  *berteinmar  anzusetzen.    Die  rel.  3.  Sing,  gabes  ist  nirgends 

belegt;  die  Form  müfste  aufserdem  *gabas  lauten,  da  das  palatale 

Suffix   des  Präsens  im  Präteritum  fehlt.     Der  Ansatz  einer  1. 

und  2.  Sing.  *gáda,  *gádae  ist  gänzlich  unberechtigt.    Die  rel. 

1.  Plur  mufs  als  *gádammar,   die  2.  Plur.   als  gddte  angesetzt 

werden. 

Die  komponierte  2.  Plur.  des  Konjunktivs  von  benaim  mufs 

*-b'ieid,  und  nicht  -biaid  lauten. 

S.  96  Z.  Iff.:  Der  Konjunktiv  des  Präteritums  von  benaim  ist  mit  Aus- 
nahme der  3.  Personen  ganz  falsch  angesetzt.  Das  ia  des  Stammes 
*b}n(j)(l-  mufs  nämlich  in  zweisilbigen  Formen  als  ie  erhalten 
bleiben,  bei  Autritt  einer  weiteren  Silbe  zu  e  synkopiert  werden. 


452  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

also  :  *-bieir)n,  *-betha,  *-bemmis,  *-bcthe,  doch  erschiene  mir  der 
Ansatz  der  2.  Personen  in  iinserem  Fall  etwas  zu  gewagt.  Im 
Allgemeinen  setzt  der  Verfasser  viel  zu  viel  unsichere  Formen 
au,  die  vorsichtigerweise  besser  ausgelassen  worden  wären. 

S.  98  §  192:  attá  geht  natürlich  nicht  auf  *a(l-stä-jo,  sondern  auf  *ad- 
stä-t  zurück! 

S.  107  Z.  12:  do-coi  kann  nicht  auf  *  de-com-uadst ,  sondern  nur  auf 
*de-coni-uedst  zurückgehen. 

S.  112  §216:  Statt  do-aisselbi  mufs  es  do-aissilbi  heifsen. 

S.  136  Z.  4:  Die  Herleituug  von  calléic  aus  *cen  +  Uiciud  ist  ganz 
undenkbar. 

Obige  Fehlerliste,  die  ihre  Entstehung  nur  einer  flüchtigen  Durch- 
sicht verdankt,  liefse  sich  noch  um  vieles  erweitern.  Besonders  im 
Ansetzen  von  Grundformen  ist  viel  gesündigt  worden.  Man  sieht,  dafs 
sich  der  Verfasser  über  die  lautliche  Entwicklung  vom  Urkeltischen 
zum  Altirischen  meist  selbst  nicht  im  Klaren  war.  Auch  die  Vor- 
kenntnisse in  der  indogermanischeu  Grammatik  sind  jedenfalls  un- 
zureichend gewesen.  Julius  Pokornj'. 

Carl  J.  S.  Marstrander.  Dictionary  of  the  Irisch  Language, 
based  mainly  on  Old  and  Middle  Irish  materials,  published  by 
the  Royal  Irish  Academy  under  the  Editorship  of  Carl 
J.  S.  Marstrander.  Professor  of  Celtic  Philology  in  the 
University  of  Kristiania.  Fasciculus  I.,  D-degoir.  Dublin 
Royal  Irish  Academy;  Hodges,  Figgis  and  Co.,  Ltd.;  London: 
Williams  and  Norgate.    10  s.  6  d.  net. 

Dächer dda :  read  Da  -  Cherddae  =  Do  -  Cherddae. 

Dairben:  add.  Dairbthcnn  (^.ro-len)  Edinb.  Dinds.  55. 

Dairblinn:  instead  of  Dairmill  read  Dairinill. 

dairchis:  instead  of  dénam  read  denam. 

dairchnih  is  an  impossible  form,   as  a  hypothetical  Old  Celtic  dat.  pi. 

*  dar  ik-ivj  (ibis  could  only  have  given  *dairchinib;  similarly 
*dari-genjäbis  would  give  *dairginib;  * darignabis  would  give 

*  dairnib. 

Ddire  Doimthech;  the  alternative  form  Daimthech  ought  to  have 
been  given. 

Ddire  mac  Guil:  read  Guill. 

col.  35  1.  36:  insert 

'■dairgthech:  alta-som  oconn  dairggdhig  YBL  18b31;  there  is  no  such 
word  as  dairg-thech  'oak -house'.  A  hypothetical  Old  Celtic 
* dariko-tegos  would  have  given  *  dairchithech  in  0.  Ir.  Old  Celtic 
*dari-tegos  gave  dairthech  which  could  never  be  used  in  a 
sense    that    would    suit    the  passage  quoted.     Hence  we  must 


ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIETEN.  453 

read  oconnd  airggdhig  'at  the  hero-house ';  airgg-thech  contains 

the   word   argg   'hero"    which   is   etymologically   identical   with 

Greek  aQyoq. 
Dairiet  11:  There  is  no  evidence  that  this  was  a  'foreign'  scholar, 
col.  35  1.  64:    insert  dairtne   'a  small  oakwood':   Darine  ednech  u.  1. 

Fél.-240,  6  also  called  Daire  na  Flann.  Cf.  Hogan. 

col.  36  1.  52  instead  of  Fdthain  read  Fathain. 

col.  87  1.  19  insert  Dairiud,  dat.  of.  Dair-fid:  Ciar  in  gen  Duib  Bca 

de  Dairiud  LB  22. 
Dairmill:    I  do    not   understand    the   reason   for   this   entry   as   this 

misprint  had  been  already  corrected  by  Stokes  in  the  Index  of 

Persons  s.  v.  Darinill. 
col.  37  1.  26   and   82:    read    dciitnitiu    and    deirmitnech   as   the   r   is 

certainly  palatal. 

Dairn:  instead  of  Fomórach  read  Fomorach  with  the  Ms. 

dairnaisce:    There    is    no    evidence    for   such   forms   as   dairnaisce   or 

dernaisce. 
col.  37  1.  42:   add.  Dairsi  Braid-i-léibhe,  E.  C.  XX  838,  13.    A  tribe  of 

the   aithech-thúatha  so   called.    Instead  of  escus  read  escas  and 

add :  ut  dicitur  danrnaisce  dar  lemaÍ7i. 
dáistir:  read:  only  in  the  3  sg.  pass. 
ddithc:  The  corruption  in  this  passage  is  not  very  great,  ddithe  contaiiis 

apparently  the  same  root  as  mod.  daoithemhail  and  means  '  baseness, 

detriment,  fault'. 

col.  41  1.  48  add.  daithech  'swift,  active',  daithecht  'swiftness,  activity", 

mod.  daitheach,  daitheacht,  Dinn. 
daithen:  an  analogical  by-form   of  dathan.     Old  Celtic  * datind  gives 

regularly  dathan;  the  palatal   quality  of  the  th  is  due  to  the 

influence  of  the  oblique  cases. 

daithgen:  this  is  of  course  no  o-stem  but  an  «-stem  since  it  is  identical 
with  daithen  and  represents  only  a  wrong  spelling. 

col.  42  1.  34:  insert  daithinet  .i.  uaire  aisneid  H.  3.  18.  69  a  =  dathincd 
.i.  uair  aisneidh  ib.  635a.  Julius  Pokoruy. 

Kuno  Meyer,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkimde  II — VI.  Sitzungs- 
berichte der  Kgl.  Preufs.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  1912, 
LI  (S.  1144—1157);  1913,  XXV  (S.  445-455)  und  XLIX 
(S.  950— 959);  1914,  XXI  (S.  630— 642)  und  XXXV  (S.  939 

■     —958). 

In  zwangloser  Eeihenfolge  werden  eine  grofse  Zahl  keltischer, 
namentlich  irischer  Wörter  nach  Bedeutung,  Bildung  oder  Herkunft 
besprochen ;  Nr.  VI  schliefst  mit  Berichtigungen  und  einem  Wort- 
verzeichnis zur  ganzen  Eeihe. 


454  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscripts,  Vol.  IV  und  V,  Halle  a.  S. 
1912  und  1913,  XIX- 128  S.  und  30  S. 

Der  4.  Band  bringt  uns  einen  vollständigen  Abdruck  von  Cormacs 
Glossar  nach  dem  Yellow  Book  of  Lecan  durch  K.  Meyer  auf  Grund 
einer  nachkollationierten  Abschrift  von  Wh.  Stokes.  Die  einzelnen 
Artikel  sind  numeriert  (auch  die  zahlreichen  Zusatzartikel  dieser 
Redaktion  durchgezählt)  und  ein  alfabetisches  Wortverzeichnis  bei- 
gegeben. In  der  Vorrede  VII  f.  sind  die  verschiedeneu  Handschriften 
des  Glossars  aufgeführt,  aus  denen  einzelne  Varianten  aufgenommen 
sind,  aiich  die  Artikel  Prúll  und  Mugeme  nach  Harl.  5280  und  23.  N.  10 
abgedruckt  (VIII  ff.). 

Der  5.  Band  enthält  fünf  kürzere  Texte,  drei  davon  von  K.  Meyer: 
die  Korrespondenz  zwischen  Alexander  und  Dindiraus  nach  Rawlinson 
B  512,  Ferchiiitred  Medba  nach  derselben  Handschrift,  aus  der  Jos.  O'Neill, 
Ériu  II 174  nur  die  Variauten  gegeben  hatte,  und  Verba  Scäthaige  fri 
CoinCulaind  nach  drei  Handschriften  (eine  vierte  ZCP  IX  487).  Ferner 
von  Annie  M.  Scarre  Scél  mnicce  Maie  Da  Thö  nach  H.  3.  18,  aus  der 
schon  Wiudisch,  Ir.  Texte  96  ff.  die  Varianten  angeführt  hatte,  und  von 
Annie  Power  ein  schwieriger  Text,  der  The  caldron  of  Poesy  betitelt 
wird,  nebst  zahlreichen  Glossen,  gleichfalls  nach  H.  3.  18. 

Kuno  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung.  IL  Rhyth- 
mische alliterierende  reimlose  Strophen  (Abhandlungen  der 
Kgl.  Preufs.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  1913,  Phil.-Hist. 
Cl.,  Nr.  10).    Berlin  1914,  4c.     40  S. 

Die  interessanten  Beispiele  dieser  altertümlichen  Dichtungsweise, 
die  der  Verf.  gesammelt  hat,  sind  leider  nicht  so  umfangreich,  wie  die 
in  Teil  I  besprochenen  und  daher  ihr  Bau  nicht  so  genau  zu  umschreiben. 
Ist  S.  7  Nr. 2  Str. 4  mit  L^  athar  ailiair  '(unserer)  Väter  Vater'  zu 
lesen?  Beigefügt  sind  einige  als  nath  bezeichnete  Strofen  aus  den 
'Mittelirischen  Verslehren'  und  Berichtigungen  und  Verzeichnisse  der 
Namen  und  erklärten  Wörter  zu  beiden  Teilen. 

Festschrift  Ernst  Windisch  zum  siebzigsten  Geburtstag  am 
4.  September  1914  dargebracht  von  Freunden  und  Schülern. 
Leipzig  (0.  Harrassowitz)  1914,  VI  und  380  S.  gr.  8o. 

Von  den  zahlreichen  dem  um  die  Keltologie  so  hochverdienten 
Gelehrten  dargebrachten  Aufsätzen  beziehen  sich  nur  drei  auf  Keltisches. 
Ludw.  Mühlhausen  (S.  249—348)  sammelt  und  bespricht  die  lateinischen, 
romanischen  und  germanischen  Lehnwörter  in  den  alten  kymrischen 
Gesetzen  (Codex  Venedotianus).  Kuno  Meyer  (S.  63  —  67)  gibt  Ver- 
mutungen, wovon  die  verlorene  Sage,  die  in  der  Liste  A  Aigidecht 
Artuir  betitelt  ist,  gehandelt  haben  mag.  Ich  habe  auf  Grund  von 
Arbeiten  meines  Sprachwissenschaftlichen  Seminars  eine  Besprechung 
von  Cormacs  Glossar  (S.  8—37)  beigesteuert.    Die  Ausgabe  der  Artikel 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  455 

Pnill  und  Mug  Eme  nach  allen  Hss.  will  die  Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse 
der  Handschriften  untereinander  zeigen  und  namentlich  darauf  hinweisen, 
dafs  die  Beiziehung  des  Buchs  von  Hy-Maine  für  die  Herstellung  des 
ersten  Teils  des  Glossars  uuerläfslich  ist.  Für  den  Ausdruck  ba  fde  leo 
(Prull,  Z.  15)  macht  mich  Marstrander  auf  Cogadh  Gaedhel  re  Gallaibh, 
S.  46 ,  aufmerksam ,  wo  es  heifst :  Ba  fae  (Hs.  B  fi)  do  cechtar  de  com- 
riachtain  and,  acht  ba  messu  dona  gallaib,  von  Todd  richtig  übersetzt : 
'It  was  woe  to  each  party  to  meet  there;  but  it  was  worse  for  the 
foreigners'.  Es  ist  also  auch  bei  Cormac  hinter  leo  zu  interpungieren : 
'Da  gefiel  es  ihnen  nicht,  ihn  zu  sich  zu  lassen;  denn  es  schien  ihnen 
verderblich  (fde).  Er  Avar  kein  in  ihren  Schwärm  passender  Vogel'  usw. 
Ferner  vermutet  er  wohl  mit  Recht,  dafs  das  unverständliche  indré 
(Z.  25)  ein  Fehler  der  Urhandschrift  für  in  dre{m)  'die  Schar'  ist,  und 
weist  zu  congrus  (Z.  17)  das  Simplex  grus  nach  in  der  Strofe,  welche 
Leabhar  Breac  in  Cormacs  Glossar  zum  Artikel  fogamur  hinzusetzt: 
inglan  mo  chorp  lir  mo  grus  'mein  Körper  ist  unrein  ebensosehr  wie 
mein  grus\  Beim  Wort  carra  menncrott  hätte  ich  auf  Fianaigecht  34 
verweisen  sollen,  wo  carra  óir  neben  téta  argait  erwähnt  sind. 

Die  übrigen  Teile  der  Festschrift  behandeln  Stoffe  der  indischen 
Philologie  oder  der  vergleichenden  Grammatik. 

R.  Th. 


REGISTER  ZU  BAND  VI  — X. 


Ä. 

abann  ir.  10,  79 

Abbot,  K.  T.,  Further  notes  on  Coney's 
Irish  -  English  Dictionary  (angez.) 
6,  252 

Abbreviations  in  MS.  Vatican  -  Palat. 
Lat.  65.  8,  246 

Abendmahl  6,  259 

accäine  ir.  6,  398 

achtuaim  ir.  7,  508 

achicyn  kymr.  6,  398 

Adam  aus  acht  Teilen  zusammen- 
gesetzt 7,  511 

adar  bask.  9,  300 

adarc  ir.  9,  300 

Adarca  luchna  9,  22-1 

adcuitecht  ir.  10,  69 

adsúithe  8,  64 

Aed  Dub  mac  Colraáin  9,  458 

Aed  Finn  8,  SO 

Aed  Oirdnide  8,  102.  557 

A  fir  na  hegna  10,  266 

aficyn  kymr.  10,  79 

Agustin  7,  290 

aidcheód  ir.  9, 183 

Aided  Bresail  7,  305 

Aided  Chonrói  9, 180.  189.  215 

Aided  Chuind  Cétchathaich  8,  274 

aidircleóc  ir.  9,  299 

at^W  10,  79 

aife  ir.  10,  67 

aig  ir.  9,  291 

Aigidecht  Artnir  10,  454 

Airbe  Rofir  8,  555 

Aird  Echdi  10,  423 

airßiud  ir.  7,  281 


airg  ir.  10,  448 

aithech-thüafha  ir.  9,  98 

aithgiud  ir.  9,  183 

Alexander  und  Dindimus  10,  454 

allaid  ir.  7,  452 

Allecto,  Allechtu  10,  208 

Altirische  Glossen  aus  Trier  7,  475 

aus  Fulda  8,  173 

aus  Laon  8,  175 

aus  Hohenfurt  8, 176 

Altirische  Grammatik  10,  815 
Altirische    Reimsprüche    7,   268.  297. 

498;  9,167 
amasrad  ir.  8,  599 
ameyitum  lat.  10,  79 
amnas  ir.  9,  289 
Amra  Coluim  Chille  9, 119 

—  Con  Rói  9,  217 

Anaptyxis  im  Kymrischen  7,  463 

andern  gall.  8,  233 

Anders,    H.  R.  D.,     Ossian   (augez.) 

6,563 
Anderson,  A.  0.,  Syntax  of  the  copula 

'is'  in  mod.  Scottish  Gaelic   7,  439 

—  Syntax  of  the  subst.  verb   tha  in 
mod.  Scottish  Gaelic  8,  236 

Anecdota    from    Irish    MSS.    (angez.) 

6,560;  7,294;  10,454 
Anfolngid  8,  600 
anim  ir.  10,  69 

Anmchairdes  Mancháin  Léith  7,  310 
Annales  Cambriae  7,  419;  8,  121 
Annals  of  Ulster  8,  588 
Anscombe,  A.,  The  date  of  the  lirst 

settlement  of  the  Saxons  in  Britain 

(coutin.)  6,  339 


REGISTER   ZU    BAND  VI X. 


457 


Anscombe,  A.,  Mr.  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson 
and  the  'Exordium'  of  the 'Anuales 
Cambriae"  7,  419 

aper  altkymr.  9,  110 

Apostel  7,299;  8,107 

aradach  ir.  8,  70 

Arbois  de  Jubainville,  Les  druides  (an- 
gez.)  6,  250 

—  Táiu  Bó  Cúalnge  (angez.)  6,  560 

—  Les  dieux  connns  gallo -romains 
(angez.)  7,  294 

Arelape  8,  90 

Arguenon  8,  194 

arneigdet  ir.  7,  274 

arpettim  ir.  7,  281 

Arras  8,  89 

Art  Buidhe  m.  Domnaill  8,  111 

Arthursage  6,  255;  8,  192;  9,112 

Ärzte  in  Irland  8,  105 

Ascoli,  G.  6,  460ff.  523 

asper  lat.  6,  407 

asse  ir.  6,398;  9,  103 

Ath  na  Foraire  8,  342 

Athairne  7,  300 

atkas  altiud.  6,  397 

Atrebates  8,  89 

du  ir.  10,  329 

aui  ir.  10,  446 


B. 

Baile  Bricin  9,  449 

Báithín  m.  Cúanach  7,  303;  10,  343 

banau-g  kymr.  7,  270 

Banister,  H.M.,  Abbreviations  in  MS. 
Vatican -Palat.  Lat.  65.    8,  246 

Bansenchas  Érenn  9,  222 

Baring -Gould,  S.,  The  lives  of  the 
British  saints  (angez.)  7,  292 

ßuiQayog  10,  79 

Baudis,  J.,  Nominalsätze  und  Nominal- 
prädikate im  Irischen  9,  309 

—  Zum  Gebrauch  der  Yerbalnomiua 
im  Irischen  9,  380 

baxea  lat.  6,  399 

Béarlagar  na  Saor  7,  531 

Béc  mac  De  9,  169;  10,421 

Bécáu  m.  Luigdech  8,  197 


Beigen  9,  88 
bennach  ir.  7,  270 
Bergbau  9, 112 

BergÍD,  0.  J.,  Oided  Chuind  Chét- 
chathaig  8,  275 

—  Vendryes,  Grammaire  du  Vieil- 
Irlandais  (Anzeige)  7,  512 

—  Festskrift  Alf  Torp  (Anzeige)  10, 448 

—  Contributions  to  the  history  of 
palatalization  in  Old  Irisch  (angez.) 
6,  561 

—  Stories  from  Keating's  History  of 
Ireland  (angez.)  7,  530 

Bérla  na  filed  7,  531 ;  8,  557 

Best,    R.    I.,    Bibliography    of    the 

publications   of  Whitley  Stokes   8, 

351 

—  Comhrag  Fir  Diadh  7  Chon  Ccu- 
lainn  10,  274 

—  The  Journal  of  the  Welsh  Bibliogr. 
Soc.  I  (Anzeige)  8,  593 

Betha  Colmáin  8,  568.  590 

Betha  Coluim  Chille  9,  242;  10,  228 

Betonung  im  Gallischen  8,  95 

Bevis  of  Hampton,  Irish  Life  of  6,  9. 

273.  556 
bil  ir.  6,  438 
biler  mhd.  6,  438 
Black  Pig's  Dyke,  the  8,  339 
Blai  briugaid  9,  101 
blaicce  ir.  9,  288 
Blismes  8,  87 
bo  ir.  10,  329 
bod  ir.  6,  435 
bod  kymr.  6,  415 
bódac  ir.  10,  328 
bolg  ir.  10,  186 

Boni,  Giac.  Hibeniica  (angez.)  6,  563 
Böse  Schwiegermutter  6,  268 
both  ir.  6,  415 
Boyne  8,105.516;  10,439 
braigim  ir.  6,  396 
Bran  macFebail  9,  339;  10,  424 
bratán  ir.  10,  79 
Bregandus  9,  182 

Brendan  6,253;  7,302;  9,187;  10,408 
Bressal  mac  Diarmata  7,  305 
brethyn  kymr.  9,  115 


458 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI- 


Bríatlira  Floinn  Fhia  8,  112 

brig-  gall.  8,  87 

Brigit,  St.  6,381;  7,298;  9,187 

Brinna  Ferchertne  9,  202 

brith  kymr.  6,  416 

Britten  9,  88 

brtjc  ir.  9,  103 

broimm  ir.  6,  396 

Brown,  A.  L.  C,  The  knight  of  the 

lion  (angez,)  6,  255 
—  Balin  of  the  dolorous  stroke  (angez.) 

7,  531 
Brüden  Da  Derga  9,  181;  10,  209 
Buchet  8,  261 
btvlch  kymr.  10,  187 


C. 

cadar  ir.  6,  435 

Cáerthen  9, 182 

caethnawcl  kymr.  9,  182 

Cain  Domnaig  6,  253.  562 

cairche  ir.  9,  344 

cairt  ir.  6,  436 

Caldron  of  Poesy  10,  454 

camnad  ir.  9,  183 

canhorthivy  kymr.  8,  242 

caol  ir.  6,  190 

cappalo-  9,  110 

carpento-  9,  110 

carra  ir.  10,  455 

Cassignatos  9,  165 

Cath  Catharda  7,  529 

Cath  Siebe  Cain  8,  105 

céle  ir.  9,  110 

Cell  Rignaige  10,  76 

celt  ir.  9,  115 

Celtae  and  Galli  6,  244 

Cennétigs  Sühne  8,  119 

ceo  ir.  6,  437 

Cernodon  7,  300 

Cess  Nóiden  Ulad  9, 100 

céte  ir.  9,  296 

Chariot-burial  in  ancient  Ireland  8,  278 

Chiasmus  im  Irischen  6,  4 

Chretien  de  Troyes  8,  187 

Christus  8,  107.  561 ;  10,  401 

chwilgorn  kymr.  9,  299 


chwyl  kymr.  8,  76 

ci  Ogom  10,  403 

ein  ir.  6,  546 

ein  Dromma  Snechta  9, 185 ;  10,  100. 

217.  392 
Cinaed  ua  h-Artacain  9,  229 ;  10,  438 
cÍ7itu-  gall.  9,  110 
cirad  ir.  9,  183 
cisel  ir.  8,  79 
claer  kymr.  6,  395 
Clann  Chellaig  8,  225 
dir  kymr.  6,  395 
clóen  ir.  8,  72.  349 
clóentrúag  ir.  8,  76.  349 
ro-cloi  cialla  ir.  10,  271.  444 
cloth  ir.  6,  417 
clú  ir.  6,425 
cluere  lat.  6,  395 
Clyde  6,  396 
clytv  6,  425 
cm,  C71Ó-  10,  329.  330 
Cobthach  Breg  8,  282 
Codex  Venedotianus  10,  454 
Cóemgen  7,  297 
Coffey,  G.  8,  284 
—  Guide  to  Celtic  antiquities  (angez  ) 

7,  535.     Dasselbe,   2.  Autl.  (angez.) 

8,  190 

cóiced  Érenn  =  Ulster  9,  220 
Coir  Anmann  8,  68 
Colmán  mac  Lúacháin  8,  568.  590 
Colum  Cille  6,  257.  258.  260;  7,  300. 

302.  309;  8,  197  ff.  231.  285;  9,  172; 

10,37.  48  ff.  228.  338  ff.  341.  343  ff. 

444 
Columban  6,389;  8,421 
Comhrag  Fir  Diad  &  Chon  Culainn 

10,  274.  425 
commairge  ir.  9,  342 
commor  ir.  8,  287 
Computus,  altkymrischer  8,  407 
Con-  ir.  7,  508 

Conall  Cernach  Clóen  8,  72.  349 
Conall  Gulbaiu  10,  43 
Conchobor  mac  Nessa  9,  101 
condieig,  cotidegam  ir.  10,  328 
Coney's  Irish-English  Dictionary  6,  252 
Congal  Cinn  Magair  8,  108 


REGISTER    ZU    BAND  VI  —  X. 


459 


Conn  Cetchathacli  8,  274 

contan  ir.  8,  260 

cordtval  kj'mr.  6,  192 

Cormac  mac  Airt  7,  529 ;  10,  422 

Cormac  mac  Cuilennáin  6,  270;  7,  299; 

10,45 
Cormacs  Glossar  8,178;  9,228;  10, 45-1: f. 
cornicell  kymr.  9,  299 
cotur  ir.  6,  234 
Crapaudiue,  la  6,  181 
crdxi,  cró  ir.  10,  329.  330 
Crechán  und  Cíauóg  7,  307 
Crínóc  6,  266 
Crixus  gall.  6,  410 
crob  ir.  9,  292 
cródae  ir.  10,  328.  330 
crossrínacht  ir.  7,  287 
Crum,  W.  E.  7,  287 
Cruthni  9,  95 
crych  kymr.  6,  410 
cúarán  ir.  6,  404 
Cú  Chuimne  6,  1 
Cú  Chulaind  8,  509 
cuic  ir.  6,  398 
cuilíiiin  ir.  10,  333 
Culdees  10,  1 
Cú  Rói  9,  189.  336 
cutis  lat.  6,  404 
cydymdaith  kymr.  6,  421 
cynhen  kymr.  8,  260 
Cynt  kymr.  9,  110 
cywydd  kymr.  8,  598 


D. 

dafad  kymr.  7,  452 

Dafydd  ap  Gwilym  6,  228;  7,  1 

dayn  allaid  ir.  7,  450  If. 

Danklied  eines  Schwerkranken  G,  268 

danvad  bret.  7,  452 

darn  kymr.  6,  412 

David,  St.  6,  451 

Davies,  J.G.,  Deffynniad  Ffydd  Eglwys 

Loegr,  ed.  W.  P.  Williams  (Anzeige) 

7,526 
—  Welsh  metrics  1 1  (angez.)  8,  598 
Davies,  J.  H.,  The  letters  of  L.,  R., 

W.  and  J.  Morris  (angez.)  7,  531 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  I'hilologie  X. 


debrath  ir.  8,  190 

deee  ir.  9,  105 

déess  ir.  10,  327 

Deifynniad  Ffydd  Eglwys  Loegr  7,  526 

in-degaid  ir.  10,  328 

deid  ir.  10,  327 

De-lenition  in  Irish  9,  341 

Derb -Ail  ingen  Taidc  6,  269 

dergnat  ir.  6,  435 

dh,  lautliche  Geltung  im  Irischen  7,275 

diall  ir.  10,  328 

Dicuil  6,563;  7,506 

in-digaid  ir.  10,  328 

digde  ir.  7,  279 

digueriff  bret.  6,  428 

Dindseuchas  6,245;  8,850.522;  9,198 

Dionysius  Exiguus  6,  340 

*dix  lat.  6,  432 

Dobbs,  M.,  On  chariot-burial  in  ancient 

Ireland  8,  278 
—  The  Black  Pig's  Dyke  8,  339 
docotar  ir.  10,  328 
dois,  doise  ir.  10,  271 
Dolch,  W.  8,  176 
donessa  ir.  10,  200 
Dorsey,  the  8,  344 
doud  ir,  8,  64 
drauc  ir.  8,  193 
dricciuc  ir.  9,  158 
Druiden  6,431;  7,295;  9,111 
Dúanach  7,  300 
Dúanaire  Finn  7,  523 
ducHÍtig  ir.  10,  69 
dugiiontiio  gall.  6,  558 
Dúil  Laithne  7,531;  9,  119 
Dunchad,  Bischof  von  Reims  7,  500; 

8,  566 
Dunn,  J.,  La  vie  de  S.  Patrice,  mystere 

breton  (angez.)  7,  533 
Dürrwächter,  A.,  Leben  des  J.  K.  Zeuss 

und  seine  Bedeutung  als  Historiker 

6,  197 
Dwynwen  G,  228 


E. 


é  'Salm'  ir.  10,201 
earrach  neuir.  9,  111 


30 


460 


REGISTER   ZU    BAND  VI  —  X. 


ebrwydd  kymr.  6,  431 

Echde  Echbél  9,  225 

ecrae  ir.  9, 182 

edpart  ir.  6,  415 

Edwards,  0.  M.  9,  117 

—  Sammlung  von  Ausgaben  walisi- 
scher Dichter  (angez.)  7,  532 

efnys  kymr.  9,  289 

eglach  ir.  9,  194: 

eibhil  ir.  7,  508 

Elfenbegrabnis  8,  559 

Emain  ablach  8,  194 

Emain  Macha  8,  217.  514 

Émíne  Ban  7,  299 

Ennodius  9,  118 

Eochaid  Bélbuide  8,  274 

Eochaid  eolach  8,  261 

Eochaid  ua  Flaind  10,  389 

Eochu  Echbel  9,  225 

Eolus  m.  Bipecht  9,  176 

equo-  9,  110 

Erbrecht  9, 102 

Ere  10,    42 

Eremon  8, 193 

ÍQ£vvúci)  6,  413 

Ériu,  The  Journal  of  the  School  of 
Irish  learning  (angez.)  6,  562;  7,  296 

Erlaf  8,  90 

Ermahnung,    den    Leib    zu    kasteien 

6,  264 

Errge  Echbel  9,  226 
Escair  Branáiu  10,  73 
esclae  ir.  10,  199 
esgid  kymr.  6,  398 
Esla  6,  369 

Esposito,  M.,  Note  on  a  9  th  century 
commentary   on  Martianus   Capella 

7,  499 

—  Addendum  7,  506 

—  Iiish  commentaries    on  Martianus 
.    Capella  9, 159 

—  An  unpublished  astronomical  treat- 
ise by  Dicuil  (angez.)  6,  563 

—  On  the  earliest  Latin  life  of 
St.  Brigid  (angez.)  9, 187 

.  Ess  Rúaid,  König  von  8,  115 
estósc  ir.  10,  327.  334 
etem  altkymr.  10,  80 


ethre  ir.  10,  80 

étim  ir.  6,  397 

Evans,  J.  G.  7,  516 

Evans,  S.J.,  Studies  on  Welsh  Phojio- 

logy  (angez.)  7,  525 
ewyrdonic  kymr.  6, 191 


F. 

•fácaih  ir.  10,  329 

fde  ir.  10,  455 

Fälschung  auf  den  Namen  Cinaed  ua 

h-Artacáiu  10,  438 
Fedlimid  m.  Crimthainn  10,  44 
Felice,  Ph.  de,  Le  purgatoire  de  St. 

Patrice  (angez.)  6,  254 
Félire  Óingusso  6,  6.  235 
fellsub  ir.  10,  80 
Fenius  Farisaeus  10,  121 
f er  ami,  feronn  ir.  10,  324 
Ferchuitred  Medba  10,  454. 
Fer  Fio  10,  404 
fer  forcitil  ir.  9,  109 
Fergus  m.  Conaill  10,  42 
Fergus  m.  Röig  9,  101 
Fermarch  bret.  6,  408 
fescor  ir.  6,  409 
Festschrift   Ernst  Windisch    (angez.) 

10,  454. 
Festskrift  Alf  Torp  (angez.)  10,  448 
ffer  kymr.  6,  404 
fem  kymr.  6,  404 
ffroenuchel  kymr.  9, 103 
flrivd  kymr.  6,  418 
Fiacc  8, 106 
fiado  ir.  10,  321 
fia7ia  8,  560 
Fianaigecht  8,  599 
fil,  file  ir.  8,  600 
Finck,  F.  N.  6,  564 
find  ir.  'hellblond'  9,  102 
findgenti  ir.  9,  104 
Findgla(i)s,  Dindsenchas  von  9,  198 
Finn  m.  Cumaill  8,  560.  599 
Finnian  10,  73 
Finsnechta  9,  467 
fiothal  ir.  6,  435 
Fir  Bolg  9,  177 


REGISTER   Zu    BAND  VI  —  X. 


461 


fir  ochaine  ir.  9, 181.  214.  234;  10,  424 

Fisher,  J. ,  The  lives  of  the  British 
saints  (augez.)  7,  292 

Fíthel  8,  112 

fill  ir.  10,  404 

Flann  Fina  8,  112 

Flann  m.  Lonáin  8,  109 

Flann  m.  Maelmaedóc  8,  117 

Flann  Manistrech  10,  2G9.  396 

flechod  ir.  10,  824 

Fled  Bricrend  9,  228;  10,  440 

flesc  ir.  6,  397 

Fletcher,  R.  H.,  The  Arthurian  mate- 
rial in  the  chronicles  (augez.)  6,  255 

Flower,  R.  9,  159 

—  Irish  commentaries  on  Martianus 
Capella  8,  566 

—  A  fir  na  hegna  cViarroigh  10,  266 
fo  ir.  7,  278 

fochaid  ir.  10,  328 

fócrae  ir.  10,  332 

fodruar  ir.  10,  326 

foéssama  ir.  10,  321 

foigde  ir.  7,  279 

ara-foima  ir.  10,  334 

Folklore  7,  288 

Forai  9,  230 

forcenn  ir.  9,  110 

forcithd  ir.  9,  109 

Forfess  Fer  Fcilgae    8,  564;    9,  201. 

226.  230 
Förster,  M.  10,  225 
fotha  ir.  9,290;  10,402 
Fothad  na  Cauóine  7,  299 
Fräser,  J.,  The  prepositions  in  Wb. 

8,  1 

—  The  3rd  sg.  imper.  in  Old -Irish 
8,  289 

—  The  present  and  future  tenses  of 
the  verb  in  Scotch  Gaelic  10,  55 

—  Etymologica  10,  78 

Friedel ,  V.  H. ,  La  vision  de  Tondale 

(augez.)  6,  254 
fúacra  ir.  10,  332 
fuar  ir.  10,  325 
Fuirg  8,  600 
fiir  ir.  10,  326 
Fnrsa  Cráihdech  9,  168 


G. 

Gaidoz,  H.  7,  288 

—  La  'Crapaudine'  dans  le  romau  de 
Pérédur  6,  181 

—  Le  Cuir  d'Irlande  dans  les  'Mabi- 
nogion'  6, 191 

—  Le  nom  de  l'araignée  en  Irlande 
7,  450 ;  8, 172 

—  Du  changement  de  sexe  dans  les 
coutes  celtiques  (augez.)  7,  295 

galar  ir.  10,  79 
Galéoin  9,  177 

Gälische  Familiennamen  7,  287 
Gall  ir.  8,282;  9,88 
Gain  9,  88.  118 
Gallisch  6,244;  8,82.233 
Galloway  7,  287 
Garbraige  9,  177 
gdu,  gdo  ir.  10.  329 
ge  gal.  7,  449 
Gebet  um  Fürbitte  8,  231 
Gelbé  9,  182 

Genesis,  die  altsächsische  6,  258 
Germanen  9, 115 
gessa  ir.  9,  111 
Gildas  8,  148 
Gilla  Coemáin  10,  439 
Gilla  Moduta  9,  222 
Ginneken,  J.  von,  Principes  de  lingui- 
stique  psychologique  (angez.)  6,  563 
glacc  ir.  9,  294 
glaissin  ir.  10,  352 
glanio  kymr.  6,  243 
go  ir.  10,  329 
go  kymr.  7,  278 
Goidelen  9,  88. 104 
Goliath  9, 176 
Gomerydd  y  Plant  8,  598 
goricydd  kymr.  6,  431 
Gralsage  9,233;  10,310 
Gregorianischer  Kircheugesaug  8,  114 
grend  ir.  10,  325 
Grimm,  J.  7,  289 
griiad  ir.  6,  438 
grus  ir.  10,  455 
gú-  ir.  10,  331 
Guitolin  6.415;  8,  146 

30* 


462 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  V^I  —  X. 


gur  gal.  7,  448 

Guy  of  Warwick  6,  9.  273.  556 

givefl  kymr.  6,  438 

gwenith  kymr.  6,  419 

Gwynn,  E.,  The  metrical  Dindsenchas 

II  (angez.)  6,  245 
Gwynn,  L.,  The  two  versions  of  Toch- 

marc  Etaine  9,  353 

—  The  recensions  of  the  saga  '  Togail 
Bruidne  DaDerga'  10,209 

Gypsy  Lore  Society  G,  564 ;  7,  530 

H. 

h  lat.  im  Kymrischen  7,  464 
Haberl,  R.,  Zur  Kenntnis  des  Gallischen 
8,  82.  194 

—  Gall,  andera  8,  233 
haddr  altu.  9, 165 
Haf(h)esp  7,  509 

'Hail  Brigit'  8,600;  10,78 

-hau,  -ha  kymr.  8,  151 

Hamel,   A.  G.  van.  On  Lebor  Gabdia 

10,97 
Handschriften,  irische : 

In  Brüssel :  Nr.  2324  10,  43;  Nr.  5100 
6,268.269;  8,110;  10,408.421 
In  Cheltenham  8,  106 
In  Dublin: 
BIV2    7,  268.  298.  305.  308 ff.; 
8,  108ff.  112.  115.  218ff.;  9,167 
CI2  7,307;  9,171 
DIVl   10,99 
DIV2  7,298 
DIV3   10,270 
DVl    10,99 

Franciscan    Convent,    MS.  A  (9) 
6,  263.   264.   266;    7,  298    — 
MS.  16   10,  276 
H.1.11   6,259;  7,308 
H.2.7   6,9 
H.2.12   10,298 
H.2.17  8,525 
H.  3. 17   7,  297.  299.  300;  10,  225. 

422 
H.3.18   6,  260.  270.  271;  7,304; 

8, 104.  105.  107 ;   9,  166  f. 
H.  4.  22   9,  166 


Book  of  Hy  Maine  8,  113  ff.  561; 

10,  270 
Book  of  Lecan  8, 119.  274.  560 ff.; 

10,  37.  270 
Book  of  Leinster  8,  181 ;   9,  224. 

421 ;  10,  41 
Lebor  Brecc  9,  169 ;  10,  421 
Lebor   na   hUidre    8,   498.   501; 

9,  418;  10,  209.  440 

Liber  Flavus  Fergusiorum  8,  559; 

10,  408 

Yellow  Book   of   Lecan    6,  270; 

9,  168.  169.  418 
23  G  3   6,270 
23G25   6,270 
23G26   8,119 
23N10   6,  262.  267;  7,  299.  309. 

310;   8,  102  ff  231;  9,487;   10, 

44.  45 
23  N  11   6,  270 
23  N  27  (sic  leg.)  8, 112 
23  P  3   7,305 
In  London: 
Add.  30,  512  6,  259.  260.  261.  268; 

8,  561;  9,  168.  169.  470 
Add.  33,  993  6,  268 
Egerton  88  8,  564 
Egerton90  8,  225  ff. 
Egerton  111    6,  259 
Egerton  136   10,  266 
Egerton  1782    8,  105.  111.  564; 

9,121.  175.  176.  418;  10,212 
Harleian  5280    8,  104.    108.   120. 

564;  9,  168.  169.  175 
In  Oxford: 
Laud  610  6,  262 ;  8, 105. 107. 181. 

291;   10,  41.  42 
Laud  615   6,  257.  258;  7,  300 ff.; 

8,  195  ff.  231;  9,  172.  486;    10, 

48  ff. 
Bawl.  B.  502  7,521;   8,117.  217. 

261 
Rawl.  B.  512   6,  258 
In  St.  Paul  6,546;  7,290 
Handschriften,  lateinische : 
In  Berlin:  Kgl.  Bibliothek  Cod.  87 

7,  476 
In  Fulda:  Cod.  Bonifat.  Ill  8, 173 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI- 


463 


In  Hohenfurt:  Cod.  LXXI   8,  176 

In  Laon:  Cod.  26   8,  175 

In  London:  Cotton  Nero  C.  V  6,  340; 
Reg.  15  A  XXXIII   7,  501 

In  Paris:  Bibl.  Nat.  ms.  lat.  12,021 
6,1 

In   Rom:   Vatican.    Pakt.  Lat.    65 
8,  246 

In  Valenciennes :  7,  507 
Hayden,  M.,   The   songs  of  Buchet's 

house  8,  261 
hebgori  kymr.  6,  428 
Hebräische  Wörter  8,  113 
heintnod  kymr.  9,  182 
heiser  6,  437 

Helden  von  Emain  Macha  8,  217 
Herbig,  G.,  Keltoligurische  Inschriften 

aus  Giubiasco  (angez.)  6,  251 
herniyn  kymr.  7,  509 
Hessen,  H.,  Zu  Tochmarc  Emire  8,  498 

—  Zu  den  Umfärbungen  der  Vokale 
im  Altirischen  9,  1 

—  Beiträge  zur  altirischen  Grammatik 
10,  315 

hindu-  got.  9,  110 

Hinneberg,  Kultur  der  Gegenwart 
(augez.)  7,  534 

Hinterlassenschaft  eines  Mönches  6, 271 

Hirst,  T.  0.:  S.  Evans,  Studies  on  Welsh 
phonology  (Anzeige)  7,  525 

hliUrs  got.  6,  395 

Hogan,  E.,  Onomasticon  Goedelicum 
(angez.)  8,  594 

Holmes,  T.  R.,  Ancient  Britain  and 
the  invasions  of  Julius  Caesar  (an- 
gez.) 6,  559 

Horen  6,  271 

hreßer  ags.  6,  436 

Hüsing,  G.  9, 165 

Hyde,D.,  Trachtad  ar  an  aibidil  10,223 


I. 


Iberer  7,  526 
idan  ir.  10,  79 
i&alvu)  10,  79 
immitge  ir.  9,  341 
immun  ir.  10,  324 


Imperativ  im  Irischen  8,  289 

impide  ir.  9,  111 

Imram  Curaig  Máile  Dúin  8,  79 

Imram  Snédgossa  6,  234 

imthecht  ir.  6,  421 

inber  ir.  9,  110 

Inber  nAilbine  8,  519 

indlim  ir.  9, 185 

indnaide  ir.  10,  322 

indrach  ir.  10,  322 

indrad  -red  ir.  10,  322 

ingdeth  ir.  8,  190 

intamail  ir.  10,  322 

Interpolation  von  Fled  Bricreud  in  LU 

10,  440 
Irard  mac  Coisse  8,  218 
ires(s)  ir.  9,  444 
Irische  Heilige  10,  2 
Irische  Texte  (angez.)  7,  529 
irnigde  ir.  7,  274 
is  gäl.  7,  439 
Italer  9,  115 
iiichar  ir.  6,  434 
luchna  9,  205.  224 


J. 

Jones,  J.  M.  9,  107 

—  The  life  of  St.  David  (angez.)  9, 178 

Journal   of  the   Gypsy   Lore   Society 

(augez.)  6,564;  7,530 
Journal  of  the  Welsh  Bibliographical 

Society  (angez.)  8,  593 


K. 

Kaledonier  9,  95 

Kalender  von  Coligny  6,  244.  557 

Kane,  W.  de  Vismes  8,  339 

Kanonensammlung,  irische  6,  1.  556 

xaaoixtQoq  9,  164 

kasttra  altind.  9, 164 

Keating  9,  222 

Kelleher,   A.,    Betha   Coluim    Chille 

9,  242;   10,  228 
Kelten  9, 115.  164 
Keltoligurische  Inschriften  6,  251 
K'eogh,  J.  7,  460 


464 


REGISTER    ZU   BAND  VI  —  X. 


Kolsnid,  0.,  Celtic  bishops  in  the  Isle 

of  Man  usw.  9,  357 
Krebs,  H.,  glanio  '  to  land '  6,  243 
Kulhwch  ac  Olwen  8,  347 
Kyffin,  Maurice,    Deffynuiad  Eglwys 

Loegr,  ed.  W.  P.  Williams  (angez.) 

7,526 


L. 

Lacus  Benacus  7,  270.  509 

laichen  6,  433 

Laitheóg  8,  109 

Idm  heíinachtan,  I.  soscéli  ir.  6,  562 

lang  ir.  10,  272 

Laud  genealogies  8,  291.  411.  418 

Laud  synchronisms  9,  471 

Laudate  dominum  6,  262 

Lebor  Gabála  8, 191 ;  10,  97.  384 

Lehmann,  W.,    Irische    Etymologien 

6,  433 
Lehnwörter  im  Kymrischen  10,  454 
Leibeslänge  Christi  10,  401 
Leinster  8,  117 
leißu  got.  10,  78 
Leland,  Oh.  G.  6,  564 
lern-  gall.  8,  86 
le[n]mnach  ir.  10,  272 
Lemovices  8,  86 
Icrg  ir.  9,  296 
lengn  9,  115 
Leviathan  10,  220 
Liddell,  M.  F.,  A  poem  on  the  kings 

of  Connaught  9,  461 
liferti  korn.  6,  406 
Limoges  8,  86 
Lindsay,  W.  M.  8,  173 

—  The  Irish  glosses  in   Arabr.  F.  60 
sup.   7,  266 

—  Vox  nihili  8,  556 

—  Irish  cursive  script  9,  301 

—  Contraction    in    early   Latin    mi- 
nuscule mss.  (angez.)  7,  293 

—  Early  Irish  minuscule  script  (angez.) 
8,  191 

—  Early  Irish  script  (angez.)  9,  180 
Mare  lat.  10,  78 

nth  ir.  10,  78 


Hid  kymr.  10,  78 
Llinon  kymr.  9,  91 
Lloyd,  J,  E.,  9,  107 
Lloyd-Jones,  J.,  Some  Latin  loan-words 
in  Welsh  7,  462 

—  The  Welsh  denominatives  in  -hau 
and  -ha  8,  151 

—  Welsh  canhorthwy  8,  242 
llyngcu  kymr.  7,  277 

Loch  Febail  7,  303 
Lorica  Coluim  Cille  10,  346 
luge  ir.  9, 186 
Lugenicus  9, 182 
Luigne  9, 182 

M. 

ma  gal.  7,  449 

Mabinogion  6,  191 

MacCoisse  6,269;  8,218.559 

Mac  ind  Óc  8, 108 

Mackinnon,  D.,  Catalogue  of  Gaelic 
MSS.  in  the  Advocate's  Library 
(angez.)  9,  178 

Mac  Liac  8, 119.  218.  222.  225.  227.  229 

MacNeill,  J.,  Notes  on  the  Laud  genea- 
logies 8,  411 

—  On  the  reconstruction  and  date  of 
the  Laud  synchronisms  10,  81 

—  Dnanaire  Finn  (angez.)  7,  523 

—  The  Irish  Ogham  inscriptions  (an- 
gez.) 8, 184 

—  An  Irish  historical  tract  (augez.) 
8,190 

Mac  Ritchie,  D.  6,  564 

Mael  ÍSU  6,  259 

magar  ir.  6,  434 

Maine,  die  sieben  9, 175 

niarco-  9,  110 

Marianus  Scotus  6,  339  ff. 

Marstrander,  C,  Hibernica  7,  357 

—  Ir.  blaicce  9,  288 

—  Dictionary  of  the  Irish  language, 
Fasc.  I  (angez.)  10,  361.  452 

—  Kleine  irische  Beiträge  (angez.) 
10,  448 

Martianus  Capella  8,  566 ;  9,  159 
Martin,  St.  8,  135 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI — S, 


465 


matan  ir.  9,  186 

Medb  9, 101 

Meillet,A.,  Irlandais  tióib—níab  10,309 

melyngoch  kymr.  9,  103 

Memento  mori  10,  48 

menman  ir.  10,  324 

menmarc  ir.  9,  182 

menstir  ir.  10,  204 

Messe  ociis  Pangur  Ban  6,  554 

Metrik,  irische  7,  527 

—  kymrische  8,  598 

Meyer,  K. ,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen 
Handschriften  6,  257 ;  7,  297 :  8,  102. 
195.  559 ;  9,  166 ;  10,  37.  338  (s.  das 
Spezialregister  S.  472) 

—  Altirische  Eeimsprüche  7,  268.  498 

—  Lacus  Benacus  7,  270.  509 

—  Nordisches  im  Irischen  7,  508 

—  Irische  mit  con-  gebildete  Eigen- 
namen 7,  508 

—  Ein  kymrischer  Flufsname  7,  509 

—  Ein  nordisches  Lehnwort  im  Kym- 
rischeu  7,  509 

—  A  collation  of  the  Harleian  version 
of  Tochmarc  Emire  7,  510 

—  A  correction  7,  511 

—  Neu  aufgefundene  aitirische  Glossen 
8,  173 

—  Eine  Verbesserung  zu  dem  Gedichte 
Aed  Oll  8,  260 

—  The  Laud  genealogies  and  tribal 
histories  8,  291 

—  The  Eennes  Dindsenchas  8,  350 

—  Bérla  na  Filed  8,  557 

—  Ludwig  Christian  Stern  f   8,  583 

—  Die  Autorschaft  von  Cormacs  Glos- 
sar 8,  178 

—  Zur  Bezeichnung  des  Patronyms 
im  Irischen  8,  178 

—  Die  ältesten  irischen  Gedichte 
8,179 

—  Ein  irischer  Barde  in  Oxford  8, 181 

—  Die  Zuverlässigkeit  des  Faksimiles 
von  LL   8,  181 

—  Die  Wortstellung  in  der  altirischeu 
Dichtung  8,  182 

—  Mitteilung  8, 194 

—  Aus  dem  Nachlafs  H.  Zimmers  9,  87 


Meyer,  K.,  Immacallam  in  druad  Brain 
7  inna  banfáitho  Febuil  9,  339 

—  Baile  Bricin  9,  449 

—  Aed  Dub  macColmáin,  bishop-abbot 
of  Kildare  9,  458 

—  Ein  Gedicht  aus  Add.  30,  512  9,  470 

—  The  Laud  synchronisms  9,  471 

—  Aus  Laud  615  9,  486 

—  Erläuterungen  und  Besserungen  zu 
irischen  Texten  10,  349 

—  Über    einige    Quellenangaben    zu 
Togail  Trói  10,  358 

—  Miscellen  10,  398 

—  Das   irische  Wörterbuch   der  kgl. 
ir.  Akademie  10,  361 

—  Nachtrag    zu    Ochtfoclach  Coluim 
Cille  10,  444 

—  Anzeigen   6,245;  7,292.521.523; 
8, 189  ff. ;   9,  178  ff. 

—  La    vision    de    Tondale    (angez.) 
6,254 

—  The   Triads    of    Ireland    (angez.) 
6,252 

—  The  death-tales  of  the  Ulster  heroes 
(angez.)  6,  252 

—  Rawl.  B.  502  (augez.)  7,  521 

—  A  primer  of  Irish  metrics  (angez.) 
7,  527 

—  Tecosca  Cormaic  (augez.)  7,  529 

—  The   secret   languages   of   Ireland 
(angez.)  7,  530 

—  Betha  Colmáin  (angez.)  8,  590 

—  Fianaigecht  (angez.)  8,  599 

—  Hail  Brigit  (angez.)  8,  600 

—  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde  (angez.) 

9,  182;  10,453 

—  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung 
(augez.)  10,  445.  454 

Meyer-Lübke  8,82 

Miscellen    6,   556;    7,  270:    8,    178; 

10,  67.  398 
tnissimbert  ir.  9,  182 
Mochutta  10,  43 
Molaisse  9,  239 
Moling  6,  560 

Mongán  mac  Fíachuai  8,  217 
moiitar  ir.  10,  202 
mordaith  kymr.  6,  414 


466 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI- 


mordivy  kymr.  6,  414.  426 

Moridunuin  gall.  6,  429 

moritex  gall.  6,  414 

mrecht  ir.  6, 416 

Mugron  10,  340 

Mühlhausen,  L   10,  454 

mnin  ir.  9,  294 

mumter  ir.  9,  296 ;  10,  202 

Muir  Menn  ir.  8,  192 

Muirgius  Ó  Duibdáboireuu  9,  171 

Muiris  Ó  hEodhusa  10,  266 

miiirnech  ir.  9,  194 

niunt  ahd.  9,  295 

mur  gal.  7,  448 

Mutterrecht  9,  102 

Myrddin  kymr.  6,  429 

3Í. 

Nantosuelta  8,  76 

necht  ir.  6,  416.  419 

Neide  m.  Onchon  9,  176 

Nemuuall  8, 181 

Nennius  10,  439 

7iet{t)a{s)  Ogom  10,  405 

7ieivid  kymr.  6,  408 

niab  10,  809 

Nicholson,  E.W.  B.,  Remarks  on  'The 

date  of  the  first  settlement  of  the 

Saxons  in  Britain'  6,  439 

—  Zur    irischen    Kanonensammlung 
6,556 

—  The  'Annales  Cambriae'  and  their 
so-called  'Exordium'  8,  121 

Nimes  8,  87 

niot(t)a{s)  Ogom  10,  405 

nith  kymr.  6,  416.  419 

nócha  ir.  10,  881 

nóib  ir.  10,  309 

nóichtech,  noichtcch  ir.  10,  331 

Nóinden  Ulad  8,  120;  9, 100 

nomad  ir.  10,  331 

Nomina  sacra  8,  258 

Nominalsätze    und    Nominalprädikate 

im  Irischen  9,  309 
nónbor  ir.  10,  331 
Novio-  gall.  6,  403 
mvijf  kymr.  10,  309 


0. 

óac  ir.  10,  326 

O'Brien  of  Thomond  10,  2 

ohscurus  lat.  6,  399 

Ochtfoclach  Coluim  Cille  8,198;  10,37. 

444. 
O'Connell,   A   grammar   of   old  Irish 

(angez.)  10,  449 
O'Davorens  Glossar  10,  349 
odbronn  ir.  6,  404 
Ogam  8,  184;  9, 106 
oice  ir.  10,  326 
ól  ngúala  ir.  8,  65 
Ó  MáiUe,  Th.,  Some  cases  of  de-lenition 

in  Irish  9,  841 

—  The   language   of  the  Annals   of 
Ulster  (angez.)  8,  588 

O'Mulconrys  Glossar  10,  353 

O'Nolan,  G.,  Zu  Tochmarc  Emire  8,  514 

Onomasticon  Goedelicum  8,  594 

Oratio  Colum  Cille  6,  258 

Orgain  Dind  Rig  8,  278 

Orthanach  úa  Cóilláma  8,  600 

Ortsnamen,  irische  8,  569 

öS  ir.  9,  338 

Oséne  m.  Find  8,  599 

Osla  6,  369 

oss-,  iiss-  ir.  8,  81 

ossär  ir.  9,  336 

Ossian  6,  563 

Osthoff,  H.,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde 

6,  394 
Owen,  0.  E.  6,  243 

—  Gomerydd  y  Plant  (angez.)  8,  598 


P. 

p,  Verlust  im  Keltischen  9,  108 

Palatalisierung  im  Irischen  6,  561 

jMilus  lat.  6,  399 

pant  kymr.  9,  296 

pardate  altind.  6,  396 

Partraige  8,  112.  191 

pdtati  altind.  10,  80 

Pátraic  6,  254;  8,  106.  110.  560;  10,  41. 

340 
Patronyme  im  Irischen  8, 178 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI  —  X. 


467 


Paul,  St.,  Irische  Handschrift  in,  6, 546 

náS  6,  398 

ped-  idg.  6,  401 

7ie/:máL,eiv  9,  105 

pennbhcydd  kymr.  9,  110 

7tíQÓo/.iai  6,  397 

Peredur  6, 181 ;  8, 185 

Pfeiffer,  M.,  Die  Bamberger  Centenar- 

feier  6,  195 
Philipon,    E.,    Les    Iberes    (angez.) 

7,  526 
Pikten  9,  95 
Plummer,  Ch.,  The  miracles  of  Senán 

10,  1 
Pokorny,  J.,  Ein  altirisches  Gebet  zu 

St.  Columba  8,  285.  420 

—  Griechisch  xaaaíreQog  '  Zinn '  9, 164 

—  Altirische  Texte  9,  235 

—  Zu  Ultans  Hymnus  9,  337 

—  Altirisch  ires{s)  'Glaube'  9,444: 

—  Über   das   Alter    der   Würzburger 
Glossen  10,  36 

—  Irische  Miscellen  10,  67 

—  Zur  irischen  "Wortkunde  10,  198 

—  Entgegnung  10,  310 

—  Zur  irischen  Etymologie  und  Wort- 
kunde 10,  403 

—  Der   Ursprung    des    Druidentums 
(angez.)  7,  295 

—  Der  Ursprung  der  Artursage  (an- 
gez.) 8, 192 

—  Der  Gral  in  Irland  (angez.)  9,  180 

—  A  concise  Old  Irish  Grammar  and 
Reader  I  (angez.)  10,  315 

—  O'Connell,  A  grammar  of  old  Irish 
(Anzeige)  10,  449 

—  Marstrander,  Dictionary  of  the  Jrish 
language,  fasc.  I  (Anzeige)  10,  452 

Power.  A.  10,  454 

Präpositionen  in  Wb.  8, 1 

Priebsch,  R.,  Die  Sonntagsepistel  in 

Cain  Domnaig  (angez.)  6,  253 
priod  kymr.  9,  101 
Prosthese  im  Kymrischen  7,  463 
Prydyn  kymr.  9,  95 
punis  lat.  6,  396 
pymtheng  kymr.  9,  106 
nvQ  6,  396 


git,  lat.,  im  Kymrischen  7,  465 

Quantitierender  Gleichklang  in  der 
dritten  Strophenzeile  irischer  Ge- 
dichte 10,  398 

Quiggin,  E.  C,  A  case  of  stress-shift- 
ing in  the  dialect  of  Tréguier  7,  354 

—  A  fragment  of  an  old  Welsh  Com- 
putus 8,  407 


R. 

Rahilly,  T.  F.  8,  555 
Ramsay,  R.  L.,  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
and  St.Columban  on  the  Psalms  8,421 

—  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  in  England 
and  Ireland  8,  452 

Randglossen  eines  Keltisten  zum  Schul- 
streik in  Posen  6,  256 

Randglossen  und  Reimereien  8,  107 

Rangordnung  der  Könige  in  Tara  8. 108 

Rassenverteilung  auf  den  britischen 
Inseln  9,  103 

Ratschläge  6,  271 

re  körn.  7,  313 

recht  ir.  6,  416 

Redig  dam,  a  De  do  nim  10,269.  396 

Reimsprüche,  altirische  7,  268.  297; 
9,  167 

rhaith  kj'mr.  6,  416 

rhech  kymr.  6,  396 

rhin  kymr.  6,  413 

rhyd  kymr.  6,  418 

Rhys,  J.,  Celtae  and  Galli  (angez.) 
6,  244 

—  The  Celtic  inscriptions  of  France 
and  Italy  (angez.)  6,  557 

—  Strachan,  J.,  An  introduction  to 
early  Welsh  (Anzeige)  7,  516 

riched  ir.  10, 199 

Robinson,  F.  N.,  The  Irish  lives  of  Guy 
of  Warvrick  and  Bevis  of  Hampton 
6,  9.  273.    Corrections  6,  556 

—  A  note  on  the  sources  of  the  old 
Saxon  Genesis  (angez.)  6,  253 

—  Satirists  and  enchanters  in  early 
Irish  literature  (angez.)  9, 183 


468 


REGISTFR   ZU   BAND  VI- 


rocn  ir.  9,  296 
Ros  Findchuill  10,  74 
Eos  Glaise  7,  299 
rotethaind  ir.  10,  198 
rucce  ir.  6,  398 
run  ir.  6,  413 
^vaig  6,  418 


S. 


sab  ir.  10,  80 

Sadb  8,  561 

sal  ir.  6,  408 

Salmona  10,  79 

samaisc  ir.  7,  509 

Sampson,  J.  6,  564 

satii  kymr.  6,  412.  415 

sawdl  kymr.  6,  408 

Scadiiiavia  9,  110 

scailt  ir.  6,  436 

scairt  ir.  6,  436 

Scarre,  A.  M. ,  The  meaning  of  birth- 
days 10,  225 

—  Seel  muicce  Maic  Da  Thú  (angez.) 
10,  454 

scatdn  ir.  9,  110;  10,  74 

Seel  muieee  Maic  Da  Tho  10,  454 

Seéla  geine  Cormaic  10,  422 

Schildlied  8,  227 

schote  mhd.  6,  400 

Schreiberbitte  6,  268 

Schuchardt,  H.,  Z\i  irisch  aidircleóc 
'Kiebitz'  9,299 

Schulze,  A.,  Zur  Brcudaulegende  (an- 
gez.) 6,  253 

sciath  ir.  6,  399 

scritta  altengl.  6,  435 

scuchaid  ir.  10,  333 

Sechnall  8,  106 

Sechzehn  Teile  der  Dichtkunst  6,  262 

sedenarius  lat.  9,  162 

seir  ir.  6,  405 

ohkaxoc  10,  79 

Senán  10, 1 

Sencha  mac  Ailella  9,  175 

Senoruccus  6,  398 

Serglige  Conculaind  8,  72.  555 

sero  lat.  6^415 


oÍQípog  6,  435 

sétim  ir.  7,  280 

Shannon  9,  91 

Shelta  6,  564 

Siaburcharpat  Conculaind  9,  180.  196. 

226 
Silures  9,  95 

Simivisonna  gall.  6,  245 
Sinann  ir.  9,  91 
axvrsvq  6,  399 
sl'ekas  lit.  10,  79 
slucitn  ir.  7,  277 
Sobairche,  Sobhairce  ir.  9,  343 
sobrach  ir.  9,  343 
sophus  lat.  10,  80 
sp-,  sph-  idg.  6,  409 
sperno  lat.  6,  407.  411 
a(pvQÓv  6,  405.  407 
Sprache  und  Denken  9,  107 
Sprichwörtliches  6,  260 
Srúb  Brain,  Diudsenchas  von  9,  217; 

10,  424 
sruth  ir.  6,  418 
OTÜyw  6,  414 
axeg^oq  10,  80 
Stern,  L.  C.  8,  583 

—  Ceangal  nan  tri  chaol  6,  188 

—  Davydd    ab    Gwilyms    Gebet     zu 
Dwynwen  6,  228 

—  Bemerkungen  zu  dem  Würzburger 
Glossencodex  6,  531 

—  Über    die    irische   Handschrift    in 
St.  Paul  6,  546 

—  Zu  Tochmarc  Étáine  6,  243 

—  Davydd  ab  Gwilym,  ein  walisischer 
Minnesänger  7, 1 

—  Altirische  Glossen  zu  dem  Trierer 
Enchiridion  Augustins  7,  475 

—  Crossanacht  7,  287 

—  Gälische  Familiennamen  in  Gallo- 
way 7,  287 

—  Folklore  7,  288.  535 

—  Irisch  Ägustin  7,  290 

—  Die     Ausgabe     der    Würzburger 
Glosseuhaudschrift  7,  291 

—  Die  Zusammensetzung  Adams  aus 
acht  Teilen  7,  511 

—  Zu  berichtigen  7,  511 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI- 


469 


Stern,   L.  C,    Anzeigen    6,248.559; 

7,  292.  525 
sternere  lat.  6,  412 
atéQvov  6,  413 
*aríq  6,  432 

Stokes,  Wh.,    Notes    on    the    second 
edition  of  the  martjTology  of  Oengus 

6,  235 

—  The  birth  and  life  of  St.  Moling 
(angez.)  6,  560 

—  Cath  Catharda  (angez.)  7,  529 
Stokes,  Wh.,   A  supplement  to  The- 
saurus   Palaeohibernicus      (angez.) 

8,  189 

—  Bibliography  of  the  publications  of, 
8,  351 

Strachan,  J.,  Editor  of  Ériu  6,  562 

—  Stories  from  the  Tain  (angez.)  7, 294 

—  An  introduction  to  early  Welsh  (an- 
gez.) 7,  516 

—  Old-Irish  paradigms  and  selections 
from  the  old -Irish  glosses  (angez.) 

7,  527 

Synkope  im  Kymrisehen  7,  462 


T. 

Tad  mac  Céin  10,  42 

Tadc  úa  Cellaig  8,  225.  229 

Tätowierung  bei  den  Iren  10,  400 

taisce  ir.  10,  322 

Tain  Bó  Cúalnge  6,  560;  7,  294;  8, 839. 
525;    9,121.418;   10,205.274.425 

Táin  Bó  Rúanaid  8, 104 

■tdit  ir.  10,  331 

taifh  kymr.  6,  414 

Tara  8,  108 

TuQtivoov  6,  557 

tarmchossal  ir.  8,  76 

té,  tee  ir.  10,  327 

techt  ir.  6,  414 

Tecosca  Cormaic  9,  184 

th,  lautliche  Geltung  im  Irischen  7, 275 

tha  gäl.  8,  236 

Theodor  von  Mopsuestia  8,  421.  452 

Thoms,  W.  J.  7,  289 

Thurneysen,  R.,  Zur  irischen  Kanonen- 
sammlung 6,  1 


Thurnej'sen,  R.,  Die  Abfassung  des 
Félire  von  Oengus  6,  6 

—  Strophe  57  in  Imram  Snedgossa 
6,  234 

—  Zur  irischen  Grammatik  und  Lite- 
ratur 8,  64 

—  Mittelkymrisch  mcä  ;;en  8,  347 

—  Zu  Band  VIII,  S.  72  ff.   8,  349 

—  Zu  Tochmarc  Emire  8,  498.  524 

—  Tain  Bó  Cúailghni  (nach  H.  2. 17) 
8,525 

—  Die  Sage  von  CuRoi  9,  189 

—  Nachträge  zur  Sage  von  CuRoi 
9,  336 

—  Die  Überlieferung  der  Tain  Bú 
Cúailnge  9,  418 

—  Verba    Scáthaige    nach    23  N  10 

9,  487 

—  Zur  Tain  Bó  Cúailnge  10,  205 

—  Flann  Manistrechs  Gedicht  Ecliy 
dam,  a  de  do  nim  10,  269.  396 

—  Zum  Lebor  Gabála  10,  384 

—  Eine  Variante  derBrendan-Legende 

10,  409 

—  Allerlei  Irisches  10,  421 

—  Rhys,  Celtae  and  Galli  (Anzeige) 
6,  244 

—  Rhys,  The  Celtic  inscriptions  of 
France  and  Italy  (Anzeige)  6,  557 

—  J.  Mac  Neill ,  The  Irish  Ogham  in- 
scriptions (Anzeige)  8, 184 

—  31.  R.Williams,  Essai  sur  la  com- 
position du  roman  gallois  de  Peredur 
(Anzeige)  8, 185 

—  T.  ÓMáiUe,  The  language  of  the 
Annals  of  Ulster  (Anzeige)  8,  588 

—  K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische 
Dichtung  (Anzeige)  10,  445.  454 

—  Berichtigungen  10,  444 

—  Anzeigen  10,  454 

—  Handbuch  des  Altirischen  I  (an- 
gez.) 7,  526 

—  Dasselbe  II  (angez.)  8,  192 

—  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und 
Literaturdenkmälern  (angez.)  9,  184 

Tidings  of  Conchobar  8,  65 
tindrem  ir.  10,  323 
ííV  scaith  10,  313 


■170 


REGISTER   ZU   BAND  VI- 


tiz  bret.  6,  416 

tobae  ir.  10,  331.  332 

tócbál  10,  332 

Tochmarc  Báise  8,  104 

Tochmarc  Emire  7,  510;  8,  66.  498.  520 

Tochmarc  Étáiue  6,  243;  9,  353 

Tochmarc  Ferbe  8,  66 

Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga  10,  204 

Togail  Sitha  Truim  8,  104 

torn  ir.  10,  78 

tonn  ir.  10,  78 

Tonsur  6,  268 

tórmach  ir.  10,  331.  332 

Tourneur,  V.,   Uue  monnaie   de  né- 

cessité  des  Bellovaques  (angez.)  6, 

251 

—  La  formation  du  Tain  Bó  Cúalnge 
(angez.)  7,  294 

traig  ir.  6,  410 

Trebitsch,  E.,  Phonographische  Auf- 
nahmen der  irischen  Sprache  (angez.) 

7,  295 

—  do.  der  bretonischen  Sprache  (an- 
gez.) 7,  533 

—  do.   der  welschen,   gälischen  und 
manxschen  Sprachen  (angez.)  7,  534 

Treo  ingen  Taidg  9,  176 

Tribut    des    Königs    von    Ess   Eúaid 

8,  115 

Trierer  Glossen  7,  475 

troed  kj'mr.  6,  411 

troscud  for  ir.  9,  111 

Tuileagna  ó  Maolchonaire  8, 181 

iimisre  lat.  10,  78 

Tundal  6,  254 

tusca  ir.  10,  322 

tvänas  lit.  10,  78 

hwahl  got.  10,  78 


U. 

ua  'Enkelin'  8,600 

ítrtíi  ir.  10,  327 

lieh  pen  kymr.  8,  347 

ucher  kymr.  6,  409 

Uga  Corbmaic  meic  Cuilennáin  10,  45 

uff  am  kymr.  6,  404 

ugeint  kymr.  9,  106 


Ui  Thairsig  9,  177 

Ultan  9,  337 

únach  ir.  10,  332 

ur  'flamma'  8,  556 

Uraicept  9, 119 

Urbevölkerung  der  britischen  Inseln 

9,  95 
Urbevölkerung  Westeuropas  9,  113 
Urteilspruch  wegen  entwendeter  und 

beschädigter  Pferde  8,  103 
uss-  ir.  8,  81 


V. 

vellere  lat.  6,  413 

Vendryes,  J.,  Notes  etymologiques  9, 289 

—  Melanges  italo-celtiques  (angez.) 
9,  251 

—  A  propos  du  rapprochement  de  l'ir- 
landais  claideb  et  du  gallois  cleddyf 
(angez.)  7,  295 

—  Grammaire  du  vieil-irlandais  (an- 
gez.) 7,  512 

—  Sur  l'hypothese  d'un  futur  eu  bh 
italo-celtique  (angez.)  7,  531 

Verba  Scáthaige  9,  487;  10,  454 

Verbalnomina  im  Irischen  9,  380 

Vergil  10,  207 

verres  lat.  10,  80 

Verstand  geht  über  Schönheit  6,  267 

vesper  lat.  6,  409 

vestigium  lat.  9,  290 

Viducasses  gall.  9, 165 

Virgilius  Maro  Grammaticus  9,  117 

Vortigeru  8, 137 


W. 

Walde,  A.  7,  453 
walh  ahd.  9,  88 

Walsh,  P.,  On  a  passage  in  Serglige 
Conculaind  8,  555 

—  The  topography  of  Betha  Colmdin 
8,  568 

—  Place  names  in  Vita  Finniani  10,  73 

—  K.  Meyer,  Betha  Colmáin  (Anzeige) 
8,  590 

Weltende  8, 195 


REGISTER  ZU   BAND  VI  —  X, 


471 


Wergeid  9,  171 

Westsächsische  Psalmen  8,  476 

wldillo  ahd.  6,  435 

Williams,  G.  P.,  The  preverbal  particle 

re  in  Cornish  7,  313 
Williams,  M.  Rh.,  Essai  sur  la  com- 
position du  roman  gallois  de  Peredur 

(angez.)  8,  185 
Williams,  W.  P.,  Deffynniad  ffydd  eg- 

Iwys  Loegr  (angez.)  7,  526 
Windisch,  E.,  Tain  Bó  Cúailnge  nach 

der  Handschrift  Egerton  1782  9, 121 
—  Irische  Teste  IY2  (angez.)  7,  529 
Wortkunde,    zur    keltischen    6,   395; 

9,182;  10,198.403.453 
wulla  got.  6,  413 
Würzbm-ger  Glossen  6,  454.  531;  7,  271. 

291;  8,1;  10,36.68 


X. 

X  lat.  im  Kvmrischen  7,  465 


T. 

ymdä  kymr.  6,  429 
yoga  altind.  7,  277 
ysgil  kymr.  6,  400 


ysgtvyd  kymr.  6,  399 
ystred  kymr.  6,  415 


Z. 

Zahlensystem  9,  105 
Zeichen  des  Alters  6,  268 
Zeufs,  J.  K.  6,  195.  256 
Zimmer,   H.,    Zu    den    Würzburger 
Glossen  6,  454 

—  Altirische  Miscellen  7,  271 

—  Aus  seinem  Nachlasse  9,  87 

—  Ziu-  Bibliographie  seiner  Schriften 
8,  593 

—  Eandglossen  eines  Keltisten  zum 
Schulstreik  in  Posen  (angez.)  6,  256 

—  Beiträge  zur  Erklärung  altirischer 
Texte  (angez.)  7,  528 

—  Über  direkte  Handelsverbindungen 
Westgallieus  mit  Irland  (angez.)  7, 
528 

Zwerg  6,  435 

Zwölf  Arten  der  Reue  6,  258 


X. 

•/a?.aü),  /cú.uqÓ:;  10,  79 


EEGISTER 
ZU  DEN  MITTEILUNGEN  AUS  IRISCHEN  HAND- 
SCHRIFTEN VON  K.  MEYER  IN  BAND  III— X. 


Ababón,  a  báidathair  5,  500 

A  Brénaincl,  abair  rium  sin  7,  302 

A  chléirig  an  churaig  cbaiu  10,  341 

A  Choimdiu,  nomcbomét  6,  259 

A  Chríuóc,  cubaid  do  cheól  6,  266 

Acht  CO  saothraib   ar  seirc  De  10,  42 

A  chuirp,  notcbaith  fri  crábud  6,  264 

Adamnán  mac  Rónáin  5,  495 

A  De  dil  10,  51 

A  écsiu  Fail,  fégam  sein  8,  105 

A  Fiacbnae,  uá  raid  in  gáe  8,  217 

A  fir  á  10,  41 

A  iir  tógbas  na  táise  10,  42 

A  fir  uird  na  barilide  10,  44 

Aine  anma  is  chuirp  do  cert  6,  261 

Ainme  fri  cech  ndaidbre  ndaith  9,  167 

Aithne  damh  homa  re  haei  5,  483 

Aitteoch  frit  a  ndechraad  8,  231 

Alaile  céle  De  3,  228 

A  Marbáin,  a  díthriubaig  3,  455 

Au  echtrach  sa  scíath  mo  sgol  10,  344 

Apair  dam-sa  re  Derb  Ail  6,  269 

Apair  rim,  a  Sétna  3,  31 

Apgitir  Crábaid  3,  447 

Araile  domnach  do  Griguir  3,  36 

Araile  felmac  feig  don  Mumain  7,  304 

Araile   sentouu    dochóid    do   chomnai 

6,  259 
Atá  'na  ceist  annso  doréir  Augustin 

5,  497 
Atá  sunn  senchus  nach  súaill  8,  115 
Atbér  múr  do  mathib  3,  37 
Atchíu  dá  choin  ac  congail  3,  41 


Atdius  dáib  a  n-aicned  fír  7,  299 
Atlochumar  buidi  do  Dia  4,  241 
Atlochur  duit,  a  mo  Ei  6,  263 

Babilóin  roclos  hi  céiu  3,  18 
Baile  in  Scáil  3,  457 
Bais  bandruad  8,  104 
Bec  each  tír  is  each  talam  8,  561 
Benaid  bar  cluic  ar  Conall  10,  48 
Beudacht,  a  Bruin,  ar  Brigit  8,  225 
Bendacht  ort,  a  Floinn  Aidne  8,  109 
Bid  maith  fri  foichill  brátha  7,  298 
Bith  i  n-úathad  i  llucc  fo  leith  3,  28 
Bói  rí  amra  airegda  i  nEmain  Macha 

3,  229 
Bói  rí  amra  airegda  i  nluis  Creit  4,  238 
Bói  ri  for  Ultaib  7,  300 
Briuna  Ferchertne  3,  41 
Brugaid  cétach  comramach  7,  307 

Calainn  euáir  for  dardáin  8,  111 
Cath  Siebe  Cain  8,  105 
Celebram,  léigem,  lubram  8,  231 
Ceun  ard  Adaim,  étrocht  rád  3,  23 
Cétaimmser  in  bethad  bind  3,  18 
Cethrar  doraega,  ni  dalb  3,  20 
Cethrar  sagart,  súairc  in  dam  10,  343 
Cethri  feda,  fáth  gin  geis  8,  107 
Cethri  meic  i  nAilinch  10,  42 
Cethri  meic  la  Fergus  10,  42 
Cethri   tucaite   ara   tiagar   do   chrois 

5,  498 
Cétna  amaer  bethad  bind  3, 17 


REGISTER  ZU  DEN  MITTEILUNGEN  AUS  IR.  HSS.,  BAND  III — X.      473 


Cia  cétliaig  robúi  i  iiÉrinn  8,  105 
Cid  is  nesa  do  Dia  4,  23i 
Cid  ile  lat-sa  na  háigid  9,  167 
Cid  imma  ngabthar  trebad  8,  112 
Cid  maith  áiue  is  iruaigthe  7,  298 
Cóica  traiged  tólaib  tlacht  10,  42 
Cóictach,  descipul,  fogiaiutid  5,  499 
Collud  7  sádaile  7,  297 
Colum  Cille  cenu  Albau  10,  340 
Consemdetar  sruithe  Erenu  3,  24 
Congal  Cinu  magair  maith  ri  8,  108 
Cormac  mac  Cuileuuáin  ráiuic  7,  299 
Coróin  do  chur  is  a  ceun  6,  268 
Ciimina  lem  cid  toll  mo  lend  10,  42 
Cumma  lem  etir  8,  110 

Da  cinél  dec  na  liaithrige  6,  258 
Da  mac  dec  Cinuéitig  cháid  8,  119 
Déde  nad  carann  duine  7,  298 
Dia  ard  airlethar  10,  345 
Dia  mbeith  dechelt  tarainne  9,  167 
Dia  mór  dom  imdegail  8,  198;   10,  37 
Dia  na  ndúl  dom  dbidiu  10,  347 
Dia  ndéntar  óeine  cech  lái  10,  42 
Dlegaid  ri  a  riarugud  4,  468 
Dligid  ecna  airmitiu  6,  261 
Dobér  comairle  dom  charait  6,  271 
Dofed  andes  a  udáil  Fiadat  8,  197 
Dofil  aimser  laitbe  mbrátha  8,  195 
Doluid  Bodb  in  réimim  8,  104 
Doluid  Rfianaid  forsin  tain  8,  104 
Domuu  dian  9,  167 
Dorala  for  mo  menmaiu  10,  338 
Dreisfid  in  bith,  bia  for  lassad  9,  107 
Dub  Dúanach  7,  300 
Dumfett  Crist  cuntt  cnmbachta  6,  258 
Dúnchad  úa  Brain  3,  35 

Eiueclaun  na  tri  secbt  ngrád  9, 171 
Éirig  cum  ua  híarmérge  10,  48 
Eochair  chéiUe  coistecht  6,  270 
Eól  dam  aided  erctha  gnim  9,  175 
EÓ1  dam  i  udairib  dréclita  8,  117 
Episcopus  in  t-ebra  8,  113 

Fe  mo  ese  ol  atú  5,  485 
Feclit  u-áeu  doluid  Aed  Dorndiue   8, 
102 


Fecht  n-aile  luid  Sechnall  8,  106 
Fedilmid  espoc  7  ri  Muman  10,  44 
Fedilmid,  Fiachra  febda  10,  42 
Feis  Tige  Becfoltaig  5,  500 
Fergus,  Óengus,  Echaid,  Nathi  10,  43 
Ferr  dála  iná  debaid  6,  260 
Fersaigecht  an  tempuil  tall  9, 172 
Find  mac  Cumaill  ra.  Suailt  8,  560 
Fis  atcbonuairc  Colum  Cille  6,  260 
Flaind  line  uacham  lixaid  8,  107 
Flanu  gach  air,   gacb  n-arad  úarteid 

9,167 
Fled  dorinne  Bresal  m.  Diarmata  7, 305 
Fochen,  a  sciath  búaidnige  3,  255 
For  fáesam,  a  Muire  6,  257 
For  cubus  cáich  légfas  léir  6,  268 
Forfess  Fer  Fálgae  8,  564 
Fráech   mac  Fidaig   di   Chonuachtaib 

4,  32 

Gab  mo  thegasc,  a  Aodh  na  n-ech  10, 48 
Gebe  benus  a  dhúthaigb  10,  50 

largriude  gach  mauaig  6,  271 
larfaigid  lib  cóecait  cest  4,  234 
Imad  fesa  finnad  nech  7,  297 
Imgabáil  émeltiusa  6,  262 
Imroráid  Griguir  Rómae  3,  30 
I  u-aidchi  geine  Crist  cain  5,  24 
I  n-araile  domnuch  do  senóir  3,  33 
I  n-araile  16  úain  fogamair  5,  500 
In  Consaitiu  mac  Elinae  3,  227 
Ind  eclas  naemh  uemda  10,  43 
Inganta  Erenu  uili  5,  23 
lumain  áige  ilbúadach  10,  340 
In  matra  cia  beith  do  gairbe  a  gotha 

3,  34 
In  roghso,  a  Ri  ua  run  10,  45 
Iris  CO  nguim,  accobur  co  feidli  3,  447 
Is  dobrán  re  miniascach  0,  268 
Is  ed  dlegar  don  áes  gáetb  7,  298 
Is  bes  do  mac  De  tacu  7,  297 
Is  é  airde  na  crine  6,  268 
Is  é  mo  sámud  re  mnái  3,  37 
Is  fó  lim-sa  mu  laiget  7,  297 
Is  mairg  tbáirgéba  a  airisue  9,  109 
Is  maith  main  mesrugud  7,  297 
Is  trúag  in  cess  i  mbiaam  9,  160 


474      REGISTER  ZU  DEN  MITTEILUNGEN  AUS  IR.  HSS.,  BAND  III — X. 


La  robói  Conn  i  Temraig  3,  458 
La  n-aeu  robúi  Mac  Coisi  8,  559 
Laudate  Dominum  de  celis  6,  262 
Lepaid  úar  7,  297 
Lesg    amlesg    sinn    gu    Ath    Cliath 

8,  229 
Loch  Febail  Coluim  Cille  7,  303 
Longas  Inbir  Domnaun  10,  843 
Luid  araile  ri  dochum  Temrach  8, 103 
Luid  CúChulaind  dorerim  iubuis  8, 120 
Luid  Deichtir  siur  Conchubair  5,  500 

Mac  atcúala  is  doman  tair  8,  114 
Mac  nach  lium  lithir  form-sa  8,  561 
Macrad  Emno  áilli  slúaig  3,  262 
Mad  bágach  is  míbladach  7,  298 
Mad  comairle  duit  do  ben  7,  298       ' 
M'áenarán  dam  isin  slíab  7,  302 
Mairc  chuindges  ní  for  carait  4,  469 
Mairc  dianad  bés  bithdiultad  7,  298 
Mairc  taircéba  i  n-aimsir  9, 168 
Maith  dán  ecna  6,  261 ;  8, 112 
Marthain  duit,  a  loraird  feil  8,  218 
Mellach    lern    bitli    i    n-ucht    ailiuin 

5,  496 
Mochuta  Rathin  doróine  roinn  3,  32 
Mo  theora  ucsi  forsin  Eíg  7,  308 
Muc  Male  Dathó  lachtraúad  tore  3,  36 

Ná  sir  fis  do  sáegail  súaill  7,  301 
Nech  atcobra  dul  for  nem  7,  310 
Néidi  mac  Onchon  m.  Finnlogha  9, 176 
Ní  dlig  cúairt  nó  cennaigecht  4,  237 
Ni  maith  gorta,  ní  maith  sáith  7,  298 
Nímgeib  format  fri  fer  find  6,  267 
Noiti  gaicles,  glice  scrútus  9, 167 

Ocht  n-airich  go  ngolaige  6,  271 
Oracio  Coluim  Chille  6,  258 

Pádraic  cecinit  anúair  dobris  feirsdi 

10,  340 
Panechte  iucipit  3,  17 


Partraige  Cera  8,  112 
Patricius  benedictionem  8,  560 
Petor  co  treib  luda  áin  8, 107 

Ránag  i  Rachraiun  na  ríg  10,  53 
Regula  Choluimb  Chille  3,  28 
Robad  mellach,   a  mic  mo  Dé  7,  809 
Rochúala  crecha  is  tír  thair  3,  23 
Rogab  Día  deliugud  7,  309 

Samuin  so,  sodham  go  Tadg  8,  222 
'Sa  ráith-sea  rucad  Muire  8,  561 
Scél  in  Minaduir  4,  238 
Scíath  Dé  do  nim  umam  10,  346 
Scíath  ríg  Gáela  glantar  hí  8,  227 
Scuchaid  cách  co  araile  díb  8, 105 
Secht  cóicat  uide  co  mbríg  3,  20 
Sencha  macAilella,  is  é  ba  brethim 

9,  175 
Sesser  is  cóir  i  n-eclais  4,  234 
Simon,  Madian  is  Hatha  7,  299 
Sliocht  sceo  mo  risi  fa  rún  5,  487 

Táin  Bó  Práich  4,  32 
Táin  Bó  Rúanaid  8,  104 
Táthlum  tromm  thenntide  tenn  5,  504 
Tech  óiged  la  comairgi  7,  298 
Temair,  sáer  in  sossad  8,  108 
Tiucfa  aimser  dubach  10,  49 
Tochmarc  Báisi  baudrúad  8,  104 
Tochmarc  Emire  3,  229 
Togail  Sítha  Truim  8,  104 
Tolcc  do  tolcaib  simenn  9, 167 
Tomus  tige  Mec  ind  Ócc  8,  108 
Torach  aitreab  nemnech  naom  10,  341 
Treo  iugen  Taidg  meic  Céin  9,  176 
Tríar  as  mesa  tic  a  clí  10,  338 
Tri  craiun  Éirenn  oiregda  5,  21 
Tri  túatha  fuilet  i  nEirinn  9,  177 
Trúag  lem,  a  Báithín  dil  bias   10,  51 
Tuän  mac  Cairill  rocloa  3,  31 

Uga  Corbniaic  meic  Cuileunáin  10,  45 


Druck  vou  Elirhardt  Karrus  Ü.  iii.  b.  H.  in  Halle  (Saale). 


PB  1001  .Z5  V.IO  SMC 
Zeitschrift  fur  celtische 
Philologie 


Does  Not  Circulate 


'r.K 


■mm